Language, Authority, and Digital Media:
The Impact on the Legitimacy of Fatwas
Ahmad Suaedy, Fariz Alnizar, Juri Ardiantoro, and Said Aqil Siroj

Abstrak: Kajian ini berupaya mengungkap posisi Majelis Ulama Indonesia
(MUI) saat ini yang secara kelembagaan memiliki kewenangan mengeluarkan
fatwa. Era disrupsi dan revolusi digital membawa tantangan tersendiri bagi
MUI. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang menggabungkan
analisis isi dalam sebuah teks dengan analisis jaringan aktor yang memproduksi
teks tersebut. Analisis isi teks dilakukan dengan menganalisis data berupa
penggunaan bahasa pada fatwa MUI daerah yang menunjukkan gejala
debirokratisasi fatwa. Tahap selanjutnya adalah memetakan wacana yang
muncul dalam gejala debirokratisasi fatwa. Dalam memetakan aktor-aktor
tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan Discourse Network Analysis (DNA).
Hal ini berguna untuk menjawab peta wacana dan aktor yang terlibat
dalam memproduksi sebuah wacana. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa ada
dua tantangan utama yang dihadapi MUI di era revolusi digital. Pertama,
merupakan gejala debirokratisasi yang ditandai dengan semakin banyaknya isu
nasional yang dibahas dan diputuskan oleh MUI daerah. Kedua, depersonalisasi
ditandai dengan lahirnya ulama selebritas yang kerap mengeluarkan fatwa di
forum-forum halakah dan pengajian yang dimiliki.
Kata kunci: fatwa; otoritas keagamaan; bahasa; debirokratisasi; depersonalisasi
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Abstract: This study aims to uncover the position of the Indonesian Ulama
Council (Majelis Ulama Indonesia or MUI) in the current institutional
context where it has the authority to issue fatwas. The era of disruption and
digital revolution poses challenges for MUI. This qualitative study combines
content analysis of a text with actor-network analysis of the actors who
produce the text. Content analysis of the text was carried out by analyzing
the language used in MUI regional fatwas that indicate symptoms of fatwa
de-bureaucratization. The next step is to map the discourse arising from the
fatwa de-bureaucratization symptoms. This study uses the Discourse Network
Analysis (DNA) tool to map the actors involved. This is useful to answer
the discourse map and actors involved in producing a discourse. The study
results show that MUI faces two main challenges in the digital revolution
era. First, the symptom of de-bureaucratization is marked by the increasing
number of national issues discussed and decided by MUI regions. Second,
depersonalization is characterized by the emergence of celebrity ulama, who
often issue fatwas in forums and religious gatherings they possess.
Keywords: fatwa; religious authority; language; de-bureaucratization;
depersonalization

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Introduction
In Islamic traditions, fatwas have a rich history and hold great
significance. During the early period of Islam, when the Prophet
Muhammad was alive, Muslims considered him their primary source
of guidance for performing religious and social practices. They would
seek his opinions or fatwas on various matters, including cases where
the laws were not previously established. This tradition of seeking
fatwas was carried forward by the companions (ṣaḥabah) and the tābi’
i al-tābi'īn, and eventually by respected scholars who were regarded as
authorities on Islamic law (al-Harrani, 2015: 25; Alnizar, 2019: 418;
al-Nawawi, 1988: 77; Masud, Messick, & David Powers, 1996: 198).
There are two models of the fatwa: personal and institutional
(Skovgaard-Petersen, 2015: 279; Assyaukanie, 2009: 12). Many Arab
countries use a personal model by appointing one person who is
considered the most pious to be a mufti. Mufti is job is to provide
solutions and problems for the community. Meanwhile, in some Arab
countries, the religious authority is centralized in a single individual
who is considered the most pious and knowledgeable and is appointed
as the mufti. The mufti's role is to provide guidance and solutions to
the community on religious matters. On the other hand, Indonesia
and Malaysia follow an institutional model for producing fatwas. In
these countries, fatwas are not produced by individuals but rather
by institutions responsible for religious affairs. These institutions are
composed of scholars and experts in Islamic law who work together
to produce fatwas based on Islamic jurisprudence principles and are
relevant to the community's needs.
This institutional model ensures that fatwas are produced through
collective decision-making and are not influenced by individual biases
or opinions. It also allows for diverse opinions and perspectives to
be considered in the production of fatwas, which can lead to more
nuanced and relevant guidance for the community.
In the context of state institutions, the fatwa institution is known
as the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI). MUI is mandated to issue
fatwas on social issues that occur in Indonesia (Alnizar & Munjid,
2020: 30; Hasyim, 2020: 23). Suaedy (2018: 290) argues that MUI
believes that they are a representation of Indonesian Muslims. Thus, the
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issued fatwas are considered attitudes and reflections of the opinions
of Muslims.
However, at certain levels of society—like at mass organizations—
there are also special institutions tasked with solving people's problems.
The Bahtsul Masail Institute and the Majlis Tarjih Muhammadiyah
are two great examples of institutions that have the task of finding
answers to questions raised by the people (Schäfer, 2019: 238; Zamhari
et al., 2021: 75).
In the Indonesian context, according to Fealy and White (2008:
194) people flock to embrace religion and make religion the way to go
(Bunt 2003: 41). According to Munjid (2018) the current era creates
individuals who are demonstrative with their religiosity (selfie-religiosity).
It is interesting to discuss how society deals with fatwas. What is MUI's
current position as an institution with the legality to issue fatwas? Is
fatwa still considered sacred, mythical, doctrinal, and must be obeyed?
Further, are the voices of the ulama still being heard, or are they ignored
and thrown away? Moreover, does it mean that the ulama—in the
context of being institutionalized- have started to lose their authority
and voice in certain contexts? In the era of the digital revolution like
today, is the pattern of bureaucratization of fatwas as practiced by MUI
still relevant, or is it experiencing a shifting paradigm?
Method
The study explores and synthesizes two approaches commonly used
in studying fatwas, including the principal religious approach and the
political instrument approach (Hicks 2014: 321). The first approach
is more dominant in looking at fatwas from the theological aspect,
while the second tends to lead to a political tool driven by power.
This qualitative research combines two analyses, including the
analysis of the text and the actors who produce the text. The contents
of the regional MUI fatwa texts show signs of de-bureaucratization
of fatwas. The next step is to map the fatwa discourse identified as
de-bureaucratization. Then, the researchers looked at the actors who
produced the discourse. This study uses the Discourse Network Analysis
(DNA) tool to map these actors. This is useful for answering discourse
maps and actors involved in producing these discourses.
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In the DNA analysis, a text is analyzed by considering four aspects
(1) actors, (2) discourse, (3) sentiment on discourse and (4) the period
when the discourse is produced. This study used DNA to view discourse
maps and actor networks in the fatwa de-bureaucratization process.
The final expected result is the mapping of discourse networks and
networks of actors who make efforts to de-bureaucratize fatwas about
shifts in religious authority and fatwa institutions.
This research data is the fatwa from Regional MUI, which is
useful to prove and support the hypothesis. A process of shifting
religious authority indicates a de-bureaucratization of the MUI. The debureaucratization in question refers to the provisions in the Guidelines
for determining the MUI Fatwa. Those emphasize that Regional MUI’s
are not allowed to respond to and discuss national issues since these
are the Central MUI domain. The findings revealed that some fatwas
indicate a de-bureaucratization. First, West Sumatra MUI fatwa on
Islam Nusantara. Second, West Sumatra MUI fatwa regarding the
law using names not by the Shari'a on food products in 2019. Third,
the East Java MUI fatwa challenges the prohibition of greetings from
other religions.
Fatwa, Religious Authority, and Digital Age
Kaptein (2004: 116-117) sees fatwas as a medium to spread religious
authority with high intensity. Further, he evolved fatwas into three types:
traditional, modern, and collective. The hallmark of a traditionalist
fatwa is not mentioning the name and identity of Mustafti (the person
asking the question). This type of fatwa uses common Arabic script
and the Arabic pegon—for example, the fatwa in Muhimmāt Nafāis
fī Bayāni as'ilat al-hadith (Kaptein 2004: 21).
The difference between the modern fatwa and the traditional
fatwa is the identity of the mustafti or the questioner. A newspaper,
Pembela Islam—one of the media used as research references—mentions
mustafti's identity. However, the identity was hidden when the fatwas
were recorded. This is done as a consideration that the questions asked
in the media are. However, these questions are global when written
in a fatwa book collection. Moreover, the real difference between
modern and traditional fatwa is the language used. Around the 1930s,
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a PERSIS figure, Ahmad Hassan, initiated the writing of fatwas in
Bahasa Q&A in 1929-1935.
A collective fatwa is a fatwa that develops from a personal fatwa, as
is the case with traditional and modern fatwas. Three mass organizations
or institutions issue this fatwa: MUI, NU, and Muhammadiyah.
Religious authority is dynamic, not static, compared to the 19thcentury religious authority monopolized by scholars (Mücke, 2010:
63-64). The digital revolution is marked by the opening of information
channels and creating a new phenomenon: those not religious scholars
also have religious authority on their terms.
The digital revolution changes people's life, including religious
communication patterns (Lövheim & Hjarvard, 2019: 208), from
traditional to internet-based communication that relies on openness
and speed. Four circumstances influence the changes (Abdullah, 2017:
117). First, technology is one of the backbones of communication in
religion. Oral-traditional proselytization (da'wah) is found in many social
media (Akmaliah, 2020: 17; Müller & Steiner, 2018: 4). The elements
of speed and brevity combined with attractive graphic packaging are
the three main signs of religious technology. Social media platforms
such as YouTube, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram are the arenas for
contestation and the most effective da'wah media today (Aguilar, et al.
2017: 1498-1499; Nisa, 2018b: 24-25).
The second is depersonalization. The internet makes religious
people's communication pattern no longer rely on charisma, character,
and scholars. However, more than that, social media has undermined
the reasoning that relies on personalization and character. "Authorities
in the most haunted realm, religion, was no less shaken when traditional
charismatic figures were pressured by celebrities who just yesterday
afternoon studied religion (Redana, 2020: 10)"
Third is the phenomenon of releasing religious roots. This can be
seen from the shift in the character of diversity, which was originally
assumed to be a way to solve problems in a society where religion is
born. Instead, it is uprooted and more interested in responding to
global-Mondial issues. This is a direct effect of the increasingly limitless
nature of the world. Global and global-scale issues can become the
main themes in daily religious studies.
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Fourth, there is participation in the production of knowledge and
religious discourse. The vast channels of information and social media
allow anyone to channel their aspirations and participate in coloring
debates in the public sphere. In this position, on social media, we
can see how people who do not have the capacity for the religious
scholarship without the burden of giving negative comments even
attack the personality of a cleric (Abdullah, 2017: 119).
The digital era in the context of searching for religious reference
sources is referred to by Ahyar and Alfitri (2019: 25-26) as clicktivism
activity (Islamic clicktivism). This activity describes Islamic activism in
the network, characterized by shifts in the means of da'wah, changes
in actors, and changes in da'wah strategies. Islamic clicktivism, with
the various elements that include it, in the context of religious patterns
in Indonesia, is reflected in the propaganda carried out during the
212 and 411 Movement moments in 2017 (Nastiti & Ratri, 2018:
196). This means that the digital world, one of which relies on social
media, has a strong influence on shaping religious discourse. The
practice of online religious learning (Islamic clicktivism) has resulted
in what is known as religious populism. Symptoms at least occur in
the digital era, mainly due to the rapid growth of the pattern of da'wah
through social media: "Social media has become a productive space
for the development of religious populism in Indonesia" (Sholahuddin
& Fakruroji, 2020: 9).
The struggle for religious authority has a very long history. For
Feener (2014: 501), in modern times, ulama, as one of the owners
of religious authority, place themselves in an increasingly crowded
public sphere. The struggle for religious authority is carried out, among
others, by conducting contemporary debates in the public sphere, which
culminates and is characterized by the emergence of new, complex
discursive formulations on issues of individual rights, religious belief,
and practice, responsibilities, and appropriate standards of public
morality. This is a sign that the mastery of discourse and media, a
vehicle for conveying ideas and discourses, has an important position
in the struggle for religious authority.
The relationship between religious authority, the role of ulama, and
symbolic power in Indonesian society for Zulkilfi (2013) are solid. This
conclusion was obtained based on a search of important literature on
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Kiai, ulama, power, and religious authority. Ulamas have an important
role in political, social, and economic change. Ulama has a strategic
position in at least the three areas mentioned above. However, this study
also finds that the religious authority of the ulama has been fragmented
for a long time. The decline of clerical authority is significantly impacted
by alterations in people's way of living and behavior. Meanwhile, there
is competition among traditionalists, reformers, radicals, and newcomers
in religious authority. From this research, it can also be proven that
religious authorities can run effectively if they walk on the 'rails' of
power (Zulkifli, 2013: 42).
Fatwas are not merely legal products that are doctrinal, but more
than that, from an anthropological perspective, fatwas are religious
products that have temporality and several other aspects from the
point of view of anthropological studies. Fatwas have significant power,
although they are not binding. "fatwa exercise significant authority
even though they are not officially binding, while the court judgment
is looked on with great suspicion despite their legally binding status"
(Agrama, 2010: 56). From an anthropological perspective, it is crucial to
discuss and explore the temporality of fatwas, as they are legal opinions
that do not have a binding relationship with the individual who seeks
advice (mustaftī) and have limitations regarding their duration. Failing
to acknowledge the significance of this issue can lead to a decline in
the authority of fatwas over time.
The dominant nature of the fatwa is elaborating past opinions
or views and then grounding them with views of the present or even
the future. Furthermore, the relationship pattern produced by the
fatwa, namely between the mufti and mustafti, which will later give
birth to authority, is reciprocal. Fatwas are legal products for certain
people, in certain cases, at certain times. In this position, the fatwa
will be positioned by mustafti as not only a suggestion but more than
an 'obligation' and an 'answer' to the problems raised (Alnizar et al.,
2021: 2-3).
The production process, methodology, and methods used in
determining fatwas at the MUI are important considerations for
examining the issue of fatwas (Hosen, 2004). The sources for the
determination of the fatwa, the relationship between the fatwa issued
by the central MUI and the regional MUI, as well as the topics
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of problems that are fatwa should also be an important concern in
reviewing the fatwa, especially concerning the authority produced.
Between 1975 and 1998, the MUI played a significant role as a
quasi-governmental institution. During this period, MUI served as a
bridge between various Islamic organizations and was often seen as
a mouthpiece of the government in promoting certain attitudes and
policies. The government relied on MUI to provide religious legitimacy
for its decisions and actions, and MUI often played a key role in
justifying government policies for the Muslim community. As such,
MUI was seen as a powerful institution that helped to shape public
opinion on important issues.
However, it is essential to note that MUI's relationship with the
government has not always been smooth, and there have been instances
where MUI has been critical of government policies. Nonetheless, its
status as a respected and influential religious institution has meant
that its views and opinions carry significant weight within the Muslim
community in Indonesia.
Most MUI fatwas in 1975-1998 referred to fiqh books with little
or no modification or further ijtihad. In the opinion of the article's
author, this condition proves that MUI does not have a methodology
for determining its fatwas.
There is an internal problem with the MUI fatwa commission,
which is not solid enough, especially during meetings in the fatwa
decision process. The article's author revealed that many members of
the fatwa commission were absent and reluctant to attend the plenary
meeting of the fatwa commission to discuss issues that would be
fatwaed. One of the fundamental problems expressed was the lack
of honorarium earned, so it could not cover the need for taxi fares
(Hosen, 2004: 19).
Language and the Evidence of Fatwa's De-bureaucratization
As a continuation effect of the digital revolution, we can see that
there has been a phenomenon of de-bureaucratization of fatwas in
recent years. This symptom is marked by one of them—the spread
of "online fatwa" sites containing questions and answers between the
mufti and mustafti (Bunt, 2003: 142-143: Subchi et al., 2022: 53).
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This kind of practice—in the Indonesian context, especially at the
MUI—has the opportunity to undermine the bureaucratization of
fatwas that has existed so far.
In the Guidelines for Determining the Fatwa issued by the MUI
(2012), there is a clause for determining the fatwa with a bureaucratic
character. For example, there is a rule that the central MUI has the
authority to decide on national or regional issues that have the potential
to spread to other regions. On the other hand, regional MUI’s are
not allowed to decide on issues that have a national scale. This can
be understood as the nature of the organization, which is generally
bureaucratic.
Article 17 (1) and (2) of the Guidelines for Determining Fatwa
issued by MUI (Pedoman penetapan Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia)
indirectly state that MUI at the regional level, namely those at the
provincial and district/city levels only have the authority to respond to
problems of a local nature. On the other hand, the Central MUI has
the authority to respond to national and local issues seen as having
the potential to expand.
"The Indonesian Ulema Council has the authority to issue fatwas on
national and regional religious issues. Then, if a problem occurs in an
area and has not been given a fatwa by the MUI, the Regional MUI
has the authority to issue a fatwa. (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, 2012)"

Efforts to strengthen the bureaucratic character of the fatwa are
also contained in Article 18 of the Guidelines for Determining the
MUI Fatwa (2012). In articles 18 (1) and (2) it is stated that the line
of fatwa is top-down. This means that all decisions from Central MUI
are made only to be carried out by the Regional MUI.
In 2018, several regional MUI decisions (fatwas) began to respond
to national-scale problems. In this case, the MUI of West Sumatra
is an interesting example. The decision of the West Sumatra MUI
Coordination Meeting for Harmony and Brotherhood on 21 July
2018 resulted in a decision to reject Islam Nusantara (Majelis Ulama
Indonesia Provinsi Sumatera Barat, 2018; Schäfer, 2021: 3). This is a
form of fatwa de-bureaucratization. The issue of Islam Nusantara is
not an issue on a local scale. Islam Nusantara is an idea promoted by
Nahdlatul Ulama that has a national scale. Even recently, NU has
tried to bring this idea into a global context.
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Although this decision has heated the debate space and provoked
unequal reactions from the internal management of the Central MUI,
what is important to point out is the tendency that national issues
should not be decided at the national level. Regional MUI’s carry
out "penetration" and "improvisation" so that national issues must
also become a local/regional discussion. Although there are efforts to
"localize" the dictum of the decision by stating that Islam Nusantara
is not needed in the Minang realm, this does not mean that Islam
Nusantara is a local issue.
Figure 1. Map of actor-network analysis on the issue of Islam Nusantara

Eleven actors are actively involved in the public sphere (media) in
the debate about the discourse on the introduction of the term Islam
Nusantara. The eleven actors who contested the discourse on Islam
Nusantara were divided into two main groups. One party expresses a
pro stance, while the other expresses disagreement (con). Those who
claim no problem with Islam Nusantara come from moderate circles.
Meanwhile, those who argue against Islam Nusantara come from
conservative circles.
The moderates contesting the discourse of Islam Nusantara are
from Nahdlatul Ulama and its network. These actors include KH.
Ahmad Ishomuddin (Rais Syuriah PBNU 2015-2021), Ngatawi AlZastrow (Lecturer at the Nahdlatul Ulama University of Indonesia,
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Jakarta). In addition, those who agreed with Islam Nusantara outside
NU included M. Quraish Shihab from the Pusat Studi Quran and
Ridwan Lubis from UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta (Figure 1).
The parties against the discourse of Islam Nusantara come from
groups with opposing views to Nahdlatul Ulama, such as Najih
Maimoen Zubair, a figure in NU Garis Lurus. Apart from that, the
rejection actors also came from a network of agencies that had relations
with the West Sumatran MUI, such as the West Aceh Regent, West
Sumatra DPRD, and UIN Imam Bonjol (Figure 2).
The Central MUI's position on the issue of the Islam Nusantara
discourse was divided. While the Secretary-General of MUI from
2015-2020, Anwar Abbas, supported the rejection of Islam Nusantara,
others such as KH. Ma'ruf Amin (General Chairperson of MUI), Zainut
Tauhid Sa'adi (Vice Chairperson of MUI), and Asroun Niam Sholeh
(Secretary of the MUI Fatwa Commission) considered the rejection of
the term to be a misunderstanding. According to Zainut Tauhid Sa'adi,
the denial of Islam Nusantara did not reflect the MUI's function as
a big tent for Muslims, which is meant to protect the aspirations of
Muslims. The MUI serves as an essential platform for Muslims to come
together and discuss important issues, and all voices must be heard
and respected within this context. While there are differing opinions
on the Islam Nusantara discourse, it is clear that the MUI plays an
important role in shaping the discourse around Islam in Indonesia. Its
position on important issues can significantly impact public opinion
and policy-making in the country.
Differences in organizational backgrounds affect the perspectives
of MUI officials for the 2015-2020 period, such as KH. Ma'ruf Amin,
Zainut Tauhid Sa'adi and Asroun Niam Sholeh from Nahdlatul Ulama
(NU), and Anwar Abbas from Muhammadiyah.
NU was Indonesia's most prominent Islamic mass organization
in 2015, when it held the 33th NU Congress in Jombang, making
the Islam Nusantara issue the main theme (Kato, 2021: 110-111). In
fact, as a follow-up to academically formulating the concept of Islam
Nusantara, the East Java PWNU held a Bahtsul Masail, precisely
one of the topics was the conceptual definition of Islam Nusantara.

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Figure 2. Map of actor institutional network analysis on the issue of Islam
Nusantara

The Bathsul Masail Forum, held on 13 February 2016 at the State
University of Malang, decided that Islam Nusantara as a reference for NU
includes Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah Islam, which is practiced, propagated,
and developed in society. This principle aims to anticipate and protect
the ummah from radicalism, liberalism, Shi'a, Wahhabism, and other
ideologies that are not in line with Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah. Second,
the da'wah strategy is carried out politely and peacefully, considering the
Indonesian population is multiethnic, multicultural and multi-religious
(PWNU Jawa Timur, 2016).
Institutionally, through DNA, it can be seen that there is a map
of discourse between those who are pro and those who are against.
Those who are pro with the discourse of Islam Nusantara come from
the Nahdlatul Ulama institutional network or at least those who come
from institutions that have moderate views, such as the Center for Quran
Studies, which Quraish Shihab manages. Meanwhile, the opposing
opinion appeared from parties affiliated with the West Sumatran MUI,
including the West Sumatra DPRD, the Deputy Regent of West Aceh.
In addition, the discourse against Islam Nusantara also emerged from
a group of people who called themselves NU Garis Lurus (straight
lines). NU Garis Lurus tends to have close views and affiliations with
several non-moderate religious groups. "NU Garis Lurus" activists are
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also known for their close alliance with activists from conservative
Islamist groups, including Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam,
FPI) and Indonesian Mujahidin Council (Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia,
MMI), bypassing the theological divide that sharply distinguishes NU
from these groups (Arifianto, 2017)".
The same thing happened to the West Sumatra MUI fatwa, which
was decided at the Regional Coordination Meeting forum in Bukit
Tinggi, 19-21 July 2019. The forum prohibits (manhiyun anhu) using
names that do not follow Islamic law on food, cosmetics, drinks,
medicines and other clothing products. In more detail, these decisions
are divided into two categories. The use of names that contain elements
of principles and creeds in Islam is haraam. Meanwhile, if the term
used is limited to moral elements, then the law is makruh (Majelis
Ulama Indonesia Provinsi Sumatera Barat, 2019).
For instance, culinary names such as sambel setan (devil's chilli
sauce), mie iblis (devil's noodles), rawon setan (devil's rawon [a beef soup
dish]), es pocong (a ghost ice), es genderuwo ([a mythical creature, also
known as a tall ghost] ice) are haraam. However, terms such as ayam
dada montok (plump chicken breast), mie caruik (curly noodles), and so
on are makruh. The issue of using names as above does not only occur
in West Sumatra. However, in almost all regions in Indonesia, the names
categorized above are easy to find, especially in the culinary treasures.
The use of these names is easy to understand as a national phenomenon
because the culinary roots of the Indonesian people are closely related
to the nuances of eroticism and mysticism (Alnizar, 2020: 96).
Figure 3. Map of actor institutional network analysis on the issue of
prohibition of naming restaurants with terms that are not following Islamic law

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It can be concluded that using certain names as product labels for
culinary, fashion, pharmaceutical, and cosmetic products has become
a national issue. However, just like the case of the Islam Nusantara
fatwa, this matter has been discussed and decided upon by regional
MUI’s. Based on DNA analysis, those who oppose this decision are
mostly ordinary netizens who believe this issue is not significant enough
to be discussed and turned into a fatwa.
"……..as long as the food doesn't come from illegal substances or
uses illegal means to obtain it, it doesn't become haram. Or most
importantly, things like that don't need a fatwa, just up to the level of
advice (Irsyadi, 2019)"

On the other hand, those who support the fatwa come from the
local government in West Sumatra. The Padang City Government,
through the Food Service, issued a letter numbered No. 526/281/DPPadang/2019 regarding the naming of restaurants. The letter stated
that the city government asked the restaurant owners to replace the
names of extreme restaurants with names that are more in line with
Minang norms and customs. In this context, the letter was issued
based on a reference to a decision or fatwa that the West Sumatra
MUI had issued in the Regional Coordination Meeting forum in
Bukittinggi.
This shows the power relations between the MUI of West Sumatra
and the local government. The West Sumatra MUI fatwa was used
as a reference basis for issuing a decree prohibiting restaurant names
deemed not to reflect the local culture.
Another example that illustrates the symptoms of debureaucratization of fatwas is the issue of the recommendation for
Muslim government officials not to greet greetings from other religions.
The East Java MUI conveyed this decision on 8 November 2019. The
East Java MUI said that "giving greetings from all religions carried out
by Muslims is a new thing which is a heresy that has never existed
in the past. At least it contains the value of doubt that should be
avoided" (Majelis Ulama Indonesia Provinsi Jawa Timur, 2019). The
issue of using interfaith greetings is a national issue. Many officials
at the central level, even the President, often convey greetings using
greetings from various faiths.
There are eight points in the letter 110/MUI/JTM/2019. The decision
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regarding the prohibition of greetings for all religions is contained in
the eighth and ninth points, which read as follows:
"Giving greetings from all religions carried out by Muslims is a new act
which is a heresy that never existed in the past, at least it contains the
value of doubt that should be avoided. The MUI Leadership Council
of East Java Province calls on Muslims and policymakers so that the
matter of opening greetings is carried out following the teachings
of their respective religions. For Muslims, it is enough to say the
sentence, "Assalaamu'alaikum. Wr. Wb." Thus, Muslims will be able
to avoid doubtful acts that can damage the purity of their religion."
Figure 4. Map of actor-network analysis on the issue of prohibiting greetings
of all religions

Based on discourse mapping through DNA analysis, it is evident
that the advocates against the prohibition of greetings from all religions
during speeches are mainly associated with the MUI network. The
fatwa producers, particularly the East Java MUI and the Central
MUI, tend to support this view. Conversely, those who hold the
opposing view tend to believe that greeting all religions is a way
of showing respect for different religious beliefs. This perspective
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Language, Authority, and Digital Media - 17

has emerged from moderate groups like the PBNU and the Islamic
Network Anti-Discrimination.
"As a national greeting, which of course all figures or leaders intend
to unite, as far as I have seen from various forums, no one has the
intention of insulting, harassing, or tarnishing (Zaini, 2019)"
Figure 5. Map of actor institutional network analysis on the issue of
prohibiting the greeting of all religions

The national issue discussed locally also occurred in the MUI
fatwa in Palu, Central Sulawesi, prohibiting Muslim women who are
already wives from posting photos on social media. The issues raised
in this fatwa are national and even global. In this context, the MUI
Palu cut down the "bureaucratization of fatwa" formally included in
the MUI fatwa guidelines, and conventions were used as a reference
for issuing the fatwa.
In the current era of disruption, four leading indicators tend
to be cheaper, simpler or more accessible, and faster (Kasali, 2017).
These four indicators are things that the current generation should not
miss. The fast-moving world condition—which, in the language of the
industrialized world, is called VUCA (volatility, uncertainty, complexity,
and ambiguity)- impacts the development of religious patterns. The
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boundaries between global, national, and local issues are blurry. In the
context of fatwa production in Indonesia, this condition is an essential
factor that triggers the symptoms of fatwa de-bureaucratization.
Religious Authority in the Age of Depersonalization
Depersonalization in the context of religious authority becomes
a complex phenomenon. It can reflect a democratization of religious
knowledge and authority, as more individuals can access religious texts
and form their interpretations of religious teachings. This can lead to
the emergence of new religious leaders who may not have the same
traditional credentials or training as established religious authorities.
On the other hand, the rise of "celebrity Ustaz" or charismatic
clerics who have gained popularity through social media and other
online platforms can also lead to a certain degree of depersonalization
of religious authority (Shuhufi et al., 2022: 839; Rusli et al., 2020:
513). This study argues that people must evaluate religious leaders based
on their knowledge, expertise, and adherence to established religious
principles rather than on their popularity or charisma. At the same
time, it is also essential for established religious authorities to be open
to new ideas and interpretations and to engage with the concerns and
questions of their followers in a meaningful way.
According to Hosen (2019: 84), social media create a lawsuit
opposite to traditional religious authorities. Social media can portray a
person who has good communication skills and is attractive to become
an Islamic scholar. They confidently offer religious advice (Hew, 2018:
79; Nisa, 2018: 43; Whyte, 2022: 3).
The era of social media that produces "new Islamic scholars" is a
relic of the Halakah and taklim periods—either from house to house
or via television (Burhani, 2020: 175)—which in the previous era had
been followed by urban communities dominated by the middle class.
The difference is if, in the past, the subject had to go to Halakah,
recitation, and taklim, then in this era of social media, the subject is
visited by the contents of the Halakah, recitation, and taklim through
a series of notifications that can be arranged via mobile phones.
However, on social media, like Instagram and Youtube, religion
is presented concisely and tends to be "fast food." In their recitation
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Language, Authority, and Digital Media - 19

activities, many lecturers give fatwas "on the spot." This is one of
the main characteristics of social media, which is a place to find
entertainment and express joy and expression of life (Miller et al.,
2018: 194-195).
The practice of da'wah on social media, such as what happened in
the case of Ustaz Abdul Somad, Evie Effendi, Syafiq Riza Basalamah,
Felix Siauw, Adi Hidayat, and so on, the pattern of recitation is carried
out with a question and answer model. An Ustaz reads out the questions
that come from the audience. Generally, the answers (fatwas) are short
by referencing quotes from the Koran and hadith. The da'wah pattern
of presenting concise answers is prevalent among urban middle-class
Muslims. This happens because of the influence of the world's nature
in the digital revolution era, which tends to rely on speed, conciseness,
and practicality. Preachers who use social media understand how to
present da'wah more lightly without losing substance. They present
religion with a da'wah pattern that tends to be entertaining (Hew,
2018: 80; Millie 2008).
This condition further makes depersonalization symptoms where
audiences see "what" rather than "how". They tend to get the desired
answer, not "how" the answer process or formulated. Ultimately, black
and white fatwas with the level of answers "may and may not" become
the main menu favoured over long, systematic, analytical answers, even
though logical and argumentative (Qudsy et al., 2021: 114).
In addition, in this era of disruption, depersonalization is also
supported by the consequences of new ways and approaches to
proselytization (da'wah). This is because the consumer audience and
the landscape are changing. Popular opinions (mu'tabar) are considered
to have scientific authority because they are compatible with certain
networks and cannot stem other viral opinions on social media (Suryana,
2019: 81-83). This condition also provides new challenges for the
validity of a scientific transmission, a scientific tradition that has deep
roots in Islam.
Although in specific contexts, the finding indicated that state
that the development of digital proselytization patterns cannot be
pulled out from the traditional religious framework (Solahudin &
Fakhruroji, 2020: 10-12), this is a serious challenge because the basis
of the argument rests on the assumption that traditional religious
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authorities are still the main actor in the contestation of da'wah on
social media. The conditions that occur show the opposite symptoms.
Digital da'wah tends to break away from traditional religious authority.
Scientific transmission is no longer a major issue in digital da'wah.
The ability and scientific competence of the preacher is also not a
significant issue.
Conclusion
Evidently, the digital revolution has significantly impacted
authorities and communication patterns, creating institutional fatwas.
This impact cannot be avoided as it has made it easier for anyone
to access information. However, the efforts of MUI to strengthen
their authority and bureaucratic fatwa, such as establishing the Fatwa
Commission, as mentioned by Alfitri (2020: 394), are facing serious
challenges in this era. The first challenge is de-bureaucratization,
characterized by increasing national-scale issues becoming the topic
and subject of regional MUI fatwas. This trend is evidence that the
bureaucratic tradition that the Central MUI has practiced is now
being threatened.
The second form of opposition brought about by the digital
revolution is depersonalization, which involves questioning established
religious authorities and turning to newer ustadz who provide
entertainment-style da'wah. This ustadz often issues fatwas through
question and answer sessions on online forums.
The concepts of de-bureaucratization and depersonalization
represent significant impacts of the digital revolution. Religious
institutions and authorities, especially in fatwa production, face the
challenge of responding to both changes. To do so, they need a precise
and measurable approach.
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Ahmad Suaedy1, Fariz Alnizar2, Juri Ardiantoro3, and Said Aqil Siroj4
1
Islam Nusantara Faculty Universitas Nahdlatul Ulama Indonesia Jakarta & National
Research & Innovation Agency of Indonesia
2,3,4
Islam Nusantara Faculty, Universitas Nahdlatul Ulama Indonesia
E-mail: 1ah.suaedy@unusia.ac.id, 2fariz@unusia.ac.id, 3ardiantoro.juri@unusia.ac.id,
3
saidaqilsiraj@unusia.ac.id
AHKAM - Volume 23, Number 1, 2023