Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132
ISSN: 1907-591X.
E-ISSN: 2442-3084
DOI: https://doi.
org/10.
19105/al-lhkam.
Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law: Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices into Building Regulations Sarip Universitas Muhammadiyah Cirebon.
Indonesia email: sarip@umc.
Axesa Haraja Saputra Osanbryck University of Applied Science.
Germany email: axesa.
saputra@hs-osnabrueck.
Gumiwang Tri Anugrah Tien Tono Putri University of Oslo.
Norway email: gtputri@uio.
Sri Maryati Universitas Muhammadiyah Cirebon.
Indonesia email: srimaryati@umc.
Article history: Received: March 15, 2024.
Accepted: March 19, 2026.
Published: June 30, 2026 Abstract:
The existence of customary law in the process of building a house's foundation, particularly the boplang tradition in Cirebon, is still very strong.
Yet, modern society greatly desires simplicity and practicality, relying solely on positive law.
Therefore, this article explores how Islamic law support and challenge boplang as a form of Aourf in Cirebon, assess the societal and legal status within the local community and National law.
Using an anthropological approach to law and framed within Islamic legal theory, especially the concept of Aourf .
, this study applies a qualitative method based on in-depth interviews with community leaders, cultural practitioners, and village officials.
The study aims to identify and articulate the normative values Author correspondence email: sarip@umc.
Available online at: http://ejournal.
id/index.
php/alihkam/ Copyright .
2026 by Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law:
Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices embedded in boplang as a dynamic and living legal tradition.
Findings indicate a persistent reliance on myth and oral tradition within the local community, which, although constitutionally protected, remains undocumentedAithereby weakening its application of positive law from neighboring jurisdictions perceived as more authoritative.
The study concludes that rationalizing boplang through systematic documentation and interpretation grounded in Islamic legal norms can strengthen its legitimacy law is often regarded as more flexible, adaptive, and context-sensitive compared to the rigid nature of formal positive Keywords:
Boplang.
Local wisdom.
Building permit.
Anthropology of law.
Introduction This research explores the value of Cirebon's boplang local wisdom from a legislative perspective, particularly in relation to the Building Permit (IMB) for residential houses.
Boplang, identified by Sandia, involves rituals, myths, and their nocturnal execution.
Likely, as explained by Arkali, it is found that the community often perceives boplang merely as a traditional obligation, neglecting its underlying Rosyadi notes that Ausome communities perceive local wisdom as an obligation without questioning its obligatory natureAy,1 indicating how unexamined traditions tend to be abandoned.
Modern legal discourse faces difficulties when AoritualAo and AoobligationAo are seen as fixed concepts, narrowing inquiry and the meaning behind myths.
Eliade argues that modernity often overlooks the meaning behind myths.
2 Scholars like Renato Izidoro da Sulva and Fabio Zoboli propose integrating logos into AomythsAo to align them with local paradigms, thus framing rituals and obligations as potential legal 3 Without such rationalization, boplang risks fading.
1 Rosyadi.
AuDalam Kajian Kearifan Lokal (Studi Kasus pada Masyarakat Adat Kampung Duku.
,Ay Patanjala .
415Ae30, https://doi.
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30959/patanjala.
2 Mircea Eliade.
Myth and Reality, ed.
Willard R Trask (New York and Evanston:
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Publisher, 1.
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3 Renato Izidoro Da Silva and Fabio Zoboli.
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Odisseu e os PadryAes de Beleza Corporal,Ay Movimento (ESEFID/UFRGS) 19, no.
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Anil Shetty.
Shraddha Shetty, and Oliver Dsouza.
AuMedical Symbols in Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Sarip, et al.
Technically, boplang refers to the installation of the foundationAian essential stage in building construction.
4 In Cirebon, this ritual form is sacred, while its technical aspect is profane.
This dualism mirrors medieval legal distinction: sacred laws governed by religion, profane by politicsAicomplicating efforts to reconcile traditional wisdom with the modern legal system.
Scholarly suspicion toward rituals and mythsAioften dismissed as illusion or idolatryAihas hampered efforts to assign them 6 Yet Abdul Karim affirms the significance of ritual in JavaneseIslamic death traditions.
7 Yance Z.
Rumahuru views ritual as a form of social identity rooted in the sacred-profane dichotomy.
8 Izak Y.
Lattu highlights how oral rituals preserve memory and promote social 9 These studies affirm the relevance of rituals to cultural While not directly addressing ritual as obsolete superstition, it instead puts in as a part of a broader pattern of living tradition embedded with legal meaning.
Practice: Myths vs Reality,Ay Journal of Clinical and Diagnostic Research 8, no.
: 12Ae 15, https://doi.
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4 Aditya Riski Taufani and Arief Setiawan Budi Nugroho.
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Yahya Baihaqi.
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Johan Putra Bagaskara.
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Fungsi.
Volume.
Analisa Harga Satuan.
RAB.
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Serta Teknik Pemasanga.
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August 5, 2022, https://pdfcoffee.
com/download/johan-p-b-a1-makalahbouwplank-pdf-free.
5 Jason N.
Varuhas.
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Norbert Rouland.
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47 (London: Anthlone Press, 1.
6 Da Silva and Zoboli.
AuDa Governabilidade do Mytos ao Esclarecimento do Logos: Narciso.
Odisseu e os PadryAes de Beleza Corporal.
" 142.
7 Abdul Karim.
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Jurnal Kajian Kebudayaan .
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8 Yance Z Rumahuru.
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Izak.
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Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law:
Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices Thus, neglecting logos in rituals is challenged by scholars emphasizing their identity-sustaining role.
Naim and Qomar advocate reconciling sacred and profane through channels such as dakwah, arts, education, and research.
10 Rosyid and Kushidayati show how Rebo Wekasan rituals are strengthened by religious preaching.
11 Similarly.
Azis.
Dzofir, and Widodo demonstrate how Pantun Sandi Adat supports Minang traditions.
12 These actualizations integrate rituals into social life without stalling modernity.
Within this framework, boplang can be interpreted as a normative-cultural expression that, if properly contextualized, holds potential to be absorbed into modern legal understanding rather than discarded.
Conversely.
Laila and Abdulah question the effectiveness of religious preaching in pluralistic societies.
13 The influence of the medieval era, in which religion became dichotomized into sacred and profane, remains evident.
14 CirebonAos pluralism necessitates a different Accordingly, this study prioritizes legal logos over dakwah and culture, aiming to integrate boplang IMB regulation as a form of local wisdom.
The research addresses three questions: How does Islamic legal logos support and challenge boplang as a form of Aourf in Cirebon? What is the societal and legal status of Boplang as Aourf within the local community? How can boplang-based IMB regulation, grounded in Aourf, align with national law? 10 Ngainun Naim and Mujamil Qomar.
AuThe Actualization of Liberal Indonesian Multicultural Thought in Developing,Ay Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies (QIJIS) 9, no.
: 141Ae74, http://dx.
org/ 10.
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11 Moh.
Rosyid and Lina Kushiayati.
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Central Java,Ay Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum Pranata Sosial .
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12 N.
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, 15.
Erwati Aziz.
Mohammad Dzofir, and Aris Widodo.
AuThe Acculturation of Islam and Customary Law: An Experience of Minangkabau.
Indonesia,Ay Qudus International Journal Islamic Studies .
131Ae60, https://doi.
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V8I1.
13 Nur Quma Laila and Irwan Abdullah.
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28Ae59, https://doi.
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5419 Questioning.
14 Martin Suryajaya.
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Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Sarip, et al.
Methods The study employs an anthropological-legal approach, focusing on the boplang ritual in Cirebon within the framework of living law.
The methodological framework integrates descriptive ethnographic methods with normative legal analysis to understand how traditional practices intersect with statutory building regulations.
16 Data collection was carried out though direct fieldwork from January to June 2022, involving participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and focus group discussions with villagers involved in constructing residential houses.
Specific attention was paid to capturing the performative, symbolic, and procedural aspects of the boplang ritual across different villages to map variations and shared patterns.
purposive sampling method was used to select key informants, including village elders, builders, and local government officials.
Data reduction followed Miles and HubermanAos interactive model, involving the stages of data collection, data display, and conclusion drawing or verification.
17 Field notes and transcribed interviews were coded thematically to identify key categories such as ritual procedure, community perception, and normative meaning.
The analysis process combined hermeneutic interpretation and customary law reasoning.
The hermeneutic method was applied to interpret the meanings embedded in the ritual symbols and oral narratives.
Simultaneously, elements of customary legal thought were analyzed to trace how normative beliefs about land, housing, and communal authority influence the communityAos perception of building legality.
These analyses were then aligned with legal doctrinal interpretation to assess the compatibility of Boplang practices with existing regulations on IMB.
This dual-layered analysis allows for a contextual understanding of the boplang ritual not only as a cultural practice but also as a source of normative authority.
In doing so, the study bridges the epistemic gap between living law and state law, 15 James L.
Peacock and Hannah M.
McFadden.
AuInternational Encyclopedia of Social Behavioral Sciences,Ay Elsevier .
1337Ae45, https://doi.
org/10.
1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.
Fernanda Pirie.
The Anthropology of Law (Oxford: OUP Oxford, 2.
16 I Dewa Gede Atmadja and I Nyoman Putu Budiartha.
Teori-Teori Hukum (Malang: Setara Press, 2.
, 58.
17 F Budi Hardiman.
Seni Memahami: Hermeneutika dari Schleiermacher Sampai Derrida, ed.
Widiantoro, 1st ed.
(Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 2.
, 1Ae344.
Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law:
Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices offering a grounded justification for the inclusion of local wisdom in formal legislation.
Result and Discussion Support and Challenges of the Islamic Legal Logos toward Boplang as a Form of AoUrf in Cirebon Boplang is a traditional selametan ritual associated with house construction in Sundanese communities, with local variations shaped by social and ecological contexts.
In Cirebon, particularly Astapada and Sidawangi region, it is performed at night and involves banana planting and prior consultation among landowners.
This indicates that boplang is not merely a spiritual, but also functions as a mechanism for conflict prevention and an instrument of social legitimacy concerning land ownership.
To examine how these normative, spiritual, and sociolegal dimensions operate across settings, interview data were gathered from informants in rural and urban contexts.
Table 1 summarizes key findings from the interviews, highlighting variations in ritual practice, social function, and legal-cultural meaning that form the empirical basis for subsequent discussion.
Table 1.
Summary of Interview Informants and Key Findings on Boplang as Living Law Informant Location Key Findings Cuanton Astapada.
Boplang is performed from Cirebon afternoon to night, beginning with buka kaki and banana planting, continuity, and social legitimacy through family and neighbour Sahrudin Dayeuhluhur.
Selametan timing varies .
orning Cilacap or nigh.
depending on local livelihood patterns, reflecting the adaptability of tradition while preserving communal solidarity and safety values.
Mumun Kuningan The Munawar selametan, and involvement of Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Sarip, et al.
Informant Location Baharudin Aceh Abdul Muaz Kembangan Utara.
Jakarta Key Findings emphasizing spiritual meaning, social legitimacy, and normative Although not termed boplang, similar kenduri practices function as prayers for safety, informal social notification, and expressions of mutual cooperation.
Urban transformation has reduced the ritualAos presence, though residual forms survive in Betawi traditions, showing continuity through adaptation.
As shown in Table 1, although ritual procedures vary across regions, shared normative patterns persist, particularly in social legitimacy, communal consent, and prayers for safety.
These findings suggest that boplang and its equivalents represent a broader living normative tradition, reflected in the following regional accounts.
In the regions of Kuningan and Dayeuhluhur, the practice is closely tied to selametan as a request for safety and blessings for the family, where local elders and the neighbors .
are invited as a form of recognition toward the informal leadership structure within the village.
Meanwhile, in Gayo Lues (Ace.
and Kembangan Utara (Jakart.
, practices with similar characteristics hasve undergone cultural erosion.
This demonstrates that core values such as social permission, collective prayer for safety, and communal recognition continue to persist despite changes in symbolic forms and ritual Understanding how these variations persist or transform requires considering the broader legal and religious frameworks shaping local ritual practices.
Support for and challenges to Boplang as local wisdom are inseparable from the historical development of legislation and Islamic jurisprudence in Indonesia.
18 Boplang, as 18 Nicholas R.
Baima.
The Laws of Plato (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2.
Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law:
Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices practiced in Cirebon, is a ritual performed before constructing a house or building, aimed at spiritual cleansing and harmonization with the unseen realm.
19 It typically involves offerings - such as rice, incense, flowers, and sometimes animal parts - performed at night under cosmological beliefs to ensure spiritual balance and seek protection from misfortune related to land disturbance .
ee Figure .
Figure 1.
Boplang ritual before laying the first stone of the foundation As shown in Figure 1, boplang reflects metaphysical awareness and a normative social order rooted in cosmology.
a rural custom resembling urf, it invites inquiry into how Islamic legal logos supports or challenges its continued practice.
Historically, legal logos, including in Islamic civilization, emerged from the need to mediate social tension and assert justice in plural societies.
For instance, the placement of the Black Stone (Hajar Aswa.
on the Ka'bah in 606 CE occurred within a tribal society without formal legal codification.
20 When a dispute arose among tribes, a consensus formed by entrusting Prophet Muhammad to resolve it peacefully.
21 Similarly, the Constitution of Madinah institutionalized Aourf-based agreements among Muslims.
Jews, and other tribes, recognizing communal practices as part of the legal order.
19 Eliade.
Myth and Reality, 40.
20 Sarip et al.
AuFilosofi Peletakan Hajar Aswad dalam Bentuk Permainan Anak di Desa Wilulang Cirebon Jawa Barat,Ay Empowerment : Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat 5, 1 .
: 76Ae84, https://doi.
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21 M.
Ruhly Kesuma Dinata et al.
AuGood Governance and Local Wisdom in Law Enforcement,Ay Volksgeist: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum dan Konstitusi 5, no.
: 227Ae42, https://doi.
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Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Sarip, et al.
In this context, boplang may be viewed as a culturally rooted legal expression, deserving recognition as Aourf within Islamic Islamic scholars have long debated the validity of Aourf.
Classical jurists such as Imam Malik and Imam Abu Hanifah gave weight to custom, as long as it fulfilled malauah .
ublic interes.
and did not contradict na .
This openness finds support in the Indonesian Association of Legal Studies Program Organizers (APPSIHI), which envisions a legal scholarship that is locally grounded, internationally respected, and committed to Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
22 Under this vision, boplang should not be dismissed as superstition or bidAoah, but examined through the lens of legal relevance, justice value, and spiritual rationality.
Nonetheless, tension remains, as urf in Islamic legal logos is subject to revelation and reason.
This becomes problematic when boplang is viewed through a narrow theological lens that labels nonscriptural ritual as bidAoah salAlah .
isguided innovatio.
Yet such a view neglects maqAid asy-syarAoah.
if Boplang promotes social harmony and spiritual well-being without violating clear na, it may be regarded as valid urf.
Legal scholar Alison Fischer critiques modern legal education for producing technocrats who manipulate legal texts without ethical reasoning or cultural embeddedness.
24 In Indonesia, judges are reduced to textual appliers, lawyers to negotiators, and prosecutors to procedural enforcers, ignoring local meanings of justice.
25 This detachment alienates law from society, especially in rural areas where traditions like boplang function as sources of moral order and conflict 22 APPSIHI.
Harmonisasi Kurikulum Program Studi Ilmu Hukum Indonesia: Berbasis KKNI Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2012 (Untuk Strata .
Badan Huku (Semarang: Asosiasi Penyelenggaraa Program Studi Ilmu Hukum Indonesia, 2.
, 7.
23 Ruslan and Rasyidah Zainuddin.
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24 Alison Fischer.
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Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law:
Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices Roscoe PoundAos sociological jurisprudence encourages law to be responsive to social realities.
26 Yet in Indonesia, his idea is misinterpreted as instrumentalist social engineering rather than cultural integration.
Besides, his notion of law as a tool of social engineering is more accepted than cultural integration.
27 The current legal system fails to embed traditions like boplang because it emphasizes legal institutions over doctrinal renewal.
28 This undermines the sui generis potential of Indonesian lawAilaw as culturally distinctive and rooted in living customs.
29 Boplang is thus marginalized not due to lack of legal merit, but because it lacks textual recognition in formal systems.
Although the socio-legal method has gained traction, its reliance on interdisciplinary perspectives can sometimes dilute doctrinal clarity.
While valuable for contextual analysis, it must not substitute the need for indigenous legal logic that respects Aourf as a component of Islamic and Indonesian law.
30 Reconnecting with local wisdom like boplang demands embedding logosAilegal reason and valueAiinto tradition, so it is not merely preserved as folklore but integrated as legal substance.
Detaching boplang from legal discourse has two consequences:
it perpetuates epistemic injustice by dismissing rural traditions as irrational, and it weakens legal education by neglecting normative interpretations of culture.
This calls for fulfilling the 2017 APPSIHI vision through reassessing traditions like boplang.
While official Nazaruddin Lathif.
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foundation-laying ceremonies receive legal recognition and public legitimacy, boplang rituals are often trivialized despite serving similar social functions.
Nicholas R.
Baima affirms that legal logos emerges from social evolution, collective goodwill, and reconciliation.
33 Likewise.
Renato Izidoro Da Sulva and Fabio Zoboli emphasize integrating logos into ritual to reconcile normative obligations with epistemic development.
These perspectives support the view that boplang, as a socially rooted practice with spiritual significance, deserves recognition within both Islamic legal reasoning and national development.
In contrast to social-religious disciplines that have succeeded internationally by embedding local wisdom in the discussion of religious moderation, legal academia lags behind.
35 Muhammad Siddiq ArmiaAos study on customary dispute resolution in Aceh shows how integrating Aourf with Islamic principles fosters a justice framework that are is locally meaningful.
36 His emphasis on moderationAipromoting justice, tolerance, and balanceAidemonstrates how Islamic legal logos can harmonize with local Aourf like Boplang, rather than oppose it.
Islamic legal logos supports boplang when understood through maqAid, urf, and moderation, but challenges it when reduced to rigid 32 Christandi Dimas.
AuApril 2021 Peletakan Batu Pertama Ibu Kota Negara Baru Kaltim,Ay Kompas TV.
March https://w.
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Nicholas Ryan Aditya.
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Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law:
Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices Addressing this tension requires a dynamic fiqh approach balancing textual integrity and contextual understanding, enabling Boplang to align with justice and public interest.
Reclaiming Boplang as valid urf thus depends on viewing Islamic legal logos as living reasoning grounded in ethical flexibility, social harmony, and cultural The Societal and Legal Position of Boplang as AoUrf Field interviews indicate that boplang continues to function as a living norm within community legal consciousness.
Cuanton (Astapad.
emphasized its role in preventing land disputes and securing communal consent before construction.
Sandia (Sidawang.
highlighted both its spiritual significance and social obligation, stating:
AuWe still perform Boplang, not because the government requires it, but because itAos our ancestorsAo tradition to protect the houseAy.
Similarly, another elder from Sidawangi emphasized.
AuWithout Boplang, disturbances often happenAiillness, conflicts with neighbors.
ThatAos why we still uphold itAy.
Similarly.
Sahrudin (Dayeuhluhu.
and Muaz (Kembangan Utar.
viewed the ritual as a customary obligation related to safety, neighborly recognition, and social order.
These testimonies affirm that, even without formal recognition, boplang continues to function as a preventive and legitimizing ritual embedded in communal legal The boplang ritual - despite lacking a singular, unified form - is a customary house-building practice embedded in various Javanese 38 Muhammad Irfan Helmy.
Achmad Darojat Jumadil Kubro, and Muhamad Ali.
AuThe Understanding of Islamic Moderation (Wasaiyyah Al-Isla.
and the Hadiths on Inter-Religious Relations in the Javanese Pesantrens,Ay Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 11, no.
: 377Ae401, https://doi.
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39 Sandia.
An Elder from Sidawangi.
Interview.
April 10, 2020.
40 Cuanton.
An Elder from Astapada.
Interview.
May 19, 2020.
Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Sarip, et al.
and Sundanese communities.
41 Despite its widespread presence, scholarly exploration of boplang remains limited.
Informal documentation, often under related names such as Ujub Kenduri or Slametan Gawe Omah, suggests variation in form but continuity in sanctifying processes through communal prayer and symbolic foundation-laying.
42 In essence, boplang or its equivalents serve a cultural function as local Aourf .
ustomary practice acknowledged in Islamic legal traditio.
, forming a living norm rooted in communal In Central and East Java, as well as Cirebon, the ritual involves mantra recitation, food offerings, and the invitation of neighbors, especially adjacent landowners.
44 It blends religious expression with Javanese-Islamic (Kejawe.
values and adapts to local livelihoods.
45 In coastal Cirebon, the ritual occurs in the morning to accommodate fishing schedules.
inland, it is held in the afternoon, aligning with farming routines.
One notable practice is buka tableg (Cirebones.
or buka teAoki (Sundanes.
, a symbolic foundation-laying act preceding construction, followed by boplang in the evening.
47 It emphasizes neighborliness to adjacent landowners in all cardinal directions .
orth, east, south, wes.
and inclusion of elders who guide the ritual based on cosmological Its emphasis on neighborly recognition and elder-guided cosmological order reinforces its urf status through social acceptance, 41 Abdul Muaz.
An Elder from North Kembangan.
Interview.
August 25, 2020.
Kevin Adyatama Chanel.
Ujub Kenduri Jowo !! Slametan Ngawe Omah (Indonesia: Youtube, 2.
, https://w.
com/watch?v=HQ6F-LJ0lyo.
43 Rosyid and Kushiayati.
AuAnticipating Disaster: The AoUrf Perspective of Rebo Wekasan Ceremony in Kudus.
Central Java.
Ay 44 Wito Kodok Ijo.
Ujub Kenduri Brokohan(Rasula.
Bayi Lahir dengan Bahasa Jawa (Indonesia: Yutube, 2.
, https://w.
com/watch?v=J2KXuUt5Fu4.
45 RofiAoi.
AuPesan Dakwah dalam Tradisi Ujut-Ujut Kenduri di Desa Ketro Kecamatan Tulakan Kabupaten Pacitan (Analisis Semiotika Charles Sanders Pairc.
,Ay Institute Agama
Islam
Negeri Ponorogo
(IAIN
Ponorogo, https://etheses.
id/12022/.
46 Christantio Utama.
AuIni Pantangan Membangun Rumah Adat Jawa dalam Proses Ritualnya.
Kenali Waktu Yang Tepat!,Ay Artikel Rumah 123, 2024, https://artikel.
com/pantangan-membangun-rumah-menurut-adat-jawa.
47 Kevin Adyatam Chanel.
Ujub Kenduri Bahasa Jawa (Indonesia: Yutube, 2.
, https://w.
com/playlist?list=PLWukTElI_hMwnEuOhmL92FlI8bE9lAoS Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law:
Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices repetition across generations, and normative power in mediating communal relations.
In Islamic jurisprudence, urf refers to customary practice accepted by the community and not contrary to ShariAoah.
Legally, it occupies a recognized position among secondary sources of Islamic law, alongside al-istiusAn and al-malauah al-mursalah.
Within this framework.
Boplang may be categorized as urf auu .
egitimate custo.
, as reflected in informantsAo views and in its alignment with malauah, social harmony, and preventive justice.
As noted by Wahbah al-Zuhaili, urf may fill legal gaps in positive legislation, while anNabhani likewise recognizes custom within legal reasoning.
Legally, however, boplang has received limited recognition within formal legal frameworks.
Although Article 18B .
of the Indonesian Constitution guarantees recognition of customary law communities, in practice, formal written law has marginalized such 49 Regional regulations on spatial planning and building permits rarely accommodate rituals like boplang, reflecting broader systemic neglect.
50 Yet, although not codified in national statutory law.
Boplang retains substantive normative power as a manifestation of living law that may inform community-oriented legal design.
In the framework of Islamic law, boplang can be categorized as urf auu .
egitimate custo.
, as it does not contradict Sharia principles and is accepted as a binding social norm.
This is reflected in informantsAo views: Cuanton (Astapad.
emphasized its role in preventing land disputes and securing communal consent.
Sandia (Sidawang.
highlighted its spiritual and social significance.
while Sahrudin (Dayeuhluhu.
and Muaz (Kembangan Utar.
viewed it as a customary obligation related to safety, neighborly recognition, and social order.
These perspectives suggest that Boplang aligns with Islamic values of 48 Muhammad Mutawali.
AuThe Dialectics of Customary Law and Islamic Law:
An Experience from Dou Donggo Customs of Bima.
Indonesia,Ay Ahkam: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 21, no.
: 45Ae64, https://doi.
org/10.
15408/ajis.
49 Ahyar Gayo et al.
AuPengulu UtenAos Forest Management in Central Aceh: A Perspective of Fiqh Al-BAoah,Ay Ahkam: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 24, no.
: 17Ae36, https://doi.
org/10.
15408/ajis.
50 Sapto Wahyono.
AuPersepektif Hukum atas Peran Satuan Polisi Pamong Paraja Dalam Penegakan Peraturan Daerah dan Peraturan Kepala Daerah,Ay Jurnal Yustitia 20, 2 .
: 172Ae84, https://doi.
org/http://dx.
org/10.
0324/yustitia.
Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Sarip, et al.
ublic interes.
, social harmony, and preventive justice, reinforcing its status as valid urf.
As noted by Wahbah al-Zuhaili.
Aourf is a valid legal source insofar as it does not conflict with na syarAoi .
criptural injunction.
, serving as a tool to uphold public interest .
and fill legal gaps in positive legislation.
51 Similarly.
Taqiyuddin an-Nabhani asserts that Aourf forms part of the legal reasoning framework .
stinbA al-aukA.
when it aligns with Islamic objectives.
52 The recognition of Boplang within adat law is affirmed by local leaders and residents, who state that Auwithout boplang, disputes often arise over unseen disturbances or unclear land boundariesAy, underscoring its role in both social harmony and perceived legal certainty.
Although not codified in national statutory law.
Boplang holds substantive normative power as a manifestation of living law that ought to be accommodated in community-oriented legal design and local development frameworks.
The decline of boplangAos normative role thus reflects tension between living law and formal state law.
Historically, boplang served as a communal prerequisite to construction, involving deliberation among families, adjacent landowners, village elders .
, and local authorities to secure consent and prevent disputes.
Although urbanization and formal legalism have reduced boplang largely to a symbolic heritage, its persistence across Indonesia suggests continued relevance as a socio-legal mechanism rooted in local wisdom.
Integrating the Boplang Ritual into the Legal Framework of Building Permits From field interviews conducted in Astapada.
Sidawangi.
Kembangan Utara.
Dayuehluhur, and Kuningan, village officials and community elders emphasize that the boplang ritual serves as a customary institution that regulates construction through consensus .
usyAwara.
among neighbors, families, and local authorities.
This ritual ensures spatial clarity and social harmony, preventing disputes before a building is erected .
nterview with Cuanton.
Sandia.
Muaz, and Sahrudi.
In this sense, boplang embodies Aourf as a form of living 51 Wahbah Al-Zuhaili.
Ul Al-Fiqh Al-IslAm (Damaskus: DAr al-Fikr, 2.
Taqiyuddin An-Nabhani.
Muqaddimah Ad-Dustr (Beirut: Dar al-Ummah.
Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law:
Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices law embedded within community values, consistent with the principles of Pancasila and national legal norms.
In striving for harmony between the boplang ritual and positive law related to building permits in Indonesia, a comparative table is provided to shed light on the .
involved parties, .
boplang ritual process, .
witnesses, .
functions, and .
strengths and weaknesses.
This methodical approach seeks to strike a balance, ensuring that the community's living legal traditions are acknowledged and integrated, thus fostering a more comprehensive understanding of law within the societal context.
Researchers list the advantages and disadvantages in Table 2.
Table 2.
Comparison of Boplang Ritual Legislation and National Building Permit Law Aspect Involved Parties Boplang Ritual Host, extended family, adjacent, landowners, local officials, and village, elders/punduh.
Process Deliberation family and community before ritual ensure spatial Witnesses Family, neighbours, and officials witness to prevent Role of Act as punduhAiread wind Elders:
direction to guide structure Strengths Positive Law (Permen PUPR No.
05/2.
Host and local village-level permits often unregulated.
Focus on document-based no community consultation required.
Depends on administrative no communal Comparable Environmental Management Monitoring Efforts (UKLUPL) or Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA or Amda.
evaluation for environmental suitability.
Promotes social harmony.
Enhances legal certainty, quick dispute resolution.
Locally-generated revenue.
and Indonesia identity.
Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Sarip, et al.
Aspect Positive Law (Permen PUPR No.
05/2.
No Written proof if May weaken neighbor witnesses die.
no PAD relations.
resolution can be show.
Boplang Ritual Weaknesses Based on Table 2, it can be seen that both in local wisdom and in positive Indonesian law, the goal is the same Ae to obtain permission to construct a residence.
The difference lies in the law that evolves in society, having a legal nature that tends to be informal, whereas positive law is more formal in nature.
The formal nature of positive law is associated with administrative revenue through permit fees, whereas boplang does not involve formal fees or fiscal contribution, operating instead through reciprocal social obligations and communal In its development, this contrast demonstrates the prominence of legislative mechanisms in the realm of positive law, emerging as the preferred choice over traditional legislation.
This is particularly evident as society leans towards the formal nature of law in the modern era, driven by the belief that it provides greater legal certainty compared to traditional practices.
The term "the state guarantees and acknowledges the existence of customary law," as stated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B Paragraph 2, has created a dilemma between the state and the On one hand, the state acknowledges and protects the existence of customary law, while on the other hand, there seems to be confusion about what kind of law is recognized and protected.
For the community, there is a dual challenge: on one side, they must adhere to positive law, and on the other, there is a desire to uphold traditions, rituals, local wisdom, and living law.
The two dilemmas between the state and the community may stem from a lack of a thoughtful approach to traditions, rituals, local wisdom, and living law, including the perception that traditional societies are outdated.
The dilemma faced between the state and the community presents an opportunity for mutual complementation between positive legal norms and the living norms within society.
This collaboration can 53 Tristam Pascal Moeliono.
AuIs the Law (Possibl.
Dead or Can IT Be Killed? Or Has the State Failed/Has IT Been Absent?,Ay Jurna Ius Kajian Hukum dan Keadilan 1, no.
: 409Ae14, https://doi.
org/10.
12345/ius.
Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Boplang as AoUrf in Islamic Law:
Exploring the Transformation of Ritual Practices be realized by recognizing that norms are shaped by the values prevalent in the community, which, in turn, align with the principles of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
An essential aspect to consider is the relevance of the existing legislation within the boplang ritual concerning Building Permits and its correlation with the positive legal framework for Building Permits.
Addressing this dilemma requires a heightened awareness among policymakers and legal researchers about the existence of law in its simplest forms within the community.
Efforts should be directed towards exploring the interplay between living law and positive law, avoiding justification of the existing community laws, and revitalizing neglected legal traditions.
Conclusion The study finds that the boplang-based IMB system, rooted in Aourf, reflects a living legal tradition grounded in local wisdom and social consensus.
While it fosters neighborly harmony and effective dispute resolution, it lacks formal documentation and recognition, limiting its integration into national law.
However, the 1945 Constitution Article 18B .
Constitution offers a basis to align boplang with state regulation.
Although boplang and formal licensing differ in methodAicommunal deliberation versus bureaucraticAiboth seek legal clarity in construction.
Recognizing boplang as a valid Aourf IndonesiaAos legal pluralism and provides a culturally embedded regulatory.
This article contributes to the discourse on legal pluralism and Islamic jurisprudence by positioning boplang within frameworks.
Its limitation lies in the localized Cirebon scope and the limited number of Future studies should further examine the role of urf in licensing practice and explore policy models for integrating local traditions into formal legal structures.
Acknowledgment The author expresses sincere gratitude to the Institute for Research and Community Service (LPPM) of Universitas Muhammadiyah Cirebon for its financial support through the internal research scheme, as well as to the Faculty of Law.
Universitas Muhammadiyah Cirebon, for its moral support and the facilities provided during the implementation of this research.
Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 21 .
, 2026: 110-132 Sarip, et al.
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