Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Vol. 62, no. 2 (2024), pp. 363-385, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2024.622.363-385

EXPANDING RELIGIOUS FREEDOM THROUGH
ORGANIZATIONAL FORMS
Kebatinan, Sufism and the Global Growth Movement in
Indonesia’s Spiritual Training Industry
Ahmad Muttaqin* and Priyambudi Sulistiyanto**
*
Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta,
Indonesia
**
Flinders University, Australia
email: ahmad.muttaqin@uin-suka.ac.id
Abstract
In Indonesia, the practice of religious freedom remains deeply contested, with
marginal spiritual movements often subject to stricter limitations than their
officially recognized counterparts. This paper investigates two hybrid spiritual
groups in contemporary Indonesia, Bhakti Nusantara and Bionergi, based
in Yogyakarta, which integrate elements of Javanese spiritual traditions
(Kebatinan), Sufism, and facets of the Global Growth Movement. Despite
their syncretic practices, these organizations occupy a distinctive social position
that grants them greater latitude in religious and spiritual expression. By
comparing them with other fringe spiritual movements that have faced criticism
and blasphemy charges, this paper argues that their status as spiritual or
religious corporations enables them to enjoy broader freedoms. This distinction
highlights the complexities of religious freedom and its dynamic governance in
Indonesia, where the legal and social treatment of spiritual groups can vary
significantly depending on their organizational shape and social location.
[Di Indonesia, praktik kebebasan beragama tetap menjadi isu yang masih

https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/
© 2024
A. Muttaqin and P. Sulistiyanto

ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2338-557X (e)
Al-Jami‘ah Research Centre, Yogyakarta - Indonesia
https://aljamiah.or.id

Ahmad Muttaqin and Priyambudi Sulistiyanto

sering diperdebatkan dan gerakan spiritual marginal sering kali mendapat
tantangan yang lebih berat dibandingkan kelompok keagamaan resmi.
Makalah ini mengkaji dua kelompok spiritual hibrida di Indonesia
kontemporer, Bhakti Nusantara dan Bionergi, yang berbasis di Yogyakarta,
yang mengintegrasikan elemen tradisi spiritual Jawa (Kebatinan), Tasawuf,
dan elemen-elemen dari Global Growth Movement. Meskipun bersifat
sinkretik, dua kelompok ini mempunyai posisi sosial unik. Konfigurasi
organisasi yang unik memberi mereka kebebasan yang lebih luas dalam
mengekspresikan praktik keagamaan dan spiritual. Dibandingkan dengan
gerakan-gerakan spiritual pinggiran lain yang sering mendapat kritik dan
tuduhan penodaan agama, dua kelompok ini dengan status sebagai korporasi
spiritual mendapat kebebasan yang lebih luas. Temuan ini menandakan
kompleksitas dan dinamika tata kelola kebebasan beragama di Indonesia,
bahwa ragam perlakukan kebebasan yang didapat secara sosial dan legal
suatu kelompok spiritual turut ditentukan oleh bentuk organisasi dan lokasi
sosialnya.]
Keywords: religious institution, syncretism, spiritual enterprise, religious
freedom.
A. Introduction
Before 1965, syncretism1 was prominently evident in many
of Indonesia’s most popular religious movements, particularly those
associated with the Kebatinan tradition. These Kebatinan groups typically
emphasized several key characteristics: a focus on attaining gnosis
(mystical insight) or harnessing its by-products, such as supernatural
powers; the reception of new wahyu (revelations) or the development of
alternative metaphysical systems; an eclectic approach that drew on local
It should be noted here that the word “syncretism” may lead to various
meaning indicating controversy on its historical meaning, usage, level and context in the
scholarly discourses. One of the best discussion on syncretism in the arena of religion
is a book by Anita Maria Leopold and Jeppe Sinding Jensen, Syncretism in Religion: A
Reader, 1st edition (New York: Routledge, 2004). The book, among other, categorizes
definition of syncretism into two, “the notion of Syncretism” and “the phenomenon
of syncretism”. The book also offers three analytical level of syncretism: the social,
cognitive and semiotic. The phenomenon of syncretism discussed in this paper can
be seen either from social level of syncretism in which the phenomena are related to
power relations in society or cognitive level when the process of the production of
syncretism is part of transformation and innovation of religious/spiritual meanings
in their new context.
1

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cultures, principally the Javanese spiritual tradition (Kejawen), alongside
major world religions, notably Islam, Christianity, and Indic traditions;
and the practice of distinctive spiritual rites and metaphysical doctrines.
The Kebatinan movements resonated particularly with the educated
elite, such as the priyayi (the nobility and bureaucratic class), intellectuals,
and national figures, while also garnering substantial followings among
laborers and farmers. Proponents regarded Kebatinan’s teachings as
harmoniously aligned with the civic duty of Indonesian citizens to
cultivate Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa (belief in the One Supreme Godhead),
the first principle of the Pancasila. Serving as the ideological foundation
of the Indonesian state, the Pancasila encompasses five pillars: belief in
one God; just and civilized humanity; the unity of Indonesia; democracy;
and social justice, with its principles firmly enshrined in the Preamble of
the 1945 Constitution.
In 1965, the Indonesian government issued Presidential Decree No.
1/1965, mandating that Kebatinan groups “return to their origins” by
aligning themselves with one of the officially recognized world religions.
This decree produced several significant outcomes. First, it formally
delineated legitimate religions in Indonesia as Islam, Protestantism,
Catholicism, Hinduism, and Buddhism.2 Second, it established a policy of
“delimited pluralism”,3 effectively criminalizing the mixing of different
religious traditions. Third, it paved the way for prosecuting individuals
accused of “falsely using” or “defaming” one of these recognized
religions. Under the framework of the blasphemy law, several fringe
religious groups were banned or disbanded, and their leaders, such as
Lia Eden of the Salamullah group and Ahmad Mosadeq of GAFATAR,
were prosecuted and imprisoned.4
In 2009, Indonesia’s Constitutional Court rejected an appeal to
review the longstanding legislation (Law No. 1/PNPS/1965 and its
ratifying regulation from 1969) that prohibits the free combination of
elements from different religious traditions. This decision effectively
In 2000, Presidential Decree No. 6/2000 includes Confucianism as one of
official religions in Indonesia.
3
Julia D. Howell, “Muslims, the New Age and Marginal Religions in Indonesia:
Changing Meanings of Religious Pluralism”, Social Compass, vol. 52, no. 4 (2005), pp.
473–93.
4
“Lia Eden Divonis 12 Tahun”, detikNews (2 Jun 2009), https://news.detik.com/
berita/d-1141615/lia-eden-divonis-2-tahun-6-bulan; Anita Permata Dewi, “Pemimpin
Gafatar Divonis Lima Tahun Penjara”, Antara (17 March 2017), https://www.antaranews.
com/berita/616557/pemimpin-gafatar-divonis-lima-tahun-penjara#google_vignette.
2

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reinforced the so-called blasphemy laws that criminalize not only nonmainstream interpretations of recognized religions but also any blurring
of their doctrinal boundaries. Originally, this legislation was designed
to target mystical groups (golongan kebatinan) characterized by their
mixed religious practices, compelling their members to revert to one
of the officially recognized religions. As a result, numerous groups and
individuals, both historically and in recent years, have faced prosecution
under this legal framework.
However, in 2018 the Constitutional Court accepted a judicial
review concerning the right of Kebatinan and other indigenous religious
practitioners to leave the religion column blank on their state-issued
ID cards, and it permitted the use of the designation “Penghayat”
(adherent of Kebatinan). This 2018 ruling offered a glimmer of hope
to Kebatinan followers and other local religious communities formally
recognized by the state. Nonetheless, implementation remains uneven at
the grassroots level. Local officials often hesitate to facilitate changes to
ID cards for adherents of Kebatinan and other indigenous practices. As
noted by Hilmar Farid, the Director General of Culture at the Ministry
of Education, Culture, Technology, and Higher Education, a limited
understanding of these new regulations at sub-district levels continues
to pose significant barriers.5
Various scholars have explored Indonesia’s blasphemy law
controversy. Hasan argues that the law fundamentally hinders the state’s
capacity to manage religious diversity and freedom effectively.6 Meanwhile,
contemporary research on spiritual movements, particularly Kebatinan
groups, has gained significant attention. For example, Muttaqin explores
the evolution of the terms “spiritual” and “spiritualitas” in describing local
spiritual expressions like Kebatinan, as well as their broader incorporation
within Indonesia’s official religions.7 Similarly, Suciati examines how
Javanese Muslims integrate Pangestu’s Kebatinan teachings to address
5 Antara, “Kemendikbud Ungkap Kurangnya Pemahaman Aparatur Jadi Hambat
KTP Penghayat”, detikNews (19 Jul 2023), https://news.detik.com/berita/d-6830772/
kemendikbud-ungkap-kurangnya-pemahaman-aparatur-jadi-hambat-ktp-penghayat).
6
Noorhaidi Hasan, “Religious Diversity and Blasphemy Law: Understanding
Growing Religious Conflict and Intolerance in Post-Suharto Indonesia”, Al-Jāmi‘ah:
Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 55, no. 1 (2017), pp. 105-26.
7
Ahmad Muttaqin, “Islam and the Changing Meaning of Spiritualitas and
Spiritual in Contemporary Indonesia”, Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 50, no.
1 (2012), pp. 23-56.

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their socio-economic and spiritual needs.8 Furthermore, Zuhri’s study of
Javanese literature indicates that while a blend of Islamic and Javanese
cultural practices may occur, such syncretism rarely extends into their
theological realms.9
In today’s increasingly commercialized landscape, products and
practices synthesized from diverse sources, ranging from officially
recognized religions and indigenous traditions to elements of the global
growth movement, circulate with relative freedom. This paper explores
this phenomenon by examining two local providers of spiritualized
personal development training alongside two nationally well-known
enterprises that similarly draw on Sufi heritage and popular science to
construct an ambivalently non-denominational form of spirituality,
tailored for consumers from various religious backgrounds. In addition,
we draw parallels between these contemporary commercial groups
and the earlier non-commercial Kebatinan communities, highlighting
the different dimensions through which each may be understood as
possessing a syncretic character. The analysis also considers the conditions
that sustain the viability of modern spiritual training providers within
Indonesia’s current legal framework, placing particular emphasis on their
status as fully registered business entities. Key questions guiding our
inquiry include: Where does the social and commercial space for these
spiritual enterprises lie in today’s Indonesia? And why have they continued
to operate despite their apparent departure from the government’s
reaffirmed policy of delimited religious pluralism and their promotion
of practices historically associated with klenik (occultism)?
B. Syncretism in the Social History of Religious Movements
In Indonesian religious discourse, the concept of syncretism is
highly problematic, often implying that certain religious teachings and
practices are inauthentic. There is an expectation that religious traditions
should remain distinct and untainted by external cultural or religious
influences. Mainstream groups frequently regard syncretism as a deviation
from proper religious practice. The term “syncretism” carries at least two
significant connotations. First, it embodies the theological assumption
S. Suciati, “The Cohesiveness of Muslim Pangestu Members in Salatiga, Central
Java”, Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 52, no. 1 (2014), pp. 85-99.
9
Zuhri, “Beyond Syncretism: Evidence of the Vernacularization of Islamic
Theological Terms in Javanese Literature in the 19th Century”, Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of
Islamic Studies, vol. 60, no. 2 (2022), pp. 373-98.
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that blended traditions are inherently “impure” or “inauthentic”. In this
view, a true religion is seen as a unique divine revelation with distinct
teachings, and any intermingling with elements from other traditions
is perceived as a departure from that divine truth. Second, the term
is deployed rhetorically by those who claim to represent the authentic
spiritual interests of believers within specific social and historical contexts.
This rhetorical use, primarily championed by pre-modern reformist
movements in both Christianity and Islam, is deeply rooted in colonial
legacies. These legacies have promoted notions that syncretism is almost
synonymous with superstition, that superior European Christian cultures
have advanced beyond such “primitive” forms, and that modernist Islamic
reform should be strictly scripturalist and dismissive of mystical practices.
Javanese Kebatinan movements from the 1950s to the 1980s have
been studied by, among others, Hadiwiyono,10 Hamka,11 Howe,12 Howell,13
Kroef,14 Mulder,15 Rasjidi,16 and Stange.17 The term Kebatinan encompasses
a wide range of Javanese spiritual practices, including those related to
metaphysics, mysticism, psychology, and even magic. While some local
Muslim scholars, like Hamka and Rasjidi, approached the Kebatinan from
historical and theological perspectives, Western scholars tried to discern
the movement from political, sociological, and psychological points of
view. How about Kebatinan after the Reformation era? A relatively new
documentation on this issue suggests a decline in the Abangan stream,
a kind of syncretism between Islam and Javanism, due to increasing
processes of Islamization or religionization. Hefner, in his introductory
paragraph on his account of the decline of Abanganism, states:
Over the past half century, Indonesia has witnessed a little-noted but
Harun Hadiwijono, Man in the Present Javanese Mysticism (Netherlands: Bosch
& Keuning., 1967).
11
Hamka, Perkembangan Kebatinan di Indonesia (Djakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1971).
12
David Gordon Howe, “Sumarah: A Study of the Art of Living”, Ph.D. Thesis
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1980).
13
Julia Day Howell, “Vehicles for the Kalki Avatar: The Experiments of a
Javanese Guru in Rationalizing Ecstatic Religion”, Ph.D. Thesis (Stanford University,
1977).
14
Justus M. van der Kroef, “New Religious Sects in Java”, Far Eastern Survey,
vol. 30, no. 2 (1961), pp. 18–25.
15
Niels Mulder, Mysticism & Everyday Life in Contemporary Java: Cultural Persistence
and Change (Singapora: Singapore University Press, 1978).
16
H.M. Rasjidi, Islam dan Kebatinan (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1974).
17
Paul Denison Stange, “The Sumarah Movement in Javanese Mysticism”, Ph.D.
Thesis (The University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1982).
10

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important transformation of its popular religious heritage: the collapse
of the nonstandard, syncretic varieties of Islam for which this sprawling
Southeast Asian country was once renowned. Two generations ago, there
were many such locally oriented Islamic traditions, as well as non-standard
modules of ritual and learning embedded within traditions otherwise
deemed Islamic.18

Following the collapse of the New Order regime under Soeharto,
the 1990s witnessed the emergence of new spiritual movements in
Indonesia that framed spiritual expression as part of the broader pietypromotion initiatives within officially recognized. Among these, the
urban Sufi revival --often referred to as urban Sufism-- has become
particularly prominent and is widely regarded as part of the broader
Islamic resurgence.19 The popularity of urban Sufism discourse has
attracted scholastic study, including studies by Darmadi, 20 Yusuf on Arifin
Ilham’s zikir activities, 21 and Zamhari on the growing number of new
majlis dhikir vis a vis official Tarikat in Kediri East Java about legitimacy
of the groups.22 Although these groups primarily explore contemporary
forms of Islamic spirituality in urban settings, their exploration is
interwoven with psychological touch and growth-oriented discourses,
drawing criticism from mainstream religious authorities who question
their authenticity as expressions of Islam.
Studies have also been conducted on Islamic televangelism and
spiritual training programs, which promote piety by translating Sufi
teachings at practical levels. Among the most notable innovations in this
domain are Aa Gym’s spiritual management training courses, known as

Robert W. Hefner, “Where Have All the Abangan Gone? Religionization
and the Decline of Non-Standard Islam in Contemporary Indonesia”, in The Politics
of Religion in Indonesia: Syncretism, Orthodoxy, and Religious Contention in Java and Bali, ed.
by Michel Picard and Rémy Madinier (London & New York: Routledge, 2011), p. 71.
19
Julia Day Howell, “Sufism and the Indonesian Islamic Revival”, The Journal of
Asian Studies, vol. 60, no. 3 (2001), pp. 701–29; Martin Van Bruinessen and Julia Day
Howell, Sufism and the ‘Modern’ in Islam, (London: I.B Tauris & Co Ltd, 2007).
20
Dadi Darmadi, “Urban Sufism: The New Fluorishing Vivacity of
Contemporary Indonesian Islam”, Studia Islamika, vol. 8, no. 1 (2001), pp 205-10.
21
Aang Abu Bakar Yusuf, “Between Sufism and Piety: The Case of Muhammad
Arifin Ilham & His Majelis Az Zikra”, presented at the Piety and Pietization in Asia
(National University of Singapura: Asia Research Institute, 2007).
22
Arif Zamhari, Rituals of Islamic Spirituality: A study of Majlis Dhikr Groups in
East Java (Canberra: ANU E Press, 2010).
18

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Manajemen Qalbu,23 and Ari Ginanjar Agustian’s ESQ Way 165, which
Rudnyckyj conceptualizes as part of spiritual economies,24 a cultural
framework that bridges Islamic ethics with neoliberal economic values,
thereby giving rise to a form of market Islam targeted at Indonesia’s upper
middle class. Another type of spiritual group, that Muttaqin has studied
previously comprises businesses that market spiritual efficacy through
both training and the sale of spirituality-charged material objects, said
to possess metaphysical, material, and physical power.25 In that research,
Muttaqin notes that the Yogyakarta spiritual centers marked the hybrid
forms of spirituality that represent a shift from piety-centered movements
toward models emphasizing efficacy and empowerment. Unlike those
studies, this paper focuses on the commercial domain of Indonesian
spiritual training businesses that actively perform and promote syncretism,
yet do so without incurring stigmatization or accusations of blasphemy
from mainstream religious institutions.
In the contemporary Indonesian political landscape, syncretism
is a contentious issue. Mainstream religious groups, supported by state
instruments, function as watchdogs, actively scrutinizing and criticizing
marginal religious movements considered as syncretic. Nevertheless, in
practice, Indonesia today presents a wide array of cultural and religious,
such as (1) deconfessionalised techniques26 for cultivating spirituality
and its benefits in yoga, meditation, tai chi, and reiki; (2) the widespread
notion of spirituality as a universal essence underlying all major religions
(and possibly others); and (3) the rise of ethnoreligious practices that, in
some cases, fuse the teachings of the world’s major religions with local
cultural traditions.
The intersection of spiritual discourse and scientific rationality
in Indonesia reflects a long-standing historical trajectory, paralleling
James Bourk Hoesterey, “Sufis and Self-Help Gurus: Islamic Psychology,
Religious Authority, and Muslim Subjectivity in Contemporary Indonesia”, Ph.D.
Thesis (University of Wisconsin–Madison, 2009); Julia D. Howell, “Modulation of
Active Piety: Professors and Televangelists as Promoters of Indonesian “Sufisme””, in
Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia, ed. by Greg Fealy and Sally White
(Singapore: ISEAS, 2008), pp. 40–62.
24
Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Spiritual Economies: Islam and Neoliberalism in
Contemporary Indonesia”, Cultural Anthropology, vol. 24, no. 1 (2009), pp. 104–41.
25
Ahmad Muttaqin, “Hybrid Spirituality and Religious Efficacy of Yogyakarta
Spiritual Centres”, Ph.D. Thesis (Australia: University of Western Sydney, 2012).
26
Deconfessionalised techniques is deconfessionalization of spiritual practices
which involves techniques or approaches that aim to reducing sectarianism, promoting
interfaith dialogue, and focus on shared values that transcend specific religious affiliation.
23

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developments in Western contexts. Science, widely regarded as a source
of universally valid and efficacious knowledge, has played a central role
in legitimizing spiritual practices and claims. This trend has considerable
potential here for tension with Indonesia’s policy of delimited pluralism,
which seeks to maintain discrete boundaries among state-recognized
religions. Yet the notions of universal spirituality and scientifically
grounded spiritual authority are far from novel. They were integral to
early twentieth-century Theosophical circles and later found renewed
articulation in the mid-twentieth-century Kebatinan movement, which
appropriated theosophical cosmologies to ground its syncretic vision.
What distinguishes the contemporary period is the re-articulation of these
ideas through the globalized vocabulary of spiritualitas, a term derived
from English spirituality, and its immediate resonance with Sufi traditions,
particularly within the urban Sufi revival that has unfolded over the past
three decades. A significantly expanded middle class now participates
in global cultural flows, including scientific discourses, to a degree
unimaginable during the mid-twentieth century, when Kebatinan was
largely the domain of a small Javanese intellectual elite. A wider market
for the spiritualized popular sciences of success and physical well-being
is also available. As will be explored in the next sub-chapter, the market
is driven by the production of how-to books on spirituality for success
and a happy life, the scientification of religions, and psychologization of
religious practices for the shake of prosperity.
Previous studies by scholars such as Hoestery,27 Rudnyjkij,28
Howell,29 have highlighted the tensions that emerge when universalizing
constructions of spiritualitas come into contact with Indonesia’s official
pluralist framework. Consider the cases of Abdullah Gymnastiar’s
Manajemen Qalbu (MQ) and Ary Ginanjar’s Emotional and Spiritual
Quotient (ESQ): both initiatives merge religious ideas and practices with
the popular psychology of personal development. They promote piety
projects for Indonesians, arguing that adopting greater religious discipline
is the key to success here and in the hereafter. While Abdullah Gymnastiar
implicitly invokes Sufi spiritual tenets, Ary Ginanjar explicitly integrates
a universal spirituality into his ESQ brand, allowing their fundamentally
Hoesterey, “Sufis and Self-Help Gurus”.
Rudnyckyj, “Spiritual Economies”.
29
Julia Day Howell, “‘Calling’ and ‘Training’: Role Innovation and Religious
De-differentiation in Commercialised Indonesian Islam”, Journal of Contemporary Religion,
vol. 28, no. 3 (2013), pp. 401–19; Howell, “Modulation of Active Piety”.
27
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Islamic dakwah approaches to be extended to non-Muslims. Even though
both figures and their organizations have faced criticism for allegedly
promoting heresies, they have not been charged with blasphemy by the
PAKEM (Pengawas Aliran Kepercayaan Masyarakat, the Controlling Body of
the Mystical Movement of the Society). Conversely, universalistic forms
of spiritualitas have been pushed into defensive postures. This is evident
in cases such as Lia Aminuddin (Lia Eden) with the Salamullah group;30
the perennialist Kaum Eden group; the Brahma Kumari World Spiritual
University, now affiliated with the Hindu Directorate of the Department
of Religion; and Anand Krishna’s One Earth One Sky Center and the
Anand Ashram, which, although they continue to offer courses like NeoZen Reiki and Self-Empowerment, have promoted a secular social values
movement known as the National Integration Movement since 2005.
C. Syncretism in Spiritual Training Business: Success Profiles
Two additional groups bear a strong resemblance to MQ and ESQ,31
yet exhibit notable differences: Bhakti Nusantara (BN) and Bioenergi. All
four groups share several common objectives: they teach methods for
cultivating spiritualitas for personal betterment, reinforce the credibility
of their teachings with scientific evidence, and offer their products to
individuals of all religious backgrounds while operating as established
business entities. However, BN and Bioenergi diverge from MQ and
ESQ in two significant ways. First, they promote themselves primarily
as offering direct access to supernatural powers through their products,
rather than emphasizing morality, ethics, or piety as MQ and ESQ do.
Second, they provide not only personal training programs but also
tangible material objects that are claimed to confer supernatural abilities.
The public visibility of BN and Bionergi presents a significant
tension with the spirit of Presidential Decree No. 1, 1965, due to the
following considerations: First, one of the most damning accusations that
could be leveled against a Kebatinan group in the 1950s and 1960s (aside
from charges of political subversion) was the promotion of ‘occultism’
(klenik). Most Kebatinan groups at the time distanced themselves from
power-oriented mystical practices long embedded in Javanese religious
culture.
Second, the official recognition of Kebatinan groups as ‘faiths’
Al Makin, Challenging Islamic Orthodoxy: Accounts of Lia Eden and Other Prophets
in Indonesia (Springer, 2016).
31
Muttaqin, “Hybrid Spirituality”.
30

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(kepercayaan) (not religions, agama) in 1973 was both a political concession
to the Kebatinan movement (acknowledging their continued electoral
relevance) and also an attempt at a clean-up of the groups from any
religious elements, that were then the Kebatinan groups administered by
the Directorate of Culture under the Ministry of Education and Culture
instead of Ministry of Religion, obliged to demonstrate that they could
function within parameters very similar to the religions, and not encroach
on each other or the recognized religions.
Third, the historical connections between Kebatinan (syncretic
spiritual groups) and klenik reminds us that the problem with syncretism
in colonial and post-colonial Indonesian society has been as much
with superstition as with the implications of revealed, uniquely true,
monotheistic religion. To be perceived as superstitious was to be cast
as socially and economically regressive, lacking the rational and moral
credibility required to participate on equal footing within the post-World
War II international order of modern nation-states. Interestingly enough,
why are such the two latest groups, the “efficacy” groups32 of BN and the
Bioenergi, as opposed to piety oriented groups still around and tend to
be save from any criticism for promoting heresy and charged as religious
blasphemy? To address the question, we must first take a closer look at
the two groups in question.
1. Bhakti Nusantara33
The Bhakti Nusantara (literally means “devotion to archipelago”)
was founded on April 15, 1998, in Yogyakarta by Muhammad Basis (b.
1966). The group has transformed its name several times indicating its
changing focus. Firstly, it appeared in public as Lembaga Seni Pernafasan
Meditasi dan Tenaga Dalam Bhakti Nusantara (LSPMTD BN [Institute for
the Arts of Breath, Meditation and Inner Power]), the BN promoted
means for attaining health and for mastering supernatural power through
senam pernafasan (aerobic gymnastics), meditation, and inner power
cultivation.
In 2001, the LSPMTD BN changed its name to PIHTI or
Ibid.
This section was mostly taken from Ahmad Muttaqin, “Hybrid Spirituality
and Religious Efficacy of Yogyakarta Spiritual Centres” and Ahmad Muttaqin, “From
Occultism to Hybrid Sufism: the Transformation of an Islamic-Hybrid Spiritual Group
in Contemporary Indonesia”, Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies, vol. 4, no. 1
(2014), pp. 81–104; and then the data was updated based on fieldwork in Yogyakarta
from July to November 2019.
32
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Padepokan Ilmu Hikmah Sejati Bhakti Nusantara [Centre for True Wisdom
Knowledge of Bhakti Nusantara] and expanded its services to include
true wisdom knowledge claimed inherited by Para Wali [Muslim Saints]
which transmitted from generation to generation through pengijazahan
process, authentication of spiritual transition from a spiritual gurus to
murid. In this era, BN offered spiritual healing services and training
programs for alternative healers. The group produced and sold various
herbal medicines packaged in capsules, powders, etc., as well as many
other health and spiritual products.
In early 2005, the BN changed its name to Puspa Jati or Pusat
Penggalian Jati Diri [Centre for Character Building] Bhakti Nusantara and
introduced the Tekaji or Terapi Kekuatan Jiwa [Soul Power Therapy]
training program, which is a self-management class combined with dhikr
litanies, humanistic psychology, and meditation. In 2005, the group also
established Masais or Majlis Samudra Istighfar [Assembly of the Ocean of
Forgiveness] whose main activities include performing collective dhikr
and organizing ziarah [pilgrimage] to sacred sanctuaries of local and
national Muslim saints. Finally, in about 2012, the group changed its
name to the Pusat Olah Jiwa dan Olah Rasa (center for the cultivation
of soul and sense).
BN publications of flyers and brochures describe its leader as Gus
Muhammad Basis, abbreviated as GMB or sometimes just GM. The full
name and title, Drs. H. Muhammad Basis, MBA, MRI, is usually written
below his given name. The publication also lists a number of attributes
indicating GMB’s authority and competencies in many areas, such as: in
spiritual and psychological training and consultancy as the grand master
of character exploration [Guru Besar Pusat Penggalian Jati Diri Bhakti
Nusantara], a nationally reputed trainer of soul power therapy [trainer
nasional Terapi Kekuatan Jiwa], and a mentor of Assembly of the Ocean of
Forgiveness [Pengasuh Majelis Samudra Istighfar]; in spiritual and alternative
healing as master of divine and revealed therapy [ahli therapi Ilahiyah dan
ilhamiah], the master of the ruqyah34 therapy for self-cleansing [ahli ruqyah
akbar ‘tazkiyatun-nafs’]); and in Islamic music and poetry as shepherd of the
Islamic Music Group [pengasuh group nasyid] ‘Eling Karepe’ (literally means
Ruqyah is a therapy method involving recitation of certain verses of the
Qur’an. It is dedicated to supplications and is used as a means of treating sickness and
other problems, mainly those caused by bad spirits, demons, and also physical diseases.
Some Muslim groups consider that the ruqyah is an Islamic therapy method practiced
by the Prophet Muhammad.
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remember to God’s will) for which his poems were composed as lyrics.
Many people came to GMB and the BN requesting help because
they considered that GMB had daya linuwih (extraordinary power).
Although his community and especially his disciples consider GMB as a
charismatic figure possessing a series of spiritual powers and martial arts,
on many occasions GMB claimed that he was not a dukun [traditional
healer associated with occult practices] nor paranormal [magicians], nor
kyai. He prefers to be called a spiritualist, who is not affiliated with any
religious group or certain Sufi order.
An Indonesian tabloid, Posmo,35 attributed Basis as an internationally
reputed master of the ruqyah [Ahli Ruqyah Internasional].36 In 2005, Posmo
tabloid awarded GMB the ‘Posmo Award 2005’,37 along with thirty-four
Indonesian spiritualists. In his profile, GMB was described as a figure
who had been transformed from street spirituality to the Muslim way [dari
spiritualitas ilmu kejadugan ke jalan Muslim]. It is illustrated that his spiritual
journey was a transformation process from spiritualitas kasar (rough
spirituality) to spiritualitas alus (soft and finer spirituality) indicating the
shifting from occultism to hybrid Sufism. When we clarified with him the
meaning of his transformation, GMB explained it in the context of his
spiritual center. He drew an analogy between his center’s development
and car speed transmissions. GMB noted that the LSPMTD era, when
the BN offered training on invulnerability and occultism [kekebalan
(bulletproof), anti api (fire resistant), terawangan (sibyl), etc.], was the era of
kejadugan. To GMB, this kind of occultism [the ilmu katosan and kanuragan]
is spiritualitas kasar, literally means ‘rough spirituality’, which is a very basic
Posmo is a weekly tabloid first published on 15 March 1999 in Surabaya and
dealing with the spiritual and paranormal, amid the uncertainty in Indonesia after the
decline of the New Order era in 1998. The word ‘Posmo’ was taken from Postmodernism.
The idea behind publishing the tabloid was to provide alternative information, when
the public was overwhelmed by political news. The main contents of the tabloid are
about spiritual, ritual, religious, and esoteric dimensions of human beings. As stated by
the editor, the tabloid addresses, as its main readers, the religious community, Javanese
centrists, spiritualists and paranormal, religious people, budayawan [humanists, cultural
activists], historians, and academics. Due to competitive development of online tabloid/
magazine, Posmo ended its paper publication in December 2017.
36
Koesmoko et al., Profil Spiritualis Penerima Posmo Award 2005 (Posmo, 2005).
37
The Posmo Award is a yearly award by Posmo tabloid, dedicated to spiritualist,
paranormal and alternative healers, that according to the editor, have contributed much
to the development and continuation of the tabloid, by for example, advertising their
spiritual programs and products; Muttaqin, “From Occultism to Hybrid Sufism”;
Muttaqin, “Hybrid Spirituality”.
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level of spiritual knowledge and practice, just like the first gear of a car.
Religious eclecticism or syncretism in Bhakti Nusantara can be seen
in its spiritual training program that offers various spiritual traditions
ranging from occult practices, ritual dhikr, to spiritual products sold
to its customers. For example, when we conducted a fieldwork and
interview, GMB explained that he had a keris (kris) in his room which
could give him a signal whenever there would be a guest with negative
intentions coming to him. In one of the videos uploaded on YouTube,
GMB demonstrates how to make a kris stand-alone on its sharp part as
a foundation.38 He also explained that one day, on his journey for ziarah
makam wali (pilgrimage to saint grave) with his disciples, he and his group
cancel to eat their catering at one of the restaurants because he saw that
all the served food were already eaten by many spiritual entities which
only can be seen by a special person.
Furthermore, amid the popularity of social media in Indonesia,
the group switched its strategy for promotion, from print-out flyers,
local TV shows, and newspaper advertisements to direct promotion via
short messages or WhatsApp of targeted customers. In one of his WA
messages on 10 November 2019, GM sent a picture when he met his
guess with a note:
I meet guests from Japan. The guest’s problem is that the husband
is gripped by a demonic aura of jinn, so the husband is unaware of
iblisiyah’s (devil) behavior, which is extremely unreasonable! In Japan, in
Indonesia, and anywhere in the world, jinn exist! Who does not believe
in the existence of jinn, means he does not believe in the existence of
humans, animals, fish, trees, etc. on earth. The jinn are just the same as
those creatures. All are created by Allah SWT. Those who do not believe
in the existence of spirits or the existence of trillions of angels, levels
of heaven and hell, etc., are very arrogant atheists! Therefore, let us
continue to take Allah SWT as our protector by diligently reading His
Holy verses so that we are not contaminated or attached by the aura of
the jinn/devils….

The BN teachings and practices to some degree reflect syncretism
between Islamic spiritual tenets of Sufism with the practices of occultism
rooted in Javanese tradition. Nevertheless, BN succeeded in surviving and
lack of both criticism and blasphemy by mainstream religious groups. Its
Rumah Sehat Alami BN, “Gus Muh. Basis (GMB) Mendirikan Keris” (14
May 2016), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SlpGNAxRfEs, accesed 14 August
2019.
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ability to brand the center as a spiritual training and consulting business
institution, not a religious organization, is among the key factors of its
success.
2. Bioenergi39
Bioenergi is a spiritual enterprise in Yogyakarta which is run
under the rubric of PT. Bionergi Internasional (Bionergi International,
Inc.). The group declares itself as the center for training, healing, and
business consultation, with its tagline “Menjadi akhir segala solusi” (Be the
final solution); the solution, that is, of various problems such as those
concerning disease, career, business, and family. Among the terms mostly
used in its promotions are: sehat (healthy), sukses (successful), kaya-raya
(rich), and bahagia (blithe).
The group was founded by Syaiful M. Magshri (b. 1968) in
Yogyakarta based on the vision he got when he performed tafakkur in
1994. Syaiful claimed to be a tarekat (Sufi Order) practitioner and also had
involved in a number of inner power trainings groups (lembaga pelatihan
senam pernafasan dan tanaga dalam) in Yogyakarta, such as Sinar Putih, Prana
Sakti, and Satria Nusantara. In the last group, Syaiful was even appointed
as a fellow in the Bureau of Research and Development where he had
an opportunity to conduct research, so he understood well the ‘secret’
behind the tenaga dalam (inner power).
Bionergi publication depicts Syaiful as a religious and professional
person who holds many kinds of spiritual aura. He was described as the
inventor and formulator of Bioenergi Science; founder and owner of
Bionergi Center; owner of the companies CV Mahkotasari Reymasindo
and PT Bioenergi International; spiritual consultant for Suzuya
Corporation of Japan and Hong Kong; founder of Natural Healing
Foundation Indonesia; shepherd of Majelis Ilmu Spiritual Indonesia
(Assembly of Indonesian Spiritual Knowledge); spiritual teacher and
founder of Bunga Melati Foundation which focuses on education for
Down syndrome and autism. For his spiritual mastery, Posmo tabloid
nominated Syaiful for the Posmo Award in 2005.40 For his professional
competency in developing entrepreneurship, the Indonesian Ministry
This part was mostly developed from Muttaqin, “Hybrid Spirituality” and
Ahmad Muttaqin, “From Piety to Efficacy: Hybrid Sufism in a Secular Landscape”,
RIMA: Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 46, no. 2 (2012), pp. 25–46; then,
the data was updated based on fieldwork in Yogyakarta from July to November 2019.
40
Koesmoko et al., Profil Spiritualis Penerima Posmo Award 2005.
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of Cooperation and Small and Medium Businesses recognized Syaiful
as a young billionaire and awarded him the ISEMBIA Award in 2007.41
The center’s products indicate an amalgamation of various elements
of religious Sufi teachings, herbal, global spiritual-growth movement,
as well as scientific notions. The slogan “ilmiah, ilahiah dan tanpa efek
samping” (scientifically grounded, spiritually guided, free from adverse
effect) appears in almost the group’s advertisements indicating that all
of its products are scientifically proven, religiously accepted and without
any side effects.
The eclecticism by selecting, combining, and preserving original
contexts, and syncretism by integration, fusion, and creation of new
meanings of Bionergi can be found in its spiritual training and spiritual
products. The name of the trainings and product offered by the groups
indicates the amalgamation of Javanese tradition, Sufis tradition, and
scientific consideration. For example, Syaiful names his spiritual training
as: Gemblengan Ilmu Metafisik (GIM), Pelatihan Quantum Bioenergi, Program
Bioenergi Healing, Ruwatan Bionergi, etc. On the center’s website, the GIM is
described as a training program to master practical solutions for various
problems and to realize all human needs in modern metaphysics ways
with a note “tanpa ritual, tanpa mantra, tanpa klenik” (no rituals, no mantra,
no occult). Furthermore, on the picture of the program advertisement,
there is also a note that the GIM is Ilmiah - Alamiah - Ilahiah (Scientific,
Natural, Divine). It seems that it is part of the center’s strategy to offer
training programs representing the hybridity of several elements. The
terms gemblengan ilmu metafisik are commonly used for something related
to occult practices and tend to be considered by rational modern people
as backward. The center, therefore, adds the word “modern” after the
“metafisik”, noting that the metaphysic taught in the GIM is not as
backward as the public assumes. Even the center also guarantees that the
program is not in contradiction to science or religion, and it is natural.
For spiritual products, Bionergi offers terms that are more scientific tone such as “Bio Sound” (CD music for audio therapy), “Bio
Cell”, “Bio Chips,” (chips attached to a gadget to easily persuade customers via phone), “Kapsul Bioenergi” (Bionergi capsule), “kapsul penyembuhan” (healing capsule), “kapsul kecerdasan” (intelligence capSyaiful Maghsri, “Profile HM Syaiful M. Maghsri,” Bionergi Menjadi Akhir
Segala Solusi (4 Dec 2017), https://bioenergicenter.com/profil-hm-syaiful-mmaghsri/, accessed 3 September 2019.
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sule), Bioherba (herbal product for health), etc. The interesting thing
about Bioenergi is how the center tries to rationalize its spiritual training
and products through the process of “psychologization” and “scientification.”
The psychologization appears during the training program by
emphasizing that all people have potential energy, called Bio-energy,
existing around their body that can be nurtured and cultivated for their
prosperity. During the training, participants were motivated by a suggestion that they can reach their success and break their limits with words
of encouragement that psychologically boost strong motivation. One
of the training processes is what the center calls “bionergi adjustment”,
in which participants were stimulated by establishing their commitment,
pumping their motivation, increasing their self-confidence, and being
positive thinking and positive feeling. Psychologically, the adjustment
process is a turning point, a moment of change for an individual to
be better than in the past; shifting from a negative point of view into
a positive one; transforming a passive and responsive attitude into a
proactive one.
In the Bionergi training and publications, Sufi teachings are
elaborated with elements of self-management, humanistic psychology,
and growth techniques. In his books, seminars, and training programs,
Syaiful claims that he just explores Sufis teaching in practical ways for
practical goals. For example, performing doa (prayer) and zikir (repetitive litanies) before conducting certain activities is equivalent to mind
navigation strategies to gain better concentration. Sabar (patience) and
syukur (gratitude) will lead people to find tranquillity and a peaceful
mind so they will be able to manage their positive thinking. As a result,
they will not easily fall into a stressful mind and are hindered from any
sickness.
The scientification of spiritual products can be seen in its
explanation that in addition to being taught in class during the training
program, the efficacy of the Bionergi can be transferred through the
manufactured goods in capsules, cards, chips, CDs, which are promoted
as spiritually efficacious. Referring to research findings in a prestigious
American university, the center, for example, claims that hearing certain
sounds can be therapy for health problems. The center also claims that
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the Biochip is made of materials in which its atom has been heated in
a nuclear reactor in Japan. About the Intelligence capsule, the center
explains:
The Intelligence Capsule is formulated precisely and accurately by the
inventor and formulator of bioenergy science, Mr. Syaiful M. Maghsri.
The capsule contains bioelectromagnetic energy which, if taken, will
immediately fuse and stimulate the biomolecular system in the body that
will radiate and connect with all aspects of life: physical, spiritual, mental,
emotional, social, economic, and spiritual, so as to neutralize various
effects of negative energy, improve memory and facilitate the realization
of the hopes and ideals of your children.42

The above Bionergi profile has shown that under the umbrella
of spiritual business, not a religious group, the center has succeeded in
operating without public attention to its syncretic element. The center also
actively campaigns and frames its products and program as scientifically
proven, religious/spiritually accepted without any side effects. Again, the
social location of a spiritual business, not a religious/spiritual group is
a fundamental reason for its success.
D. Social Location and Space of Religious Freedom
Returning to our first “why” question: How can these syncretic
religious-spiritual efficacy groups, such as BN and Bioenergi, continue to
find a market? While the Kebatinan groups, organized under the banner
of Kepercayaan and supervised by the Department of Education and
Culture (and later the Department of Culture and Tourism), have waned
in popularity over recent decades, groups rooted in tenaga dalam and other
occult practices (exemplified by BN and Bioenergi) have continued to
attract and recruit followers.
There are still plenty of people practicing as what once would have
been called dukun (supernatural healers, miracle workers, and practitioners
of dark arts), but those in the public view now call themselves spiritualists
or paranormal. They operate as individual providers, for a price (although
not necessarily specified) and advertise in magazines. Posmo tabloid is
dedicated to covering matters of interest to this community and its clients.
Now let us consider the second question: Why have groups
promoting a broadly syncretic spirituality, with practices extending beyond
“Kapsul Kecerdasan”, Bioenergi Center, https://bioenergicenter.com/kapsulkecerdasan/, accessed 9 Nov 2019.
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the boundaries of a single recognized religion (syncretism) and claiming
to provide access to supernatural powers (superstition), not been shut
down or denounced by MUI (Majlis Ulama Indonesia, Indonesian Ulama
Council)?
First, it is important to acknowledge that both groups have attracted
criticism, and even physical attacks, even though neither has been taken to
court. So why have not they been shut down by the government? A key
factor lies in their social location: they are constituted as formal business
entities. Having registered as a CV or PT (limited company), these groups
do not present themselves as religions. They do not aim to compete with
or challenge the officially recognized religions. For example, while Bhakti
Nusantara gradually remodels itself on the model of prominent pietypromotion enterprises, it is also mindful of conducting Sufi devotions
without incurring allegations of misusing religion. In this framework, its
founder views the pietization of the business as a natural progression,
a strategy that reinforces the credibility of the products offered while
simultaneously contributing to the Islamic dakwah movement.
Another factor is the nature of the commercial environment. In
the marketplace, what these groups teach and sell appears similar to
products that originated in secular arenas, such as performance-enhancing
psychology or alternative medicine practices, which are not inherently
linked to “spirituality”. This similarity makes it difficult to single out BN
or Bioenergi as transgressing the boundaries of proper religion through
their commercial activities.
The recognized religions in Indonesia often cater to practical
needs for divine aid, whether it is praying for rain, seeking victory in
battle, or receiving blessings believed to bring health and prosperity.
Examples include the popular practice of kyai offering blessings; the rise
of prosperity gospel churches among Christians; initiatives like Yusuf
Mansur’s Kun Fayakun, which emphasize the miracle of sedekah; and
Islamic healing rituals promoted by figures such as Ust. Haryono and
Ust. Arifin Ilham. In a manner akin to the reluctance of mainstream U.S.
churches to support legislation against the so-called “brainwashing” of
cult members, established religious institutions in Indonesia may also
find it difficult to openly criticize such practices.
Beyond these institutional frameworks, syncretic trends among
world religions and other traditions are not unique to Indonesia but are
widespread in Southeast Asia. In the Philippines, for instance, Beckford
and Suzana have documented syncretism within a new religious healing
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movement, particularly through Pranic Healing.43 In Thailand, as Kitiarsa
notes, the blending of roles between magic monks and spirit mediums
has long played a central part in popular religious expression, maintaining
enduring popularity through the 1990s and 2000s as these figures
countered efforts by their followers to move beyond socially marginalized
positions in both religious and socioeconomic realms.44
Nevertheless, in the context of religious freedom, Indonesia reveals
a distinctive trend: spiritual business enterprises seem to enjoy greater
operational latitude than traditional religious organizations. Their status
as commercial entities, registered as businesses, allows them to navigate
within a broader market framework, thus affording them a degree of
freedom that extends beyond the conventional boundaries of religious
institutions. The social location of spiritual business enterprises seems
to have more freedom than just merely religious organizations.
E. Concluding Remarks
The emergence of spiritual training enterprises that commercially
promote a syncretic blend of local religious traditions, Sufis teachings,
and elements of global growth movements presents a striking paradox
within Indonesia’s religious landscape. While such groups traffic in
elements once dismissed as klenik, they face far less stigma and escape
accusations of blasphemy, than their non-commercial counterparts.
Their social location as a spiritual corporation seems to allow syncretic
religious/spiritual groups to have more space of freedom for existence
and expression rather than those being merely identified as a community.
It means that in today’s Indonesia, the degree of religious freedom for
marginal religious/spiritual groups is not only a matter of doctrine or
law, but of where, and how, they situate themselves socially.
Acknowledgement
This paper is a result of a collaborative research project between
UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta and Flinders University, funded by the
former in fiscal year 2019. The authors would thank Prof. Julia D. Howell
for her valuable discussion and feedback; and also thank Muryana who
has assisted the team during the fieldwork.
James A. Beckford and Araceli Suzara, “A New Religious and Healing
Movement in the Philippines”, Religion, vol. 24, no. 2 (1994), pp. 117–41.
44
Pattana Kitiarsa, “Magic Monks and Spirit Mediums in the Politics of Thai
Popular Religion”, Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, vol. 6, no. 2 (2005), p. 209.
43

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