HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 Epistemological Transformation and Subversive Agency:
Negotiating Gender.
Faith, and Culture among Contemporary Sundanese Women Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah1.
UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung.
Indoenesia .
inagiftia@uinsgd.
Nina Nurmila2 Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia .
nurmila@ui.
A2025 by the authors.
Submitted for open access publication under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.
0 International License (CC-BY-SA) license .
ttps://creativecommons.
org/licenses/by-sa/4.
DOI : http://dx.
org/10.
30983/humanisme.
Submission: July 20, 2025 Revised: September 02, 2025 Accepted : October 04, 2025 Published: December 05, 2025 Abstract This study examines the dynamics of gender relations among contemporary Sundanese women amid the intersecting influences of patriarchy, religion, and cultural modernity.
It is grounded in the historical shift from egalitarian Sundanese values to a patriarchal system legitimized through religious interpretations.
The study aims to identify womenAos negotiation strategies and forms of agency in reinterpreting gendered power Using a feminist qualitative approach informed by feminist epistemology, data were gathered through in-depth interviews with eleven Sundanese women aged 40Ae55 from diverse educational and professional backgrounds.
The findings show that patriarchal ideology remains deeply rooted, particularly through norms such as ngawulaan salaki.
Yet, women exercise subversive agency by negotiating equality in education, marriage, and domestic leadership.
Education and reflective religiosity serve as key drivers of epistemological transformation, shifting their consciousness from obedience toward gender equality.
Thus, gender transformation among Sundanese women emerges through an internal reinterpretation of religion and tradition rather than their rejection.
Keywords: feminist epistemology, gender transformation, subversive agency.
Sundanese women Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah et al Epistemological TransformationA HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 gender inequality across generations.
12 In Indonesia, misogynistic attitudes are evident in the persistently high rates of violence against According to the National Commission on Violence Against Women, 330.
097 cases were reported in 2024.
13 Indonesian women also continue to face challenges related to education, child marriage, 14-15 and polygamy.
As one of the largest ethnic groups in Indonesia,17 Sundanese women form an essential part of the historical, cultural, and social landscape of West Java.
The Sundanese possess a rich cultural heritage that has significantly shaped Indonesian civilization.
18 Historically.
Sunda was known as an egalitarian agrarian society.
Long before contemporary gender debates.
Sunda Buhun regarded women as equal toAior even Introduction Women have become the focus of attention in many parts of the world, 1 _ 2 including Indonesia, 3 not only in terms of their existence4 but also their functions, roles, 5 and origins.
6 The origin of womenAos creation has long been considered a crucial issue and is often cited as one of the underlying causes of womenAos oppression.
Throughout human history, this discourse has been reinforced through interpretations of sacred 7 - 8 Beyond religious traditions, the development of Western philosophical and scientific thought historically excluded women and, at times, reduced them to negative Classical philosopher 9 and later modern thinkers such as Descartes and Francis Bacon 10 frequently depicted women as inferior beings, thus rendering them unfit for public life.
These perspectives have shaped societal worldviews about women, contributing to discrimination and Marya Jesys Domynguez Pachyn and Eva Lypez Canseco.
AuWomen in the World and in Daily Life: Realities.
Approaches.
Perspectives,Ay Procedia.
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Linda K Kerber.
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Female Worlds.
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Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia 24, 2 .
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Mary Townsend.
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Stephanie Hepburn and Rita J Simon.
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62Ae68.
Fathonah K Daud and Nina Nurmila.
AuAsal Penciptaan Perempuan Hingga Dunia Mode Dan Praktek Ibadah: Penafsiran Ulang Tulang Bengkok Dan Mitos Menstrual Taboo,Ay Musawa 21, no.
Nasaruddin Umar.
Argumen Kesetaraan Gender Perspektif Al QurAoan (Jakarta: Paramadina, 2.
Kamila Klingorova and Tomy Havlicek.
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: 2Ae11.
Gadis Arivia.
Filsafat Berperspektif Feminis (Jakarta:
Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan, 2.
Brian Vickers.
AuFrancis Bacon.
Feminist Historiography, and the Dominion of Nature,Ay Journal of the Historyof Ideas 69, no.
: 117Ae41.
Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah Akhyar Yusuf Lubis.
Dekonstruksi Epistemologi Modern: Dari Posmodernisme.
Teori Kritis.
Poskolonialisme.
Hingga Cultural Studies (Jakarta: Pustaka Indonesia Satu.
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Islam.
Hinduism and Buddhism, and Some Salutary Remedies,Ay International Journal of Current Research in Education.
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Nina Nurmila and Wiwin Windiana.
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West Java,Ay Ulumuna.
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Islam and Everyday Life.
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Epistemological Transformation.
HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 holding higher status thanAimen.
19 As noted by Brata, the egalitarian character of ancient Sundanese life was reflected in its religious systems, arts, livelihoods, technologies, and kedaton architecture.
20 This egalitarian ethos is also evident in early Sundanese, a language that originally lacked hierarchical speech levels .
ndak usuk bas.
However, rapid social, economic, and political transformations in recent decades have created new challenges for Sundanese women and reshaped the dynamics of contemporary gender relations.
Islam, the religion adhered to by the majority of Sundanese people, 22 is often interpreted literally in ways that reinforce patriarchal cultural norms.
23 This phenomenon reflects a shift in religious understanding, as early Islamic teachings elevated the status of women, countering pre-Islamic Arab traditions that treated women as inferior beings who could even be inherited or gifted.
In contrast, the teachings brought by the Prophet Muhammad sought to restore womenAos dignity and position them as equal to men.
24 At its core.
Islam emphasizes justice and equitable treatment for both men and Given these developments, it is crucial to examine how contemporary Sundanese women experience, interpret, and negotiate gender relations across different spheres of daily life.
This study explores the lived experiences of Sundanese women and the strategies they employ to navigate gendered power structures.
The research includes eleven participants from backgrounds, representing a wide spectrum of Sundanese society.
This study employs feminist methodology not merely as a qualitative tool, but as a critical epistemological stance.
As Nurmila argues, feminist methodology challenges androcentric epistemology, which has historically rendered women invisible as research subjects and knowledge producers.
26 Feminist methodology shifts the focus from conducting sociology about women to conducting sociology for and with women, recognizing their lived experiences as legitimate theoretical foundations.
Building upon critical theory, feminist methodology in this research rejects the illusion of neutrality in traditional science.
As Hartsock27 and Harding 28 emphasize, standpoint epistemology asserts that knowledge is always partial and womenAos perspectives, shaped by embodied and social experiences, reveal structural power asymmetries that dominant epistemologies conceal.
Feminist methodology thus functions as a counter-discourse that reclaims the authority of women as AuknowersAy and challenges the patriarchal structures embedded in religious, cultural, and academic Agus Heryana.
AuMitologi Perempuan Sunda,Ay Patanjala.
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23 Cemal ynztyrk.
AuRevisiting the Islam-Patriarchy Nexus: Is Religious Fundamentalism the Central Cultural Barrier to Gender Equality?,Ay Z Religion Ges Polit 7 .
173Ae206.
Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah et al Wiebke Walther.
Women in Islam, from Mediaeval to Modern Time (New York: Markus Wiener Publishing Princeton, 1.
Muhammad Nur Khaliq et al.
AuGender Equality in Islam: The Implementation of Adat Sanctions for Adultery Among the Malay Tribe in West Kalimantan,Ay Humanisma:
Journal of Gender Studies 8, no.
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Nina Nurmila.
AuPengaruh Budaya Patriarki Terhadap Pemahaman Agama Dan Pembentukan Budaya,Ay Jurnal Karsa 23, no.
: 1Ae16.
Nancy C M Hartsock.
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Metaphysics.
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Sandra Harding.
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Epistemological TransformationA HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 Using a feminist critical paradigm, this research examines how patriarchal religious interpretations continue to shape everyday life while being contested and redefined through womenAos agency.
In-depth interviews with 11 Sundanese women aged 40Ae55 living in West Java reveal diverse educational and occupational backgrounds, reflecting class and generational variations within Sundanese society.
Unlike earlier studies that focus on Sundanese myths (Haq.
29 Retty 30 ) or cultural representations in literature and performance (Narawati, 31 Yuliawati, 32 Kostarina 33 ), this womenAos negotiations with patriarchy as a site of epistemic By integrating critical theory and feminist analysis, it explores how contemporary Sundanese women reinterpret gendered power within education, marriage, and household This study contributes new knowledge on gender relations among contemporary Sundanese women and provides a foundation for developing more inclusive and sustainable policies and The article begins by outlining womenAos Sundanese myths and then examines their status before and after the colonial era, which entrenched hierarchical patriarchy.
This historical overview shows how societal transformation has shaped gender relations and continues to inform the experiences of Sundanese women today.
Women in Sundanese Myth Sundanese society historically grounded its myths in religious values expressed through ceremonies, rituals, and forms of reverence .
nggah-ungga.
integrated into everyday life.
These values are also embodied in pantun performances, which serve as ritual expressions within Sundanese tradition.
According to Rosidi, characters in Sundanese myths are imaginative figures that reflect societyAos ideal traits or depict characteristics considered improper within their cultural norms.
Among these figures, women hold a significant place, represented by characters such as Purbasari.
Dayang Sumbi.
Sunan Ambu as the mother of the gods, and Nyi Sri Pohaci (Dewi Sr.
as the Goddess of Rice.
Beyond portraying women as respected figures.
Sundanese myths also address female biological experiences, including menstruation.
In the Sri Sadana pantun, it is narrated that when Sri Sadana menstruated, her blood fell to the earth and from it grew various plants such as gadung, wheat, corn, cetik, and turmeric.
Wheat and corn, being staple foods for the Sundanese, are therefore symbolically traced to menstrual blood.
Although many cultures regard menstruation as tabo,36 impure, or even a curse as illustrated in Jewish literature cited by Umar, where menstruation is considered EveAos punishment for original sin,37 the Sundanese view the Sundanese Magazine Mangly .
,Ay Indonesian Journal of Applied Linguistics 13, no.
: 173Ae82.
Alika Putri Kostarina and Tati Narawati.
AuCitra Perempuan Sunda Dalam Tari Genta Putri,Ay in International Seminar of Culture and Tourisme AKBI, 2025, 1.
34 Ajip Rosidi.
Manusia Sunda (Bandung: Kiblat Buku Utama, 2.
35 Ajip Rosidi.
Tjarita Sri Sadana Atau Sulandjana (Bandung: Proyek Penelitian Pantun, 1.
36 H.
Bhagyavathi and Santhosh Naik R.
AuMenstrual Taboos and Gender Violence,Ay Studies in Indian Sociology 1, no.
: 117Ae24.
37 Nasaruddin Umar.
AuTeologi Menstrual: Antara Mitologi Dan Kitab Suci,Ay Jurnal Ulumul QurAoan VI, no.
Mochamad Ziaul Haq.
Penti Aprianti, and Stephanus Djunatan.
AuEksistensi Perempuan Sunda Berdasarkan Dimensi Sunan Ambu Dalam Epos Lutung Kasarung,Ay Hanifiya.
Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama 6, no.
: 13Ae24.
Retty Isnendes.
AuMaterial Artifacts of Sundanese Looms with Hypogram on the Figure of Nyai Pohaci in Carita Pantun Lutung Kasarung,Ay Indonesia Journal of Applied Linguistics 12, no.
: 752Ae64.
Tati Narawati and Rivaldi Indra Hafidzin.
AuThe Image of Sundanese Women in the Jaipongan Dance of Mojang Priangan,Ay in SHS Web Conference, 2024, 03007.
Susi Yuliawati and Dian Ekawati.
AuSketching Women: A Corpus Analysis of Woman Representation in Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah Epistemological Transformation.
HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 it differently.
In their belief, menstrual blood becomes a source of life for GodAos creatures.
Tohari asserts that what appears as menstrual taboo in Sundanese culture instead creates reverence toward God as sustainer of food.
This belief inspires agricultural traditions and the veneration of Nyi Pohaci through rituals such as the Ngalaksa Ceremony and Tarawangsa performances in Rancakalong.
Sumedang, as well as the Seren Taun festival in Kuningan.
These rituals not only express gratitude for the harvest but also embody reverence for women.
Thus, menstruation in Sundanese mythology is not treated as something impure or shameful, but rather as a noble and life-giving force.
The honored status of women is also reflected in traditional sayings such as AuAri munjung ulah ka gunung, muja ulah ka nu bala.
ari munjung kudu ka Indung, muja mah kudu ka Bapa,Ay which teaches that reverence should be directed foremost to oneAos mother and father, with AumotherAy placed Another saying.
AuIndung tunggulna rahayu.
Bapa catangna darajat,Ay further reinforces the mother as the foundation of life.
This cultural esteem is also evident in the frequent use of the term indung .
in words like indung suku .
ig to.
, indung beurang .
, and indung pare .
he first rice to ripe.
The term consistently signifies a life-giving, nurturing, and protective figure, symbolizing women.
As myths function to preserve cultural values and guide human conduct.
Sundanese mythology offers teachings on egalitarian gender relations and reverence for women as spiritual beings closely connected to the Creator and the natural world.
The challenge today lies in determining how deeply these values are internalized and practiced within contemporary Sundanese society.
Sundanese Society Before and After Colonization The Sundanese were once known as a farming society.
This conclusion is based on an analysis of the geomorphological conditions of the Sundanese landscape 39 and information on Sundanese activities found in ancient Sundanese texts such as Carita Parahyangn, 40 Carita Pantun Lutung Kasarung, 41 and Sanghyang Siksakandang Karesian.
As a farming society, the Sundanese lived a nomadic lifestyle because this dryland cultivation technique requires fertile soil, unlike rice paddies, which require flowing water.
They were divided into small groups, living in scattered and autonomous settlements.
Until the 19th century, this agricultural system was common in the Sundanese interior.
44 Harris .
, as quoted by Rahardjo, stated that the social system of farming communities precluded centralized authority, as a government would not thrive if its economy relied solely on agriculture.
The harvest from the fields was only sufficient to meet the needs of the This is one reason the Tarumanegara Kingdom could not survive long, partly because it relied solely on agriculture as a source of On the other hand, the Sundanese kingdom was able to develop and exist for a long 38 Heri Mohamad Tohari.
AuFeminisme Sunda Kuno:
Studi Interpretasi Kritis Akulturasi Nilai-Nilai Kesetaraan Gender Sunda-Islam Dalam Carita Pantun Sri Sadana,Ay Jurnal Etika Dan Pekerti 1, no.
: 13Ae26.
39 Nanang Saptono.
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40 Atja.
Tjarita Parahijangan Naskah Titilar Karuhun Urang Sunda Abad Ke-16 Masehi (Bandung: Jajasan Kebudajaan Nusalarang, 1.
41 Atja.
42 Saleh Danasasmita et al.
Sewaka Darma (Kropak .
Sanghyang Siksakandang Karesian (Kropak .
Amanat Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah et al Galunggung (Kropakn.
: Transkripsi Dan Terjemahan, (Sundanolog.
(Bandung: Bagian Proyek Penelitian dan Pengkajian, 1.
43 This manuscript does not show the identity of the author, it only lists the year it was written, namely 1440 Saka or around 1518 AD, during the reign of Sri Baduga Maharaja .
2-1521 AD) as ruler of Pakuan Pajajaran.
The manuscript was then transcribed and translated by Danasasmita et al in 1987.
44 Edi S Ekadjati.
Kebudayaan Sunda Jilid 1 (Bandung:
Pustaka Jaya, 2.
Epistemological TransformationA HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 period .
-16 centurie.
because, in addition to relying on an agricultural economy, it also had maritime activities during that period.
The absence of power relations or Sundanese contributed to the lack of rooted patriarchal values across all levels of Sundanese society.
Sundanese society is identified as egalitarian and democratic due to the use of the Sunda Buhun language, 46 which lacks undak usuk basa, or linguistic hierarchy that regulates communication within society based on age, rank, status, social class, or lineage.
Conditions changed when Sunda began to be annexed by Mataram.
48 During the 16th and 17th centuries, the Mataram Sultanate's system and ideology dominated the island of Java, where Mataram colonized the region49 and carried out extensive forest clearing in the northern part of Sunda.
50 This led to the development of a social system with a settled and grouped village pattern.
The dryland or swidden farming pattern adopted by the Sundanese people shifted to rice farming as pressure from the rulers to encourage the Priangan farmers to settle down and work.
Wilde stated that compared to the rice paddy system, dryland management was considered uneconomical and did not benefit the government because it could not collect fees from farmers.
Sumardjo described the rice paddy community as a community of workers with high solidarity, productivity, professionalism, loyalty, and a strong sense of communalism.
This production pattern created a power structure that demanded hierarchy to ensure order and rejected However, in reality, this hierarchical structure actually created social strata that excluded some, especially women, from the sphere of production and moved towards The resulting hierarchy placed men in a subordinate position, while women became subordinate and second-class.
The annexation of Sunda by Mataram established a feudal order that normalized patriarchy, becoming a tradition.
Lubis noted that from that time on, women were used as tribute in the practice of syba53-54 In this situation, the arrival of Islamic teachings strengthened the legitimacy of polygamy, as depicted in the Babad Padjadjaran and the Sejarah Galuh, where it is stated that King Siliwangi had 151 wives.
Meanwhile, in the Babad Limbangan, it is stated that King Siliwangi had 100 55 Sunan Amangkurat I as Sultan of Mataram who lived a century and a half after Prabu Siliwangi is also said to have had many wives and concubines.
Patriarchy also influences interpretations and local texts.
Wawatjan Piwoelang 45 Supratikno Rahardjo.
Kota-Kota Prakolonial Indonesia (Depok: FIB UI, 2.
46 Yayat Hendayana.
AuTeks Dan Konteks Dalam Jejak Budaya Takbenda Studi Kasus: Babasan Dan Paribasa Sunda,Ay in Seminar Nasional Arkeologi (Bandung:
Balai Arkeologi Jawa Barat, 2.
, 2015Ae2223.
Jajang A Rohmana.
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48 Ruhaliah.
AuJejak Penjajah Pada Naskah Sunda:
Studi Kasus Pada Surat Tanah,Ay Jumantara: Jurnal Manuskrip Nusantara 1, no.
: 51.
49 Nina Herlina Lubis.
Sejarah Tatar Sunda (Bandung:
Lembaga Penelitian Universitas Padjajaran, 2.
Kusnaka Adimiharja.
Kepemimpinan Dalam Kebudayaan Sunda (Jakarta: Depdikbud, 1.
Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah 51 Jan Breman.
Keuntungan Kolonial Dari Kerja Paksa:
Sistem Priangan Dari Tanam Paksa Kopi Di Jawa Tahun 17201870 (Jakarta: Yayasan Pusa Obor Indonesia, 2.
Jacob Sumardjo.
Arkeologi Budaya Sunda (Yogyakarta: Qalam, 2.
53 Ari Sapto.
AuPelestarian Kekuasaan Pada Masa Mataram Islam: Sebha Jaminan Loyalitas Daerah Terhadap Pusat,Ay Sejarah Dan Budaya: Jurnal Sejarah.
Budaya Dan Pengajarannya 9, no.
: 153.
54 Nina Herlina Lubis.
Kehidupan Kaum Menak Priangan 1800-1942 (Bandung: Pusat Informasi Kebudayaan Sunda, 55 Amir Sutarga.
Prabu Siliwangi (Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya, 56 H.
de Graaf.
Runtuhnya Istana Mataram (Jakarta:
Grafiti Press, 1.
Epistemological Transformation.
HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 Istri,57 for example, demands that women have a sense of shame through the phrase "almaratu bilaa haya, kattoami bilaa milhin, awewe nu teu aya kaera, cara kahadaran tiis" .
woman without shame is like food without salt, tasteles.
This phrase is often claimed to originate from the Quran or hadith, but is actually a proverb unrelated to The text contains advice regarding women's obligations to their husbands: to be polite, sweet, clean, fragrant, not talk too much, respond promptly to their husbands' calls, and prioritize their husbands' needs, even willing to go into debt to entertain guests.
Conversely, men are only advised to choose wives capable of managing the household, without any moral obligations to their wives.
This inequality places household stability entirely as the responsibility of women, as emphasized in the phrase Aumun hayang awet laki-lakiAturutkeun ulawa kaliwatAy, and is legitimized as Islamic teaching through the example of Ali and Fatimah's marriage.
The construction of women as objects results in interpretations of the Quran and Hadith that are imbued with patriarchal values.
Ancient Sundanese manuscripts discussing domestic life are dominated by advice on how wives should behave toward their husbands, with no counter-texts providing guidance for husbands on how to treat their wives.
This patriarchal interpretation of Islamic teachings has had a powerful influence on shaping Sundanese culture and society for centuries.
Historical research shows that significant social, political, and cultural changes occurred during and after the Mataram annexation.
These changes not only shifted agricultural and settlement patterns but also reconstructed power relations and gender hierarchies.
Table 1 below illustrates the transformation of Sundanese society before and after colonization.
Table 1.
Transformation of Sundanese Society Before and After Colonization Aspect Economic System Social Structure Languange and Communication Cultural and Religious Ideology Gender Relations Sunda Buhun .
on Harmony.
Complementa rity, equal After Colonization Sawah farming:
seden and Hierarchical, .
egents/eliter.
undak usuk basa .
peech hierarc.
Patriachal of Islam Subordination of women.
To see the extent to which patriarchal values have become the ideology of Sundanese society, it can be seen from the gender relations of contemporary Sundanese women as shown in the research results below.
Contemporary Sundanese Women The contemporary Sundanese women in this study are represented by 11 research subjects.
They have diverse educational backgrounds, ranging from elementary school to doctoral degrees, and work in various professions, such as domestic helpers, housewives, teachers, lecturers, and entrepreneurs, ranging in age from 40 to 55.
All reside in West Java and are classified as Urang Sunda based on self identification and recognition from their surrounding communities.
The following is general data from the 11 women:59 Tabel 2.
Contemporary Sundanese Women's Data 57 Hari Waluyo.
Terjemah Dan Kajian Wawacan Piwulang Istri (Jakarta: Depdikbud Proyek Penelitian dan Pengkaijan Kebudayaan Nusantara, 1.
58 Suwarsih Warnaen.
Pandangan Hidup Orang Sunda Seperti Tercermin Dalam Tradisi Lisan Dan Sastra Sunda.
Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah et al Before Colonization Huma Desentralized.
Budaya Sunda (Sundanolog.
(Bandung: Bagian Proyek Penelitian dan Pengkajian, 1.
59 For ethical reason, all participantsAo names are Epistemological TransformationA HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 Education Occupation Number Children Elementa ry School Senior High School Household Helper Housewife Name Age Enur Neng Eni Bachelor Nur Bachelor Eti Doctor Sita Bachelor Risda Ira Arti Enok Doctor Bachelor Doctor Doctor Ratna Bachelor Kindergarten Teacher Civil Servant Teacher Lecturer Kindergarten Teacher Lecture Housewife Lecturer Lecturer Enterpre strengthening her determination not to repeat the same mistakes.
Sita's experience reflects a similar pattern.
Her parents initially rejected her desire to continue her studies, seeing her older siblings fail and believing that women did not need higher They believed women could simply become religious teachers or traders.
Sita continued her studies without her parents' knowledge until they eventually supported her.
She became the family's first university graduate, paving the way for her younger siblings to pursue higher education.
Meanwhile.
Enok's mother successfully completed her bachelor's degree after marriage, despite her family's initial rejection of her desire to study medicine, which was considered inappropriate for women.
This experience inspired her to fully support her children's academic aspirations.
With strong support from her parents and partner.
Enok completed her doctorate and is now a professor.
These cases demonstrate the crucial importance of family support, such as from parents and husbands, for women's educational In a patriarchal culture, women's educational choices are rarely autonomous.
The academic success of Enok.
Eti.
Risda, and Arti was largely made possible by the support of their parents and husbands in pursuing doctoral In a patriarchal culture, women are not completely free to choose their educational 60 Enok.
Eti.
Risda, and Arti earned their doctorates thanks to the full support of their parents and husbands.
Nur, a civil servant teacher, faced a different She already had a bachelor's degree when she married her husband, a vocational high school graduate.
Initially, he encouraged her to become a civil servant for financial stability, but objected when she planned to pursue a master's degree, fearing that his wife would surpass him Nur said:
The eleven women live and work in the researcher's neighborhood, allowing for direct observation and in-depth interviews.
The following presentation explains the gender relations of contemporary Sundanese women and the transformations they experience.
Education The data shows that contemporary Sundanese women have experienced substantial educational transformations compared to previous generations.
Most of the mothers of the research subjects had low levels of education due to economic constraints and patriarchal norms that limit women's access to education.
With the exception of EnokAos mother, who completed her education after marriage, all the mothers only completed elementary school.
IraAos mother, for example, grew up in Central Bandung with easy access to school, but with limited family support.
She only completed second grade because, as the eldest child, she had to help her parents sell at the market.
Ira believes that her mother's limited education undermined her self-confidence and worldview, thus 60 Fadhilah Rizki Afriani Putri.
AuWhen Girl Become Wives: The Potrait of Underage Marriage in Indonesia,Ay Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah The Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education 2, 4 .
: 463Ae80.
Epistemological Transformation.
HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 The transformation of women's education is inseparable from government policies related to Education for All, such as the 7-12-year compulsory education program launched by President Soeharto on May 2, 1984, which was expanded to 9 years through Presidential Instruction No.
1 of 1999, as well as follow-up policies in the following period.
AuSuami sangat mendukung saat saya mau daftar PNS tapi dia sepertinya ada rasa cemburu kepada saya, karena tidak mau kaluhuran .
idak mau istrinya lebih tinggi pendidikannya dari di.
Kan dia mah dari STM.
Ay [My husband was very supportive when I wanted to apply for a civil servant position, but he seemed to feel jealous because he didnAot want me to surpass him .
e didnAot want his wife to have a higher level of education than hi.
only graduated from a vocational high school (STM)] Marriage Transformations in marriage among contemporary Sundanese women can be seen in two main aspects: the age of first marriage and the system of spouse selection.
The parents of the respondents generally married through arranged marriages before the age of 17.
IraAos mother even married at the age of 12.
In contrast, the Sundanese women in this study typically married after the age of 22.
Historically, early marriage was influenced by several factors: .
gender discrepancy, women are regarded not to have an important role in society so that early marriage for women is considered normal.
economic, early marriage is seen as a solution to reduce the cost of daily necessities, especially for families with low economic conditions.
controlling sexuality and maintaining the good name of the family, early marriage is carried out on the basis of preventing promiscuity and avoiding a bad image of the family.
prevailing traditions and culture, such as the term spinster for women who do not get married soon.
61 - 62
Apart from that, education is also a factor that influences the marriage decision age in addition to the state's efforts to regulate the minimum age limit for marriage, namely 16 years for women and 19 years for men as stated in Law Number 1 of 1974 and later revised in Law Number 16 of 2019 which states that marriage is permitted if a Nur ultimately postponed her education to avoid domestic conflict.
Her husband's patriarchal views dictated that male superiority must be maintained, both in education and work.
On the other hand, her husband felt no objection when his wife's work benefited the family financially through a steady salary and a civil servant pension.
Unlike Nur.
EnurAia domestic workerAi faced educational obstacles due to economic circumstances and a lack of parental support.
After graduating from elementary school, she worked to help support her family financially.
Her life experiences have made Enur a strong supporter of her children's education, as she Aumudah-mudahan barudak mah sing jalujur sakolana, ulah kaalaman ciga abdi.
Terang nyalira pan padamelan abdi mah dianggapna hina, mung pembantu rumah tangga.
Ay [I expect my children to have a better I have a despicable work as a housemaid.
I do not want my children to be in the same situatio.
Enur realized that education could change economic conditions, so she did not want her children to repeat her fate.
61 Rizkia Nabila.
Roswiyani Roswiyani, and Heryanti Satyadi.
AuA Literature Review of Factors Influencing Early Marriage Decisions in Indonesia,Ay Proceedings of the 3rd Tarumanagara International Conference on the Applications of Social Sciences and Humanities (TICASH 2.
Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah et al 62 Stephanie R Psaki et al.
AuWhat Are the Drivers of Child Marriage? A Conceptual Framework to Guide Policies and Programs,Ay Journal of Adolescent Healt 69 .
13Ae22.
Epistemological TransformationA HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 man and a woman have reached the age of 19 Parentally arranged marriages have shifted toward choice-based unions.
Contemporary Sundanese women increasingly move away from the tradition of arranged marriages, which historically positioned them as passive Wollborg .
notes that before the 19th century, arranged marriages among the royal and upper classes aimed to preserve economic status, political power, and offspring quality, while among lower-class workers and farmers, they served as a means to secure resources for labor and economic survival.
Dominant patriarchal culture viewed women as lacking autonomy in selecting partners, reinforcing the ideology that women must marry promptly and assume household duties, supported by religious beliefs regarding In practice, the matchmaking system has While traditional arrangements persist in some cases, modern forms include matchmaking agencies such as Yasco in the 1970s64 and online dating applications like Tinder today.
The Sundanese women in this study engaged in monogamous marriages, consistent with Indonesian Law Number 1 of 1974.
Article 1, which defines marriage as a bond between a man and a woman.
Polygamy is permitted under certain legal and religious conditions, allowing a man to marry up to four wives according to Islamic jurisprudence.
Most participants had been married for over 15 years, except Enur, who divorced ten years ago but later reconciled with her husband.
During the course of the marriage, discussion about polygamy was present in Eni's When Eni was pregnant with her second child, her husband expressed his intention to marry another woman for religious reasons.
One of the conditions for a Muslim man to be able to practice polygamy is that he must be fair.
Eni conveyed her husband's opinion that in order for humans to know whether they can act fairly or not, they must prove it.
Apart from that, the sustenance matters are Allah's business.
Eni admitted that her heart actually felt very painful but accepted her husband's thoughts and desires to marry another woman because she believes that Islam allows polygamy.
Eni's husband's plans reached the ears of Eni's mother and Eni's mother responded with great anger and said:
Auhirup sorangan ge masih ripuh geus boga niat rek kawin deuiAy .
our own life is still difficult, but how could you plan to marry another wif.
At that time.
Eni defended her husband and explained to her mother that polygamy was Islamic law and should not be opposed.
Eni became a victim of the construction of a patriarchal interpretation of Islamic teachings, one of which is polygamy which is believed to be part of Islamic law.
The purpose of marriage itself is to achieve sakinah, mawaddah wa rahmah .
ranquility, love and merc.
as stated in the Qur'an Surah ar Rum verse In reality, polygamous marriages create injustice, especially towards women and children, as shown in Nurmila's research which interviewed 74 female participants involving in 39 polygamous marriages.
This research, which was conducted on the island of Java, shows that the practice of polygamous marriage has created injustice towards most women and children, making it contrary to Islamic teachings.
Therefore.
Nurmila recommends eliminating the practice of polygamy and supports Indonesian 63 Rinta Arina Manasikana and Ratna Noviani.
AuPeran Media Massa Dan Teknologi Dalam Transformasi Keinntiman Di Indonesia,Ay Calathu.
Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 3, no.
: 7Ae19.
64 Patresia P Kirnandita.
Mursyidatul Umamah, and Maria Cherry Ndoen.
AuDiscourse on Taboos in Online Dating: Sexual Expressions of Jakarta Okcupid Users,Ay Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah Dialektika.
Jurnal Bahasa.
Sastra Dan Budaya 6, no.
(Desembe.
: 106Ae33.
65 Amelinda Pandu Kusumaningtyas and Azinuddin Ikram Hakim.
AuJodoh Di Ujung Jempol: Tinder Sebagai Ruang Jejaring Baru,Ay Simulacra 2, no.
https://doi.
org/https://doi.
org/10.
21107/sml.
Epistemological Transformation.
HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 feminist efforts to prohibit polygamy in Indonesia's marriage laws.
marriage guardian, their father.
I am worried that one day my children would have difficulty contacting their father, so I decided to remarry my ex-husban.
Breadwinner and Household Leader Education, understanding of religious doctrine, and social environment significantly influence gender relations.
Research findings show that three Sundanese women.
Enur .
domestic worke.
Eni .
n honorary kindergarten teache.
, and Eti .
lecturer at a private universit.
, experienced a similar pattern: their husbands did not provide for them, but their responses differed.
Early in their marriage.
Enur's husband worked in a factory but later quit and remains Their family lives at their in-laws' house with members of her husband's extended This situation forced Enur to work from house to house as a housemaid while supporting both her small family and her husband's extended This situation demonstrates gender inequality in the form of multiple burdens: even while heavily pregnant.
Enur continued to work and was still required to complete domestic After five years of facing this situation.
Enur chose to divorce and live independently with her two children.
During the nearly ten-year separation, her husband never provided for them or paid attention to them.
Enur's reasons for remarrying her exhusband were not related to emotional connection or improving the marital situation, but solely to the need for a guardian for her future AuJanten kunaon abdi kyrsa rujuk ka bapakna si onyng teh karena karunya ka barudak, soalna budak abdi duanana kan istri, mun ke nikah pasti kedah diwalian ku bapakna.
Jadi daripada abdi ke hysy milari bapakna nya atos weh mending ngahiji deui.
Ay [Why I remarried my ex-husband was because I was thinking about the future of my children.
If they get married, they must have From the perspective of the Syafi'i mazhab which is generally adhered to by Indonesian Muslims,67 the presence of a guardian is included in one of the conditions/pillars of marriage so that the marriage is invalid if the guardian is not 68 This is also stated in Indonesian marriage law.
For Muslims, it is also regulated in the Compilation of Islamic Law Articles 19-23, which states that the presence of a guardian is a condition that must be fulfilled and that the person most entitled as guardian in the first place is the biological father.
This is the basis for the beliefs of the Indonesian Muslim community, including Enur.
In fact, in Enur's case, the biological father did not pay or even provided care and education to his biological child, a father's obligation towards his child.
However, after reconciling, her situation remained unchanged: she remained the breadwinner, lived separately from her husband, and was still required to "serve" him as a consequence of reconciliation.
This burden led to frequent illness, limiting her visits to her husband .
Unlike Enur.
Eni accepted her husband's frequent job changes .
alled hejo cokor in Sundaness.
and ultimately ceased working Amid economic instability.
Eni continued to work while also handling all domestic duties, including caring for her mother, who had suffered a stroke.
This situation demonstrated Eni's acceptance of the teaching she understood that a wife is obligated to receive "whatever" support her husband can afford, even though in reality.
Eni herself sought loans when the family's needs were not met.
Eni's obedience left her with no room to negotiate personal 66 Nurmila.
Women.
Islam and Everyday Life.
Renegotiating Polygamy in Indonesia.
67 Fathullah Asni.
AuThe Development of Islam and Mazhab Al-SyafiAoi During the Post-Arrival of Islam in the Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah et al Malay Archipelago,Ay International Journal of Academic Reseacrch in Business and Social Sciences 9, no.
: 1196Ae1209.
68 Muhammad Lutfi Syarifuddin.
AuTinjauan Umum Tentang Wali Nikah,Ay An Nuha 5, no.
Epistemological TransformationA HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 However, this stress and exhaustion manifested itself in aggression toward her children and mother.
This aligns with Sualang's findings that negative frustration mechanisms can manifest in the form of aggression toward those closest to her who are weaker.
Meanwhile.
Eti demonstrated a different With higher education.
Eti was able to negotiate religious teachings and patriarchal culture, resulting in a role exchange with her Eti became the breadwinner and primary decision-maker regarding children's education, house purchases, and vehicle Her husband played a significant role in the domestic sphere.
Eti's awareness grew after economic realities forced her to take over the She explained:
AuYang melandasi saya menjalankan pola keluarga seperti ini adalah, dulu waktu saya belum menikah pernah terbayang rumah tangga akan seperti orang tua saya dan agama juga mengajarkan bahwa pemimpin rumah tangga itu suami.
Tapi ketika dijalani tahun pertama, kedua sampai 5 tahun pernikahan ternyata kondisinya tidak mendukung.
Saya merasa kalau saya tidak bergerak maka akan Banyak kebutuhan dasar yang tidak akan terpenuhi seperti pangan dan Ketika menjalankan seperti itu ternyata suami saya responnya biasa-biasa saja tidak merasa dilunjak oleh istri, malah tenang Semakin kesini, dia terlihat semakin nyaman, akhirnya saya semakin berlari karena anak-anak membutuhkan .
yang banyak.
Ay [Before I got married.
I have never imagined that I will have this type of household, which is different from that of my parentsAo and my religion also teach that the family leader is the husband.
I have followed the tradition relation in the family for five years, but the condition was not good.
I did not change the situation, many of the basic needs such as food and education cannot be fulfilled.
When I took over breadwinning role, my husband did not respond negatively, he seems to be ok.
Up until now he seems to be more comfortable with our changing roles, therefore I work harder to support my children who need more financial suppor.
Eti stated that if the head of the household is defined as the breadwinner and decisionmaker, then she is the leader of her family.
However, she rejects the term "husband leader" and prefers to describe the relationship as equal, as the role reversal occurs with the awareness and comfort of her husband.
Eti feels she has more opportunities to work in the public sphere, so naturally she must switch roles with her husband, and she does not see this as a deviation.
Eti's views appear more egalitarian than those of most other Sundanese women.
Despite all being highly educated and working as lecturers.
Risda.
Arti, and Enok still believe the husband is the head of the family.
Enok, for example, stated that the public sphere and earning a living are "men's domains," but thanks to self-discipline and the support of her family and husband, she achieved the highest academic position as a professor.
In addition to role reversals like Eti's, a number of working women choose to substitute domestic work through other sources, such as domestic helpers, childcare services, laundry services, food delivery services, and daycare.
However, this strategy does not eliminate the double burden and can even increase it, as domestic and caregiving responsibilities remain firmly borne by women even though they contribute to the family's income.
The belief of the majority of Muslims that the husband is the leader of the family is based on their understanding of religious texts, one of which is the following verse of the Qur'an.
Surah An Nisa verse 34:69 69 Fadilla Dwianti Putri and Elizabeth Kristi Poerwandari.
AuKontruksi Kesalehan.
Posisi Dan Agensi Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah Perempuan Dalam Wacana Keagaman,Ay Musawa 22, no.
: 197.
Epistemological Transformation.
HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 ca A aEA ca aAeac ac aI AA s AEa acO a eA a A aN eIA a AacEEa a eA a aAE a aE Ca ac acO aIOIA a caAEaO EIA ca aO ac aI e aIAaCA AO Iac eI a eI ac aO acE acN eIA Regarding the verse above, there are interpretations that are considered patriarchal, one of which is the interpretation written by Ibn Katsir .
, a great interpreter whose works are widely referred to by Muslims in the 70 Ibn Katsir interpreted the verse above to mean that men are women's caretakers, rulers and educators if women deviate.
This, according to him, is because men are better than women.
This interpretation shows that there is an assumption that it is as if all men are more capable of playing a role and educating women, also have more good potential, while women tend to have negative .
The interpretation of this verse shows that there is subordination, namely the act of excelling men and degrading women as well as stereotypes because they label women with negative 72 It is possible that Ibn Katsir was influenced by patriarchal culture when interpreting, so that the values raised in the interpretation are patriarchal.
The patriarchal interpretation of the verses of the Qur'an as above influences the establishment of patriarchal culture, including in Indonesia, 73 as can be seen from the understanding of Sundanese women in this In contemporary times, even though women have relatively more opportunities to access education and even jobs and positions in the public sphere, patriarchal ideology still cannot be separated from Sundanese women.
This is as expressed by Risda, a lecturer:
AuSetara itu dalam konsep bekerja dan Tetapi dalam hal melayani, ada hal-hal yang suami itu hanya boleh dilayani oleh istri, tidak bisa dilayani oleh yang lain, mungkin ini yang unik karena di Sunda ada istilah ngaulaan salaki.
Ay [Equal is only in the concept of work and education.
However, a wife should serve her husband, not This is uniquely Sundanese because there is a term serving the In Sundanese culture, the term ngawulaan salaki .
erving the husban.
is known as a consequence of the belief that the husband is the leader of the family.
74 _ 75 Ira believes that this attitude of service towards her husband takes the form of taking care of two things for her husband, namely the stomach .
eeping the husband from getting hungr.
and the genitals .
atisfying the husband's sexual need.
so that the husband does not turn to another woman .
, as she said:
Saya mengabdi ke suami karena ajaran agama dan nasihat dari Bapak serta teladan dari kakak laki-laki saya.
Dari kasus orang tua saya mengambil pelajaran bahwa ketika seorang istri tidak melayani suami, maka suami akan mencari dari yang lain.
Ketika Mamah saya tidak melayani Bapak.
Bapak mencari perempuan lain.
Saya menyimpulkan ternyata keinginan suami itu dilayani.
Maenya teuing suami yang diladeni istri dengan benar, berani untuk selingkuh, kamalinaan.
Sedangkan kalau kita udah berusaha, ya piraku suami Kalau sampai suami berpaling, bisa 70 Asma Syahroni and Ahmad Nurrohim.
AuThe Meaning of Qawwam in Q.
An-Nisa: 34 (A Comparative Study of the Interpretations of Ibn Kathir and AlMaragh.
,Ay Hamalatul QurAoan 6, no.
: 52Ae61.
71 Ibnu Katsir.
AuTafsir Ibnu Katsir,Ay Mei, 2015, http://w.
com/2015/05/tafsir-suratnisa-ayat-1.
72 Aldi Nurdin.
Farid Ahmad, and Eni Zulaiha.
AuPenafsiran Pada Ayat Al-QurAoan Yang Mengisyaratkan KDRT: Reinterpretasi Makna Al-Dharbu Pada Q.
S AnNisa Ayat 34,Ay Equalita: Jurnal Studi Gender Dan Anak 6, no.
: 90Ae103.
Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah et al 73 Erwati Aziz.
Irwan Abdullah, and Zaenuddin H Prasojo.
AuWhy Are Women Subordinated? The Misrepresentation of the QurAoan in Indonesian Discourse and Practice,Ay Journal of International WomenAos Studies 21, no.
: 235Ae48.
74 Elis Faujiah and Samsudin.
AuPemikiran Dewi Sartika Pada Tahun 1904-1947 Dalam Perspektif Islam,Ay Al-Tsaqafa.
Jurnal Ilmiah Peradaban Islam 17, no.
75 Farieda Ilhami Zulaikha and Sundari Purwaningsih.
AuRepresentasi Identitas Perempuan Dalam Ranah Domestik.
Sebuah Kajian Semiotika Budaya Pada Peribahasa Sunda,Ay Nusa 14, no.
: 346.
Epistemological TransformationA HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
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July Ae December 2025 husband refuses the wife's invitation to have sexual relations, then according to her this is okay and is not a problem.
There are repeated words in Ratna's expression above, showing her strong belief in her principles.
Her statement that wives must be like prostitutes for their husbands is circulating in Sundanese society, which shows the condition of a patriarchal society.
This patriarchal view makes Ratna believe that sexual relations between husband and wife are only the husband's needs and ignores her needs as a woman.
Likewise.
Sita believes that a wife's duty and obligation is to serve her husband and make him happy, whereas if a husband does something kind to his wife like what Sita's husband did to his wife by providing warm water for her, then Sita considers that this is not a form of husband's service, but only the husband's kindness.
The conditions experienced by the women above confirm the subordination of women's sexuality to the interests of men.
The patriarchal ideology of Sundanese women is derived from teachings originating from their patriarchal understanding of Islamic religion.
They believe that the Sundanese concept that AoaweweAo .
must serve salaki .
is an Islamic religious teaching that they must implement, starting from the hadith regarding sexual relations between husband and wife.
76 This hadith was narrated by Bukhari in the book Fath al Bari no.
5194 as e aAE a aE eI aNa acuEaO A aac ac acN a A a eI aca eO a Ea aIae aNA ca AA a acua A ca ac aA e a AeE aIEaac aE aO A "If a husband invites his wife to bed and the wife is reluctant to comply with his invitation so that the husband feels disappointed and falls asleep, then throughout the night the angels will curse the wife until dawn.
The hadith above is also used as the basis for Nur's belief that a husband is not guilty if he refuses an invitation to sexual relations from his jadi karena banyak faktor misalnya ada godaan dari perempuan lain, tapi istri punya peran yang menyebabkan suaminya selingkuh.
Kan aya istilah, jangan kau abaikan dua keinginan lakilaki, perutnya dan kemaluannya.
Ay ["I serve my husband because of religious teachings and advice from my father, and because I've learned from my older brother.
From my parents' experiences.
I learned that when a wife doesn't serve her husband, he will look for someone else.
When my mother didn't serve him, he looked for another woman.
I concluded that a husband's desires are fulfilled.
It's impossible for a husband who is properly served by his wife to cheatAithat's However, if we try, a husband won't turn away.
If a husband does turn away, it could be due to many factors, such as temptation from another woman.
But the wife plays a role in causing her husband to cheat.
There's a proverb that says don't ignore a man's two desires: his stomach and his genitals.
"].
The above quote also shows that Ira blames herself if her husband cheats, even though it is her husband who should be responsible for not being able to restrain himself from cheating.
Ratna also believes in prioritizing her husband's sexual needs, as she said:
AuBerkaitan dengan hubungan suami istri, istri tidak boleh menolak.
Kan ada nasihat, istri itu harus bisa menjadi pelacur bagi suami, jadi kapan pun suami mau meskipun kita sebagai istri cape, ya istri harus siap.
Jadi itu adalah prinsip yang saya pegang, istri harus bisa melayani suami.
Ay [In marital relations, a wife should not refuse.
There is advice that a wife should act like a prostitute for her husband, meaning she must be ready whenever he wants, even if she is tired.
This is the principle I follow: a wife must serve her husban.
This patriarchal ideology also makes Ratna believe that if the opposite situation occurs, the 76 Rahmah Eka Saputri et al.
AuThe Role of Women in Marital Dynamics: Hadis Interpretation of Amina WadudAos Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah Hermeneutic,Ay Miqot: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Keislaman 48, no.
: 282Ae300.
Epistemological Transformation.
HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
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July Ae December 2025 wife, because according to him there is no basis in the religion.
In contrast to the existing belief.
Qibtiyah offers different interpretation to the above hadith by using two approaches: linguistic approach and ushul fiqih (Islamic law methodolog.
From linguistic approach, the word da`a in the above hadith means: Auinviting the wife in a good mannerAy.
This may be done by the husband by sharing house works and childcare or by giving her a favourite food or gift.
The word aba is interpreted Auto reject her husband in a bad mannerAy.
In addition.
Qibtiyah interpret "the curse of the angelAy metaphorically as Auuncomfortable situationAy and this situation ends when the dawn prayer time come for both of them to pray, not to copulate.
Thus.
Qibtiyah interprets the above hadith as follows: when the husband invites the wife to have sexual relation in a good manner, but his wife rejects the invitation in a bad manner, then there will uncomfortable situation until dawn.
In addition, she uses one of the principles of Islamic law methodology: dalalah al dalalah, which means that one law applies the same way to the person with similar characteristic.
This means, if the wife invites her husband to have sexual relation in a good manner, but her husband rejects the invitation in a bad manner, then there will uncomfortable situation until dawn.
77 If we look until the end of the hadith, it is only a short time, because the words until the wife returns or until the time of Fajr comes.
The word curse according to Qibtiyah, can be interpreted as "an unpleasant This can change into something normal or not a burden if both parties understand each other and are open about sexual matters.
The empirical findings across education, marriage, and household leadership reveal three dominant patterns of gender relations among contemporary Sundanese women, as summarized in Table 3.
Tabel 3.
Patterns of Gender Relations among Contemporary Sundanese Women Domain Education Negotiating Gender and Agency: A Critical Feminist Perspective Alimatul Qibtiyah.
AuIntervensi Malaikat Dalam Hubungan Seksual,Ay in Perempuan Tertindas? Kajian HadisHadis Misoginis, ed.
Hamim Ilyas (Yogyakarta: eLSAQ Press, 2.
, 209Ae227.
Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah et al Empirical Aspect Access and Marriage and Gender Ideology Marriage, age.
Economic Role and Household Leadership Breadwinning , decisionmaking Religious Interpretati QurAoanic and Feminist Consciousn ess and Agency Resistance Findings From mothersAo limited education .
ostly elementary schoo.
to daughters achieving doctoral degrees (Enok.
Eti.
Risda.
Art.
Patriarchal control gradually eroded through state and family support.
Shift from arranged, early marriages .
n mothersAo generatio.
to autonomous, delayed marriages .
Emergence of egalitarian negotiation (Et.
versus internalized patriarchy (Eni.
Nu.
Emergence of female breadwinners (Eti.
Eni.
Enu.
Role reversal and shared leadership within the household.
yet patriarchal remnants persist in serving ideology (Ratna.
Ira.
Nu.
From literalAepatriarchal interpretation (Ibn Kathi.
to feminist (Qibtiya.
Exposing tension between lived faith and egalitarian Subversive acts,continuing education secretly (Sit.
, reinterpreting faith (Et.
, supporting childrenAos education (Enu.
Manifestations of Augender 78 Neng Hannah.
AuSeksualitas Dalam Alquran.
Hadis Dan Fikih: Mengimbangi Wacana Patriarki,Ay Wawasan:
Jurnal Ilmiah Agama Dan Sosial Budaya 2, no.
: 45-60.
Epistemological TransformationA HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 of ngawulaan salaki, it reveals the tension between faith-based gender ethics and patriarchal cultural Using feminist methodology as both epistemology and praxis (Harding.
85 Nurmila.
, the findings indicate that transformation arises from womenAos reflective awareness fostered through education and socio-economic Education emancipatory medium through which women transition from Auobjects of traditionAy to Ausubjects of knowledge productionAy.
This transformation among Sundanese women is not merely behavioral but epistemological, a shift in how women understand, articulate, and perform their gender within local and religious contexts.
In marital contexts, negotiation is uneven.
While some informants, such as Eti and Arti, establish egalitarian partnerships, others, including Nur and Ira, still adhere to patriarchal expectations, particularly regarding sexual obligations and spousal service .
gabakti ka This variation highlights the intersection of cultural, religious, and structural forces shaping gender relations, and underscores the necessity of situating Sundanese womenAos agency within local patriarchal habitus 87 and moral Household leadership and economic participation show similar tensions, where womenAos breadwinning roles challenge symbolic male headship without directly confronting cultural or religious authority.
ButlerAos gender performativity 88 explains these subtle performativity in Ay Through a feminist methodological lens, this study identifies how Sundanese women construct and negotiate gender identity within intersecting structures of patriarchy, religion, and Using critical feminist theory (Fraser, 79 Butler, 80 ) the data show that the Sundanese womenAos subjectivity does not occur through a linear emancipation but through a dialectical process between compliance, negotiation, and resistance.
From the perspective of critical theory, womenAos lived experiences reflect a habitus of patriarchy (Bourdie.
81 where social expectations regarding marriage, motherhood, and service to husbands are internalized as moral values.
Yet, within this same structure, the women agency, 82 by reconstructing their roles in ways that destabilize gender hierarchy without explicitly opposing cultural norms.
For instance.
EtiAos redefinition of household leadership and SitaAos secret pursuit of higher education embody everyday resistance that reclaims power in subtle, culturally acceptable ways, a phenomenon also explained by ScottAos notion of hidden transcripts.
Meanwhile, the reinterpretation of religious texts by scholars such as Alimatul Qibtiyah 84 represents a feminist hermeneutic turn that challenges patriarchal readings of Islam.
Her use of ushul fiqh and linguistic analysis situates gender equality within the QurAoanic ethos of adl .
and rahmah .
When juxtaposed with local Sundanese cultural values 79 Nancy Fraser.
AuFeminism.
Capitalism and the 84 Qibtiyah.
AuIntervensi Malaikat Dalam Hubungan Cunning of History,Ay New Left Review 56 .
: 97Ae117.
80 Judith Butler.
Gender Trouble (New York London:
Routledge, 1.
81 Pierre Bourdieu.
Arena Produksi Kultural: Sebuah Kajian Sosiologi Budaya (Bantul: Kreasi Wacana, 2.
82 Butler.
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83 Scott JC.
Domination and the Arts of Resistance:
Hidden Transcripts.
New Haven (New Haven: CT: Yale University Press, 1.
Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah Seksual.
Ay 85 Harding.
AuRethinking Standpoint Epistemology:
What Is AoStrong Objectivity?AoAy 86 Nina Nurmila.
AuPengaruh Budaya Patriarki Terhadap Pemahaman Agama Dan Pembentukan Budaya,Ay Jurnal Karsa 23, no.
87 Bourdieu.
Arena Produksi Kultural: Sebuah Kajian Sosiologi Budaya.
88 Butler.
Gender Trouble.
Epistemological Transformation.
HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 subversions, while ScottAos hidden transcripts 89 clarify how resistance remains culturally legible.
Religious interpretation serves as both constraint and site of empowerment.
Informants engaging with critical feminist hermeneutics, following the work of Alimatul Qibtiyah 90 reinterpret QurAoanic injunctions in ways that reconcile faith with egalitarian gender ethics.
This engagement exemplifies the ongoing negotiation between Aofaith-based normsAo and feminist consciousness, revealing that Sundanese womenAos agency is exercised not in opposition to religion, but through selective reinterpretation and contextualization.
Through a feminist methodological lens, this study emphasizes women as the knowers:
knowledge emerges from embodied, lived experience and critical reflection.
This epistemic stance challenges androcentric paradigms and positions Sundanese women as both producers and interpreters of knowledge, asserting authority in domains traditionally dominated by Consequently, transformation among Sundanese women is epistemological rather than purely behavioral, reflecting shifts in perception, articulation, and performance of gender across intersecting cultural, religious, and socio-economic spheres.
Conclusions and Recommendations This study concludes that gender transformation among contemporary Sundanese women is not linear or merely behavioral but epistemological, emerging from a process of critical awareness toward patriarchal structures embedded in religion and culture.
Through their lived experiences.
Sundanese women construct subversive agency that operates subtly within the domestic, educational, and spiritual spheres.
Rather than rejecting tradition and religion, they reinterpret patriarchal norms as sources of moral strength, intellectual autonomy, and inner Education becomes the primary intergenerational mobility from mothers once constrained by patriarchal ideology to daughters attaining advanced academic degrees.
marriage, the shift from arranged and early unions toward self-determined partnerships indicates a growing autonomy in womenAos life choices, even though patriarchal narratives continue to persist through religiously sanctioned ideals such as ngawulaan salaki .
erving the Within the domestic sphere, women increasingly assume the role of economic providers and family decision-makers, redefining household leadership and challenging male authority through adaptive negotiation rather than direct confrontation.
In light of these findings, the study recommends promoting gender-just religious interpretations through feminist hermeneutics that reinterpret sacred texts as inclusive and egalitarian, fostering justice within faith Educational institutions, particularly Islamic universities, are encouraged to integrate feminist epistemology and gender perspectives into curricula to cultivate critical and reflective Local governments and civil organizations should design empowerment programs that combine economic independence with the cultivation of self-awareness, leadership, and solidarity among women.
Furthermore, revitalizing pre-patriarchal Sundanese values such as Indung tunggul rahayu .
other as the root of harmon.
is essential to reconstructing egalitarian cultural ethics within a modern Future studies may extend this work by exploring how younger generations of Sundanese women negotiate gender identity in digital and public spaces, representing new forms of feminist IndonesiaAos Ultimately, the struggle of Sundanese women constitutes a quiet revolution 89 JC.
Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts.
90 Qibtiyah.
AuIntervensi Malaikat Dalam Hubungan Seksual.
Ay Gina Giftia Azmiana Delilah et al Epistemological TransformationA HUMANISMA: Journal of Gender Studies Vol.
No.
July Ae December 2025 an inward, epistemological movement that redefines faith, love, and obedience through the language of equality, proving that transformation often begins not with resistance against tradition, but with the courage to reinterpret it from within.
Haq.
Mochamad Ziaul.
Penti Aprianti, and Stephanus Djunatan.
AuEksistensi Perempuan Sunda Berdasarkan Dimensi Sunan Ambu Dalam Epos Lutung Kasarung.
Ay Hanifiya.
Jurnal Studi AgamaAgama 6, no.
: 13Ae24.
Harding.
Sandra.
AuRethinking Standpoint Epistemology:
What AoStrong Objectivity?AoAy The Centennial Review 36, no.
: 437Ae70.
Hartsock.
Nancy C M.
AuThe Feminist Standpoint: Developing The Ground for Specifically Feminist Historical Materialism.
Ay In Discovering Reality: Feminist Perpectives on Epistemology.
Metaphysics.
Methodology, and Philosophy of Science, 283Ae310.
Hendayana.
Yayat.
AuTeks Dan Konteks Dalam Jejak Budaya Takbenda Studi Kasus:
Babasan Dan Paribasa Sunda.
Ay In Seminar Nasional Arkeologi, 2015Ae2223.
Bandung:
Balai Arkeologi Jawa Barat, 2019.
Hepburn.
Stephanie, and Rita J Simon.
AuWomenAos Roles and Statuses the World Over.
Ay Gender Issues 23 .
: 62Ae68.
Heryana.
Agus.
AuMitologi Perempuan Sunda.
Ay Patanjala.
Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah Dan Budaya 4, no.
Isnendes.
Retty.
AuMaterial Artifacts of Sundanese Looms with Hypogram on the Figure of Nyai Pohaci in Carita Pantun Lutung Kasarung.
Ay Indonesia Journal of Applied Linguistics 12, no.
: 752Ae64.
Kerber.
Linda K.
AuSeparate Spheres.
Female Worlds.
WomanAos Place: The Rhetoric of WomenAos History.
Ay The Journal of American History 75, no.
: 9Ae39.
Khaliq.
Muhammad Nur.
Mahmud Arif.
Wendi Parwanto.
Rahman Ali, and Meisya Anggraini Rizki.
AuGender Equality in Islam:
The Implementation of Adat Sanctions for Adultery Among the Malay Tribe in West Kalimantan.
Ay Humanisma: Journal of Gender Studies 8, no.
: 196Ae209.
Kirnandita.
Patresia P.
Mursyidatul Umamah, and Maria Cherry Ndoen.
AuDiscourse on Taboos in Online Dating: Sexual Expressions of Jakarta Okcupid Users.
Ay Dialektika.
Jurnal Bahasa.
Sastra Dan Budaya 6, no.
2 (Desembe.
: 106Ae33.
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Kamila, and Tomy Havlicek.
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