Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Vol. 62, no. 2 (2024), pp. 277-303, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2024.622.277-303

NEGOTIATING IDENTITY AND RELIGIOUS
EXPRESSION IN EARLY CHILDHOOD
A Case Study of SDITs in Lombok, Indonesia
Witriani;* Zusiana Elly Triantini;* Muhrisun;* Emawati**
*
Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University Yogyakarta, Indonesia
**
Universitas Islam Negeri Mataram, Indonesia
email: witriani@uin-suka.ac.id
Abstract
In recent years, Integrated Islamic Elementary Schools (Sekolah Dasar
Islam Terpadu, SDIT) have witnessed significant expansion, particularly in
Indonesia’s urban areas. Targeting urban professionals and the upper-middle
class, these institutions present a novel educational model that integrates
secular and religious instruction. This movement actively disseminates broader
Islamic symbols to the public while conducting specific experiments, such as
the Islamization of formal education. Notably, several SDITs, classified as
elite elementary schools in Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara, exhibit distinct
teaching methodologies and incorporate ideological elements that diverge from
those commonly found in public elementary schools, which are often perceived
as more inclusive. Employing Michel Foucault’s concept of narrative and his
framework of power-knowledge as an analytical lens, this study identifies the
integration of these schools’ curricula as a significant marker of the emergence
of a “new style of Islam” within Indonesia’s educational landscape. This
evolving religious paradigm is characterized by an accelerated incorporation of
Islamic symbols and the narratives of Post-Reform Islam, including pedagogical
approaches that emphasize the teaching of “kaffah” Islam and the cultivation

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Witriani; Z.E. Triantini; Muhrisun; Emawati

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Witriani; Zusiana Elly Triantini; Muhrisun; Emawati

of religious identity from an early age. Educational institutions interpret this
transformation favorably, viewing it as an intersection of economic, ideological,
and religious opportunities.
[Dalam beberapa dekade terakhir, Sekolah Dasar Islam Terpadu (SDIT)
telah mengalami perkembangan signifikan, khususnya di kawasan perkotaan
Indonesia. Lembaga pendidikan ini menyasar kalangan pekerja urban dan
kelas menengah atas dengan menawarkan pendidikan model baru yang
mengintegrasikan pendidikan umum dan agama. Gerakan ini secara aktif
memperkenalkan simbol-simbol Islam yang lebih luas kepada masyarakat,
sekaligus menawarkan pengalaman khas, seperti islamisasi pendidikan
formal. Secara khusus, beberapa SDIT yang dikategorikan sebagai sekolah
dasar elit di Lombok, Nusa Tenggara Barat, menerapkan metode pengajaran
yang unik dengan memasukkan unsur ideologi yang berbeda dibandingkan
dengan sekolah dasar negeri, yang sering dianggap lebih inklusif. Dengan
menggunakan konsep narasi Michel Foucault serta kerangka kerja powerknowledge sebagai alat analisis, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa integrasi
kurikulum di SDIT merupakan salah satu indikator penting dari munculnya
“Islam model baru” dalam lanskap pendidikan di Indonesia. Paradigma
keagamaan yang berkembang ini ditandai oleh akselerasi penggunaan simbolsimbol Islam serta narasi Islam Pasca-Reformasi, termasuk pendekatan
pedagogis yang menekankan pengajaran Islam “kaffah” serta pembentukan
identitas keagamaan sejak usia dini. Institusi pendidikan membaca perubahan
ini secara positif, melihatnya sebagai peluang ekonomi, ideologi, dan keagamaan
yang menguntungkan.]
Keywords: SD IT, ideology, religious expression, religious education
A. Introduction
The discourse surrounding Integrated Islamic Elementary Schools
(Sekolah Dasar Islam Terpadu, SDIT) has long been linked to ideological
shifts within Islam, as observed in various Muslim-majority countries,
such as Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Indonesia.1 The expansion
Helen N. Boyle and Abdenour Boukamhi, “Islamic Education in Morocco”, in
Second Handbook of Information Technology in Primary and Secondary Education, ed. Joke Voogt
et al. (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017), pp. 1–12; Michaela Prokop, “Saudi
Arabia: The Politics of Education”, International Affairs, vol. 79, no. 1 (2003), pp. 77–89;
Karen Bryner, “A New Educational Movement,” Inside Indonesia (September 18, 2011),
https://www.insideindonesia.org/archive/articles/a-new-educational-movement;
Suyatno, “Integrated Islamic Primary School in the Middle-Class Muslims Indonesia
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of Islamic elementary education has contributed to a transformation
in Islamic ideological perspectives among urban Muslim parents, a
phenomenon not confined solely to Muslim-majority nations but also
increasingly evident in Western societies.2 This shift reflects broader
sociopolitical changes, including efforts to reconcile religious education
with modern educational frameworks. Additionally, it highlights how
Islamic schooling serves not only as an academic institution but also as
a medium for shaping religious identity and community belonging from
an early age.
Since the post-Soeharto era, Integrated Islamic Schools have
experienced significant growth, originating from non-formal Islamic
educational initiatives in mosques at Institut Teknologi Bandung (ITB)
and Universitas Indonesia.3 These institutions have evolved from
localized religious study groups into a structured educational movement,
integrating secular and Islamic curricula to cater to the changing needs of
Muslim communities in Indonesia. A study by Noorhaidi argues that the
expansion of integrated Islamic schools reflects the rise of a new Muslim
middle class, keen to express its religious identity while simultaneously
affirming its social standing as globalized, modern Muslims. He further
asserts that, with their high fees and extensive facilities, these schools
offer parents a sense of social prestige and reinforce their identity as
committed Muslims.4 This argument aligns with Pribadi’s research,
which highlights how parents at certain Islamic schools actively seek to
cultivate a ‘true’ Islamic identity, asserting their religious identity as the
most authentic.5 In this context, SDITs have emerged as a new model
for formal education in Indonesia, introducing Islamic institutions and
symbols as integral components of post-reform Muslim middle-class
initiatives within the public sphere.
Recent transformations in Indonesia’s Islamic education
Conception”, Analisa, vol. 22, no. 1 (2015), pp. 121–33.
2
Jaap Dronkers, “Islamic Primary Schools in the Netherlands”, Journal of School
Choice, vol. 10, no. 1 (2016), pp. 6–21.
3
Haidar Putra Daulay and Tobroni, “Islamic Education in Indonesia: A
Historical Analysis of Development and Dynamics”, British Journal of Education, vol.
5, no. 13 (2017), pp. 109-126.
4
Noorhaidi Hasan, “Education, Young Islamists and Integrated Islamic Schools
in Indonesia”, Studia Islamika, vol. 19, no. 1 (2012).
5
Yanwar Pribadi, “Sekolah Islam (Islamic Schools) as Symbols of Indonesia’s
Urban Muslim Identity”, TRaNS: Trans-Regional and National Studies of Southeast Asia,
vol. 10, no. 2 (2022), p. 203.

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landscape have unfolded alongside the rise of religious pragmatism
and the emergence of new models of religious learning facilitated
by social media—developments increasingly regarded by the market
as strategic capital. Azra observes that the Islamic school model has
garnered significant appreciation among urban Muslims, serving as a
key institution for shaping a new generation, particularly those without
ideological affiliations with Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) or Muhammadiyah.6
The increasing popularity of SDIT schools among middle-class Muslims
underscores a growing demand for educational frameworks that
emphasize Islamic values, such as Quran memorization and a Quran- and
Sunnah-based lifestyle, akin to the traditional pesantren system, while
simultaneously upholding modern academic standards. By offering a
holistic educational approach that fosters both intellectual and spiritual
development, these institutions provide an alternative to secular Western
education models, enabling families to impart a faith-based education
without disengaging from modernity.7 SDIT schools represent a distinct
paradigm that redefines conventional religious and contemporary
educational models.
An intriguing case emerges in one of the SDITs in Lombok,
West Nusa Tenggara, where teachers employ distinctive pedagogical
approaches while promoting a unique ideological framework. Although
not officially mandated, the normalization of niqāb-wearing is evident
among older female students—particularly those in grades 4 to 6—who
adopt the practice, reflecting the attire of their teachers. Furthermore,
several contentious terms, such as kafir, jihad, and martyrdom, along with
the phrase ‘ish karīman aw mut shahīdan (live nobly or die as a martyr), are
integrated into school routines through songs and sports jingles. These
elements underscore how teacher modeling functions as a conduit for
ideological transmission within the educational environment.
This study originates from a fundamental inquiry into how early
childhood religious expression within several SDITs in Lombok influences
student identity formation. By examining narratives, pedagogical methods,
and learning materials,8 it seeks to analyze the mechanisms through
Azyumardi Azra and Jamhari, “Pendidikan Islam Indonesia dan Tantangan
Globalisasi: Perspektif Sosio-Historis”, in Mencetak Muslim Modern: Peta Pendidikan Islam
Indonesia (Jakarta: Raja Grafindo Persada, 2006), p. 18.
7
Ibid.
8
Claire Blewitt, et al., “‘It’s Embedded in What We Do for Every Child’: A
Qualitative Exploration of Early Childhood Educators’ Perspectives on Supporting
Children’s Social and Emotional Learning”, International Journal of Environmental Research
6

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which religious values and ideology are internalized among students,
alongside key factors shaping the development of Islamic education in
Indonesia—a landscape increasingly marked by ideological consolidation
and curriculum intensification.9 Grounded in Michel Foucault’s concepts
of narrative and power-knowledge, this study investigates instructional
strategies, learning resources, and student expressions within SDITs,
particularly in Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara. As Foucault asserts,
narratives play a crucial role in constructing knowledge and power within
the discourse produced.10 Furthermore, this study critically examines
SDIT policies and the underlying political ideology driving the expansion
of Islamic education, particularly in institutions that operate under the
Integrated Islamic label as a defining framework.
This qualitative study employs a multi-method approach, integrating
document analysis, semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders—
including government education officials, teachers, civil society leaders,
and religious/cultural figures in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB)—and Focus
Group Discussions (FGDs) conducted across five SDITs. The FGDs
bring together representatives from Islamic civil society organizations,
particularly those affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah,
alongside academics from various universities, including scholars from
State Islamic Universities. Additionally, closed questionnaires are utilized
to examine the motives, ideas, perspectives, and normative frameworks
that shape the religious expression of primary school students.
B. Curriculum Dualism in New Islamic Education Model
SDITs occupy a distinct position within Indonesia’s educational
landscape. While operating under the Ministry of Education and Culture’s
framework, similar to public schools, they place a strong emphasis on
Islamic ethics and values, aligning more closely with the pedagogical
approaches of Islamic schools (madrasah) and traditional Islamic
boarding schools (pesantren). A key distinction lies in their curriculum:
in addition to covering standard public school subjects, SDITs integrate
traditional Islamic disciplines such as Islamic history, fiqh, and theology,
and Public Health, vol. 18, no. 4 (2021).
9
Saparudin and Arhanuddin Salim, “The Rise of Islamic Movements and
Dilemmas for Contemporary Islamic Education: A Study in Lombok, Indonesia”, Issues
in Educational Research, vol. 33, no. 2 (2023).
10
Michel Foucault and Colin Gordon, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other
Writings, 1972-1977 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980).

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reinforcing religious principles through ethical and moral instruction.
These schools have effectively distinguished themselves by branding their
curriculum with flagship programs—including Quran memorization,
Arabic language acquisition, and classical Islamic studies (turāth)—which
have garnered significant support and appreciation from the community.11
A noteworthy development in Lombok is the increasing prevalence
of Islamic elementary schools, with 21 out of 28 private elementary
institutions falling into this category. The strong enthusiasm of the uppermiddle-class community in Mataram for enrolling their children in SDIT
presents valuable opportunities for deeper research into the underlying
motivations. Over the years, the number of such institutions has expanded
across the city, transcending religious affiliations. Urban communities are
particularly drawn to these schools due to their integrated educational
framework, which they perceive as a viable alternative to conventional
models.
Most SDITs in Indonesia emphasize the integration of Islamic
character education within their formal curriculum, guided by a welldefined vision, mission, and strategic objectives. These institutions adopt
specific character values shaped by their interpretation of Islamic character
development, ensuring coherence between pedagogical principles and
religious ideals. This initiative leads to the formal incorporation of Islamic
character values into the curriculum, supported by a comprehensive
integrated syllabus and meticulously designed lesson plans rooted in
Islamic educational frameworks.12
The curriculum serves as the fundamental framework of the
learning system, shaping educational objectives and significantly
influencing student learning outcomes. It also plays a crucial role in
parental decision-making, as parents often seek detailed information
before enrolling their children in a particular school. In SDIT, the
prevailing curriculum model is an integrated approach, seamlessly
synchronizing the national curriculum established by the Ministry of
Education with religious education (al-Islam) and locally relevant content.
This integration is further distinguished by the implementation of a
Muharir, “Resilience, Accommodation and Social Capital Salafi Islamic
Education in Lombok”, Edukasi Islami: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam, vol. 11, no. 1 (2022).
12
Salim Hasan et al., “Management of Character Education at Integrated
Islamic Elementary School, Gowa and Al-Biruni Mandiri Makassar Integrated Islamic
Elementary School: A Multi-Case Study”, International Journal of Multicultural and
Multireligious Understanding, vol. 8, no. 7 (2021), pp. 678–84.
11

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full-day school system, ensuring a structured and immersive learning
experience.13
In Lombok, the curriculum plays a crucial role in shaping parental
decisions regarding enrollment in SDIT programs. This study examines
five prominent integrated Islamic schools in the region: SDIT Abu
Hurairah, SDIT Anak Sholeh, SDIT Al-Iqra, SDIT Abata, and SDIT
Luqman Al-Hakim. Despite their affiliations with different Islamic
organizations, these institutions exhibit shared pedagogical characteristics,
particularly in their implementation of an integrated curriculum and
distinctive teaching methodologies.
1. SDIT Abu Hurairah Mataram
SDITs frequently set educational objectives that extend beyond
conventional academics. Parents select SDIT Abu Hurairah for its
religious curriculum, prioritizing Qur’an memorization, Arabic language
skills, and Islamic values. The school’s expectation that students can
memorize three juz of the Qur’an by graduation underlines this religious
focus. The Vice Director of Public Relations, who is also a school teacher
for 14 years, further explained:
We strongly emphasize the teachings of the six pillars of faith. We teach
the students religious practices, including how to greet others, to love and
respect their parents, and to be sincere. We also strongly emphasize that
children always perform collective prayers in the mosque. Our school
follows the way of teaching and learning from the Qur’an, the Hadith,
which is consistent with the understanding of Madhhab Shafi’i, Imam
Ahmad, Imam Malik, and Abu Hanifa. Teachers have also compiled
special reference books for the religious curriculum. We teach centuriesold books that cover all essential aspects of the religion, such as Nawawī’s
al-Arba‘īn. This book is memorized at the beginner level. For students
who want to memorize three juz of the Quran or more, we offer an
extracurricular class called Taḥfīḍ. In addition, extracurricular activities
and journalism train the students in psychomotor activities, such as martial
arts and magazines.14

He also said that the curriculum at SDIT Abu Hurairah is firmly
grounded in religious principles, focusing on the pillars of Iman derived
Anis Fauzi and Hasbullah Hasbullah, “Pre-Eminent Curriculum in Islamic
Basic School Integrated Comparative Studies in Islamic Basic School Integrated AlIzzah Serang and Al-Hanif Cilegon, Banten, Indonesia”, International Education Studies,
vol. 9, no. 4 (2016), pp. 124–31.
14
Interview with JSH (Vice Mudir), 5 November 2021.
13

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from Hadith and its explanation found in al-Arba‘īn al-Nawawiyyah. Rote
learning is common in many pedagogical and non-pedagogical activities,
including martial arts and journalism. As JSH said, “In the akhlāq
curriculum, we introduce the positive and negative impacts of gadgets.
During the pandemic, we reduced the learning volume but did not change
the learning values of the curriculum; we also conducted online learning
according to government directions.”15. He further explained that all
general subjects are integrated with religious values on the basis that every
teacher, regardless of their subject, must do the da’wah. The vice director
said, “At the beginning of every lesson, we remind children to remember
God and the Apostles’ commandments and obey their parents.”16
This system, particularly its curriculum and teaching methods,
provides students with a rich and well-rounded educational experience.
By adopting an integrated approach, students receive secular knowledge
and spiritual guidance. The school argues that this system enhances
students’ critical thinking and academic excellence and instills moral
values, discipline, and a deep understanding of Islamic principles. This
dual focus also confirms the government’s educational requirements
and fulfills parents’ hopes for their children to develop a strong religious
foundation. As a result, the school’s curriculum serves as a key factor
in attracting families who seek academic excellence and spiritual growth
for their children.
2. SDIT Anak Sholeh
SDIT Anak Sholeh Mataram is under the Ministry of Education and
Culture and has implemented the 2013 curriculum since the 2015/2016
academic year.17 The 2013 curriculum aims to prepare students to be
faithful, productive, creative, innovative, and active and to contribute to
society, nation, State, and world civilization.18 Regarding the philosophical
foundations of the school, one of the teachers says:
The schools, as centers of cultural development, cannot be separated
from the cultural values. Indonesia has cultural values derived from
Pancasila, a philosophy of life for the nation and State, including religious
Ibid.
Ibid.
17
Interview with SA, the vice Headmaster of SDIT Anak Sholeh, 3 November
15
16

2021.

Anak Sholeh Mataram Curriculum for the 2015/2016 Academic Year (Yayasan
Pendidikan Islam Terpadu (YPIT) Ibnu Abbas Mataram, 2015), p. 7.

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values, humanity, unity, peoplehood, and justice. These values are the
philosophical basis for preparing and developing the school curriculum.”19

SDIT Anak Sholeh Mataram is known as one of the pioneers in
developing integrated Islamic schools in Mataram. Through continuous
improvements and innovations, such as the cultural approach to character
education, it emphasizes religion-based students’ daily activities through
rituals and programs such as duḥā prayer (usually performed before
the start of class), Jumat Mubarak (a Friday routine), Sunnah fasting (on
Monday and Thursday), charity, voluntary activities, and the Qur’an
memorization, fostering both spiritual and ethical growth.20
These initiatives resonate with the aspirations of the parents who
actively support the school’s vision of integrating academic objectives
with religious practice. The practice of religious disciplines becomes
part of the student’s daily habits and school culture. The school is
not only seen as a place for teaching-learning processes and academic
achievements but also a model for implementing strong moral values
and strengthening religious identity. Here, SDIT Anak Sholeh Mataram
has successfully created an educational model that appeals to families’
hopes where academic achievement and Islamic identity development
are closely interrelated.
3. SDIT Abata
SDIT Abata Mataram offers several interesting programs, most
notably the taḥfīẓ program. Regarding religious education, SDIT Abata
frequently participates in and wins medals at taḥfīẓ deport tournaments
at both the provincial and national levels. Despite the focus on religious
education, students also excel in secular subjects, with some competing
in and winning international mathematics Olympiads and the National
Science Competition, demonstrating success in both religious and general
education. One of the reasons parents send their children to SDIT Abata
is that they notice positive growth and improvements in their children.
Children at this school come from Middle to upper-class socio-economic
backgrounds. In an interview with Mrs.TR, from the management of the
Abata Foundation, she says:
Alhamdulillah, we have produced a generation that can compete
Ibid., p. 4.
Emawati, “School Culture Program: Implementation of School Innovation in
the Disruption Era in SDIT Anak Sholeh Mataram Lombok”, Jurnal Pendidikan Islam,
vol. 8, no. 1 (2019), pp. 27–47.
19
20

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nationally and worldwide, thanks to the combination of special and
general extracurricular activities and religious curriculum. The curriculum
outlines how Islamic spiritual education disciplines and teaches students
the value of Akhlaq and etiquette. SDIT Abata offers two categories
of extracurricular activities: required and elective. All students must
participate in mandatory extracurricular activities, while thirty kinds of
extracurricular electives exist. Students can select extracurricular activities
and must pay IDR50,000 each month for each one. Some extracurricular
activities include robotics, science club, taekwondo, pencak silat, drum
band, dance, piano, English club, and master of ceremonies. Abata often
holds many events that involve children”.21

SDIT Abata is not affiliated with any particular religious organization
or group and is more independent in determining the curriculum. The
national curriculum is integrated with other religious learning, especially
akhlāq and taḥfīẓ. The school motto, “Abata, Islamic, global-minded,
and cheerful,” aligns with the school’s curriculum, as confirmed, “We
prioritize religious learning, but do not ignore general knowledge so that
both religious and public education run harmoniously.”22
This dual curriculum is considered a success story for SD Abata.
The accomplishments of students participating in competitions and
competing globally are tangible evidence that the school’s integrated
curriculum significantly enhances the students’ quality. Such achievements
validate the educational model’s effectiveness and serve as a compelling
testament to prospective parents to send their children there.
4. SDIT Luqman Al-Hakim
Tahfidz and the Qur’an program are two of the school’s outstanding
offerings that entice parents to enroll their children. The classical tahfidz
approach is employed, in which the recitation is followed by memorization,
which is consistently used at all grade levels (1-6). Aligned with the
Hidayatullah Foundation, the school utilizes the “Tahsin al-Hidayah”
method, a four-volume curriculum that guides Qur’ānic instruction, with
volumes 3-1 serving as prerequisites for volume 4. Beyond academic goals,
the school also focuses on character-building and everyday habits, such
as proper meal etiquette, shoe placement, mosque attendance, and other
habits. Due to the positive changes observed in their children’s attitude,
parents eventually recommend the school to others. As emphasized by
21
22

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Interview with TR, SDIT Abata, 1 November 2021.
Ibid.

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the school’s Principal, the emphasis of education is tawḥīd, ensuring this
fundamental principle is integrated across all academic disciplines. .23 He
explains further:
In addition to studying in class, children may participate in some outdoor
activities based on the homeroom teacher’s guidelines. We have class
forums at every new school, and all parents are welcome to attend to
discuss the curriculum and activities for students in grades 1 through 6.
Learning the Qur’an and coaching akhlak are two of our many important
programs. Children learn essential life skills at school, like organizing
their shoes and praying together. Every Friday, we have extracurricular
activities that include archery, pencak silat, pandu (scouting), and riding.
We also intend to organize extracurricular activities following the
Apostle’s Sunnah. Our curriculum is integrated with the national and
the Hidayatullah curriculum, which serves as a guide. Every subject is
incorporated with tawḥīd and religious values. At the beginning of the
class, we convey teaching values regarding the unity of God. Every
teacher who works with us must be qualified to teach the Qur’an, thus, we
prioritize teachers who can read the Quran during the teacher selection
process. Since the first grade of elementary school, our courses have been
divided based on gender. The class names for men are al-rijāl, and women
are al-nisā’. We use the term “Noble life or sahid death” to encourage the
spirit of the students and ‘ustadz’ and ‘ustadzah’ for the school’s teachers
and instructors.24

This school curriculum emphasizes teaching the Qur’an and
nurturing tawḥīd in most lessons as a bridge between the Hidayatullah
and national curricula. As AH further mentions,“ True learning here
is not just academic mastery, but the development of noble character
and self-sufficiency. Our distinctive sunnah-inspired activities program
--featuring pencak silat, archery, swimming, and horsemanship-- embodies
our holistic approach to nurturing complete individuals”.
This distinctive educational approach has earned the school
recognition within its community. Rooted in the belief that tawḥīd should
be cultivated early through immersive integration across all facets of
learning, both inside and outside the classroom, SDIT Luqman Al-Hakim
effectively addresses this societal demand. By positioning tawḥīd as the
foundation of all subjects, the school challenges the prevailing dichotomy
between “religious” and “secular” knowledge.
23
24

Interview with AH, Head of SDIT Luqman Al-Hakim, 1 November 2021.
Ibid.

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5. SDIT Al-Iqra
Almost similar to other SDITs, the primary reason why parents
are enthusiastic about sending their children to SDIT Al-Iqra is the
education program, including its curricula. This school teaches students
how to live with integrity, such as dhikr, Qur’ānic memorization, and
congregational prayer.
Concerning the curriculum, the Vice Principal says:
The national and Iqra curricula are two curriculum models applied in
SDIT Al-Iqra. The Iqra curriculum emphasizes character education and
the development of religious values in addition to Arabic and English.
The teachers implement the curriculum by setting a positive example for
children. We provide two types of extracurricular activities: required and
voluntary. Our required after-school program is scouts, and among the
extracurricular activities is kasidah.25

SDIT Al-Iqra’s dual-curriculum approach offers a model for
Islamic schools’ goal to balance faith and modernity. Preserving ideology
through the Iqra curriculum while embracing national educational trends
equips students to navigate global and spiritual contexts. However, as
further emphasized by the Vice Principal, while SDIT Al-Iqra implements
the National Curriculum and its periodic revisions, the institution
maintains religious principles as its foundational framework. For instance,
unlike conventional language programs, SDIT Al-Iqra integrates Arabic
and English instruction with Islamic ethics, ensuring students develop
linguistic proficiency and strong moral values.
We always follow curriculum changes as directed by the government.
However, we are more likely to focus on children’s personalities than to
follow the prescribed curriculum. That is why 80% of our curriculum
is based on the Iqra references. Not all educators can include religious
principles in every class. Every time I teach, I integrate it with religious
values.26

All five SDITs observed in Lombok operate on a dual-curriculum
model, integrating the national curriculum with their own institutional
or foundation-based curricula. This parallel approach allows the schools
to meet government educational standards while preserving their unique
Islamic character. However, the development of their religious curricula
is significantly influenced by their respective affiliations—whether with
25
26

288

Interview with SD, SDIT Al-Iqra’, 5 November 2021.
Ibid.

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national Islamic organizations, local foundations, or independent entities.
C. Patterns of Religious Value Internalization in SDIT within the
Lombok Context
The growth of SDIT in Indonesia is a notable trend. Several studies
indicate that this phenomenon is closely linked to the wave of Islamist
proliferation since the 1990s, including Salafism.27 Moreover, the dual
nature of Indonesian education, which separates the areas of religious
and secular education, has been instrumental in fostering innovative
educational models that respond to evolving societal demands.28 Through
the integrated learning approach that develops students’ cognitive,
emotional, and spiritual dimensions (fikriyah, ruhiyah, and jasadiyah), SDITs
are transforming Indonesia’s educational paradigm. These institutions are
redefining Islamic education by simultaneously challenging conventional
models such as Madrasahs and pesantren but competing with public
schools’ academics. This portrayal is seen as unique educational hybrids
that combine the Islamic values of madrasahs, the character-building of
boarding schools, and the academic competitiveness of public schools.
In the context of Lombok, SDIT opens the discourse on the
complexity of the teaching and learning process, especially those related
to internalizing religious values. Selecting an SDIT is a solution to parents’
limitations in providing insight and religious education for their children.
SDITs are generally considered high-income institutions. In Mataram,
for example, admission fees typically range from 3 to 12 million rupiah,
with monthly fees between 350,000 and 1,200,000 rupiah. It clarifies that
the Middle to upper class of society is the focus and target consumers
for these schools, most of which are found in urban locations where
different racial and ethnic groups, occupations, social backgrounds, and
even religious affiliations converge.
This research shows that integrated Islamic schools have effectively
Noorhaidi Hasan, “The Salafi Madrasas of Indonesia,” in The Madrasa In
Asia Political Activism And Traditional Lingkages, ed. Farrish Noor, Yongider Sikand, and
Martin van Bruinessen (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2008); Saparudin,
“Salafism, State Recognition and Local Tension: New Trends In Islamic Education in
Lombok”, Ulumuna, vol 21, no. 1 (2017), p. 81-107.
28
For SDIT under Jaringan Sekolah Islam Terpadu (JSIT), founded by Gerakan
Tarbiyah, assumed the task of teaching Islam must be a comprehensive and integral unit
(shumūliyah), as a resistance to secular, dichotomous (juz’iyyah) understanding; Marwazi
and M. Husnul Abid, “Traditional Madrasah, State Policies and the Rise of Integrated
Islamic Schools in Jambi”, Journal of Indonesian Islam, vol. 15, no. 1 (2021), pp. 75–102.
27

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established a new model for educational investment. Parents of SDIT
students in Mataram have attested to this in various ways. While integrating
religious and secular knowledge is common, each school implements a
unique curriculum tailored to its specific objectives. This curriculum is
key in how each school integrates and applies religious principles.
The research identifies three distinct patterns of religious value
internalization within these schools. The first is deep and comprehensive
internalization, where religious values are systematically integrated into a
structured curriculum targeting students, teachers, and parents through
scheduled programs. The second pattern, thorough internalization,
relies on active parental involvement, particularly through tools like
liaison books that track students’ Quranic recitation at home, ensuring
continuity between school and family in reinforcing religious norms.
Finally, described internalization tailors religious learning to students’
preferences by incorporating values into extracurricular activities, making
religious engagement more appealing. These patterns demonstrate how
SDITs employ institutional, familial, and student-centered strategies to
cultivate religious identity early on. In this context, the role of parents
determines the choice of students’ programs. These three patterns impact
the curriculum, internalization goals, and activity formats.
In the first pattern of internalization, parents and families play
an active role in providing faith-based values to their children as part of
the deep and comprehensive internalization pattern of Islamic religious
concerns. This process is reinforced through structured activities regularly
Pattern of
Internalization
A deep and
comprehensive
internalization
Thorough
internalization

Described
internalization

Curriculum

Target

Activities

Ministry of
Education,
JSIT, Hidden
Curriculum
Ministry of
Education
and School
Foundation
Ministry of
Education
and School
Foundation

Teachers,
students,
education staff,
parents
Teachers,
students,
education staff,
parents
Teachers,
students,
education staff,
parents

Teaching learning at
schools, Extracurricular
Activities, Mabit,
Training
Teaching learning at
school, Study Forum,
Liaison books for
parents and teachers
Teaching learning at
schools, Extracurricular
Activities

Figure 1: Patterns of Religious Value Internalization
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organized for parents, ensuring continuity between home and school.
Furthermore, the institution employs a cadre system, a phased approach
to internalizing religious values that includes instructors, staff, and
extended family members, such as grandparents and mothers, thereby
embedding religious consciousness across generations.
In the second pattern, religious ideals are internalized through a
collaboration of teachers, parents, and institutional tools. In this model,
parents play an essential role by guiding their children through faith-based
learning activities, such as Qur’an memorization (tahfīẓ) and sunnah
prayers, ensuring continuity between school and home. To facilitate this
partnership, schools provide structured resources like parent-teacher
link books and digital platforms, enabling consistent communication
and tracking student activities progress. Importantly, this internalization
process is intentionally designed within the school’s curricular framework,
engaging students, educators, and staff in a shared ecosystem of religious
growth.
The described internalization refers to the school’s formal
curriculum, in which the process only includes students, educational
staff, and school teachers. However, this model demonstrates precise
ideological alignment with specific Islamic organizations, including
Hidayatullah, PKS (Prosperous Justice Party), Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia,
and Salafi networks (Ibn Abbas). Although none of the five SDITs in
Mataram state officially belong to or are affiliated with organizations
or political parties, these connections manifest implicitly through three
key dimensions: (1) organizational structures and symbols adopted by
the schools, (2) shared narratives in curricular materials and pedagogical
approaches, and (3) ideological and socio-political perspectives promoted
within the educational environment.
D. Narrative Map of Internalization of Religious Values
As previously discussed, the internalization of religious values
is manifested not only through curricular frameworks and structured
educational systems but also through habituation within a shared
religious ecosystem, particularly through religious narratives. Research
findings indicate that Islamist narratives—centered on concepts such as
monotheism, visions of paradise, the practice of niqāb, and martyrdom—
are disseminated through multiple channels. These narratives are
transmitted via (a) media (books, pamphlets, and online platforms), (b)
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Narrative
Tawḥīd

Method
Curriculum

Longing for
paradise

Interactive

Activities
Learning
Process
Preaching

Niqāb

Rules

School rules

Martyrdom

Symbolic
instructive

Extracurricular,
sports, scouts

Acceptance
Implemented by teachers
and students
Compact and Active
(has been happening for
a long time)
Forbid, appeal,
unconstrained
Students carry out the
instruction well

Figure 2: Narrative Map of Religious Value Internalization
physical spaces and social settings (such as recitation sessions and ḥalaqah
gatherings), (c) rituals and organized activities (including ceremonies
and charitable engagements), and (d) interpersonal relationships (among
teachers, parents, and student guardians). Moreover, these distribution
mechanisms are deeply interconnected and mutually reinforcing. The
narratives are systematically structured and conveyed through direct
instructional guidance, symbolic messaging embedded within narrative
practices, and interactive methodologies integrated into the curriculum.
This multi-layered approach underscores the complexity of ideological
transmission within SDIT institutions.
The internalization of religious values among students is profoundly
influenced by active parental engagement in reinforcing faith-based
education. The collaborative relationship between schools and families is
often assessed through observable outcomes of institutional programs,
such as sunnah fasting, encouragement of charitable giving, and consistent
worship practices, particularly daily prayer. These behavioral indicators
illustrate how structured educational initiatives, when complemented by
engaged parenting, effectively cultivate children’s adherence to Islamic
principles and shape their religious identity.
A key indicator of success within the SDIT education system is
the attainment of Quran memorization, a milestone often observed
and valued by parents. As one parent remarked, “My child memorized
three juz at first,” highlighting its transformative impact on family
dynamics and social interactions. While SDITs effectively facilitate the
internalization of religious values, research suggests that this process may
be transient unless students remain within the institutional framework.
Moreover, the absence of sustained parental involvement in reinforcing
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religious education after graduation contributes to the gradual erosion of
values instilled during primary schooling. Given students’ diverse social
backgrounds, individual family responses to religious internalization
vary; however, institutions offering secondary and high school education
provide a continuous and structured framework for reinforcing Islamic
values, ensuring their deeper and more sustained integration. In such
cases, the foundational religious socialization established in Integrated
Islamic Elementary Schools serves as a crucial basis for long-term
ideological and spiritual development.
1. Religious Expression of SDIT Students: Symbols and Substance
In contemporary Indonesia, SDITs represent a convergence of
education, religious identity, and nationalist discourse. At multiple levels,
these institutions exhibit traits of religious conservatism, propagate
Islamist ideas, and cultivate a new generation of Muslims expected
to spread their beliefs, advocate for Islamic law, and contribute to the
formation of an ideal Islamic society. Simultaneously, SDITs actively
express a distinct form of nationalism shaped by their interpretation
of Islam. 29 For some urban middle-class Muslims influenced by
Salafism, religion functions as a central aspect of identity, serving as
both a foundation for social connections and a defining framework
for self-perception. Islamic schools are often perceived as sanctuaries,
offering a “true” Islamic environment that fosters personal and spiritual
development.30 This research in Lombok examines how these dynamics
manifest in student religiosity, highlighting both the effectiveness and
limitations of internalization models within diverse sociocultural settings.
As discussed earlier, tawḥīd concepts, such as heaven and hell,
martyrdom, and other doctrinal expressions, serve as effective mechanisms
for internalizing Islamic values. This form of narrative teaching functions
as a mode of moral discipline for students, reinforcing religious principles
through the analogy of divine reward and punishment. Drawing from
Hall’s interpretation of Foucault, these narratives constitute discourse,
wherein meaning is temporarily stabilized, structured within language
An understanding of SDIT is that the integration of nationalistic and religious
values is an indicator of Muslims who obey their religion due to Islam itself, the love
of the State as a part of God’s order; Akhsanul Fuadi and Suyatno, “Integration of
Nationalistic and Religious Values in Islamic Education: Study in Integrated Islamic
School,” Randwick International of Social Science Journal, vol. 1, no. 3 (2020), pp. 555–70.
30
Pribadi, “Sekolah Islam (Islamic Schools)”, pp. 203–18.
29

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and practice, and ultimately contributes to the production of knowledge.31
Through this process, discourse not only shapes students’ perceptions
but also informs the broader construction of material realities and social
norms.
Similarly, the narratives and daily practices of SDIT students
constitute what Foucault termed a discursive regime that systematically
constructs, legitimizes, and reproduces specific forms of Islamic
knowledge.32 Since discourse provides a manner of speaking in the same
way about a particular topic with a motive or set of ideas, practices, and
forms of knowledge that are repeated throughout the arena of activity,
then any person or group can form discourse. Foucault argues that
discourse regulates what can be said under certain cultural and social
conditions and who speaks, when, and where.
It is apparent how narrative discourse is produced and becomes
knowledge for the students. This discursive formation, manifest in
classroom interactions, school rituals, and peer socialization, not only
shapes students’ cognitive paradigms but also regulates the conditions
under which religious truth claims can be articulated, by whom, and
in what contexts. As previously explained, the concept of ‘heaven,’
martyrdom, and jihad conveyed in classrooms, at morning flag ceremonies,
games, and sports eventually becomes knowledge internalized in students’
thoughts, behavior, and actions. As stated by one of the teachers, “The
lessons we teach are more focused on instilling the values ​​of tawḥīd; for
instance, SDIT Luqman Al-Hakim has the motto of ‘noble life or die
as sahid’. 33 The school intentionally integrates monotheistic values into
all its subjects, emphasizing the importance of these values, which are
rooted in the Islamic foundation to provide strong religious guidance.34
An important aspect of internalizing Islamic values ​​is how
knowledge production is related to power relations. Following Foucault’s
argument, power is not about who is powerful and where it comes from
but is related to exercising power and how it operates. The concept
of power in modern society is not sovereign but disciplinary power.
Disciplinary power is not the concept of power possessed by authority
to control others but functions in and towards every social, economic,
Stuart Hall, “Foucault: Power, Knowledge and Discourse”, in Discourse Theory
and Practice: A Reader (London: SAGE, 2001), pp. 72–5.
32
Ibid., p. 74.
33
Interview with AH, SD Luqman Al-Hakim, 21 November 2021.
34
Ibid.
31

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family, and sexual relation. Power in this context is not about the
legality of actions and punishments in controlling others but about
the normalization of behavior designed by utilizing the productive and
reproductive capabilities of the body.35
As previously described, the internalization pattern of religious
values is part of exercising power conducted in SDIT. A comprehensive
method and spectrum in internalizing a school’s ideology are not only seen
as a school’s regulation but also as a school culture. As stated by one of
the SDIT teachers, the ideology’s internalization is reflected through the
curricula and school activities involving students, teachers, and parents.
As mentioned by AH at SDIT Luqman Al-Hakim:
In general, our school focuses on how to teach the Qur’an, the sound
hadiths of the apostle, with the understanding of Imam Syafii, Imam
Ahmad, Imam Malik, and Abu Hanifah, which refers to how the practice
of the Prophet’s Sahabah. The teachers compile a particular book for
the religious curriculum as a reference. We also teach hundreds of years
old books, such as Al-Arbaūn al-Nawawiyyah by Imam Nawawi, which
covers all the main topics of religion. The book is memorized at the
primary school level. We have extracurricular taḥfīẓ for students who
want to memorize more than three juz, Arabic language, journalism, and
activities to form psychomotor skills such as self-defense.36

A distinct educational model is also seen at SDIT Abu Hurairah,
where internalization extends beyond students to systematically
engage teachers, staff, and parents in a unified framework. The school
institutionalizes this approach through regular community assemblies
that reinforce shared ideological commitments, effectively binding all
stakeholders to the institution’s philosophical foundations, as stated by
one of the teachers, JSH:
The school’s commitment to these values extends beyond students to all
staff. Teachers and other personnel participate in biannual workshops
(daurah) led by Middle Eastern professors. These workshops focus on
classical Islamic texts, examining their teachings on creed and education.
Monthly meetings with staff provide further guidance; occasionally,
external education experts are brought in for additional training. The
training focuses on the Qutub qoratiyah, namely the books by ancient
scholars from which we examine the side of aqīdah and tarbiyyah. Every
month, we hold meetings with teachers and employees to provide a
Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality: An Introduction (New York: Vintage
Books, 1990), pp. 93–4.
36
Interview with AH, SDIT Luqman Al-Hakim, 21 November 2021.
35

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debriefing. Sometimes, education experts are also invited to train the
teachers.37

The above data reveals how the internalization of Islamic values
operates simultaneously across multiple layers, where discursive practices
are embedded in curricula, classroom dynamics, daily rituals, and peer
networks. This Foucauldian framework demonstrates how institutional
discourse shapes students’ cognitive paradigms and regulates the
conditions under which religious truth claims and expression can be
articulated, by whom, and in what contexts. Such regulation produces
an internalization process where values could be absorbed differentially,
either as doctrinal imperatives or social compliance.
Similarly, as Hall cites Foucault,38 the concept of the truth regime—
or what is perceived as the truth within disciplinary modernity—entails
power relations where knowledge functions as a form of power, shaping
subjectivity. In the context of education, the internalization of narrative
symbols within the school learning process transforms into ideology.
Althusser further emphasizes that ideology plays a fundamental role
in shaping the subject, not as an autonomous agent but as a product
of structural forces. For him, the moment we enter the symbolic order
(language) and develop our identity as subjects is intrinsically tied to the
workings of ideology.39
2. Islamic Identity
Cultivating a strong Islamic identity is a defining feature of SDITs,
manifested through distinctive uniforms, faith-integrated curricula, and
structured religious practices. This includes the integration of religious
and general sciences, the Qur’an memorization, and other supporting
activities. As noted earlier, this intentional identity formation is a primary
motivation for parents, particularly urban, upper-middle-class families
who seek an education that harmonizes religious and secular knowledge.40
For SDIT, the embedded identity confirms the role and
Interview with JSH, SDIT Abu Hurairah, 5 November 2021.
Hall, “Foucault: Power”, pp. 72–5.
39
Chris Barker, Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice, 2nd edition (London: SAGE,
2006), pp. 59–60.
40
Urban Communities in Lombok see the SDIT’s concepts and practices
fulfill their expectations; Emawati, “Integrated Islamic Schools: Emergent Property,
Branding, and Expectations of Urban Communities in Lombok,” Proceedings of the 2nd
International Conference on Islam, Science, and Technology (ICONIST 2019) (Mataram: Atlantis
Press, 2020), pp. 166–71.
37
38

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internalization of the ideology. Giddens stated that identity is formed
by the ability to perpetuate a narrative about the self, something we
create that is always in the process rather than something that comes
suddenly.41 Identity projects shape what we think of ourselves today
regarding our past and present situations, what we think we want, and
the trajectory of future expectations. In addition to the curriculum and
teaching, another identity that appears in the representation of Islam is
the physical appearance/school uniform. Of the five schools observed,
Muslim clothing is one of the characteristics of Islamic schools, the same
as other Islamic schools, such as Muhammadiyah and NU.
Moreover, the increasing adoption of the niqāb among female
students in certain Salafi-affiliated SDITs, particularly in upper grades,
reflects a nuanced interplay between institutional influence and identity
formation. While these schools formally adhere to the national
curriculum, they also employ strategies to disseminate Salafi doctrines,
fostering an educational environment where specific interpretations of
Islamic practice become culturally ingrained. Notably, the niqāb’s adoption
often occurs organically through social acculturation rather than formal
policy, as students emulate teachers and parents who model Salafi norms.
This phenomenon aligns with Giddens’ theory of identity as a socially
constructed process, wherein the niqāb transcends individual choice
to serve as a marker of collective identity within the school’s cultural
framework. Functioning both as a theological symbol and a social text, it
reinforces group belonging while subtly advancing Salafi ideals through
the ‘hidden curriculum.’42 It is intriguing to observe how the niqāb
contributes to a constructed atmosphere that fosters a shared identity
and is even perceived as part of the school’s culture.
E. Concluding Remarks
This research highlights the significant growth of public interest
in SDIT, which has directly influenced the increasing number of these
schools over time. In the earlier framework of Islamic-based education
in Indonesia, the integration of religious and general knowledge was
predominantly implemented in Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) and
Anthony Giddens, Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern
Age (Stanford, Calif: Stanford Univ. Press, 2003), p. 70.
42
Jamhari Makruf and Saifudin Asrori, “In the Making of Salafi-Based Islamic
Schools in Indonesia”, Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 60, no. 1 (2022), pp.
227–64.
41

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institutions affiliated with Islamic organizations. SDITs adopt and modify
this model by introducing distinct educational concepts. Unlike traditional
pesantren, where Arabic instruction and Qur’an memorization are not
necessarily prioritized, SDITs establish these components as compulsory
elements of their curriculum. Qur’an memorization, in particular, is
widely regarded as a flagship program across SDIT institutions, including
those in Lombok. Consequently, this phenomenon serves as a key
indicator of the emergence of a “new style of Islam” within Indonesia’s
evolving educational landscape.
The new style of Islam identified in this research represents
an accelerated approach to religiosity among elementary school-age
children, implemented through specialized programs designed to provide
religious foundations from early ages.43 This trend has gained significant
traction among parents, particularly working families, who perceive
these programs as essential in compensating for their limited time and
capacity to personally guide their children’s religious development.
Educational institutions interpret this demand as a convergence of
economic, political, ideological, and religious opportunities, shaping
their curricular and pedagogical strategies accordingly. The process of
internalization within each school directly influences students’ religious
understanding and character formation, as well as the broader religious
orientation of their families. Among the three internalization patterns
identified—thorough and deep internalization, thorough internalization,
and described internalization—the first pattern proves to be the most
influential. Given its extensive scope, it exerts a wider impact on both
the school community and the families of enrolled students, reinforcing
a distinct mode of religious socialization in the educational landscape.44
SDIT receives state support to implement a dual curriculum model,
integrating the national curriculum from the Ministry of Education and
Culture with a specialized curriculum developed by individual foundations
or SDIT networks. Notably, the administrative process for establishing
these schools is more streamlined compared to founding a Madrasah
Ibtidaiyah, an Islamic elementary school under the jurisdiction of the
Regarding the new Islam style, see Muhammad Wildan and Witriani in
“Popular Piety in Indonesia: ‘Aestheticization’ and Reproduction of Islam”, Ilahiyat
Studies, vol. 12, no. 2.
44
See also the post-dogmatic style in Amin Abdullah, “Intersubjective Type of
Religiosity: Theoretical Framework and Methodological Construction for Developing
Human Sciences in a Progressive Muslim Perspective” in Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic
Studies, vol. 58, no. 1 (2020), pp.63-102.
43

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Ministry of Religious Affairs. Despite their explicit focus on religious
values, SDITs remain outside the direct supervision of the Ministry
of Religious Affairs, including in matters concerning their curriculum
development. This research offers an academic reflection on the
implications of this framework, highlighting that while the internalization
of Islamic values in SDITs is not inherently categorized as a vulnerable
process, their continued expansion warrants particular attention. The
internalization of religious principles—especially those rooted in Islamic
teachings—has the potential to serve as a foundational element in the
emergence of a new generation of Islamism in Indonesia whose embryo
is an Integrated Islamic School.

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