Salasika INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF GENDER.
WOMEN,
CHILD.
AND SOCIAL INCLUSION'S STUDIES
VOLUME 8.
NUMBER 1 Ae JUNE 2025 Table of Content Id.
Ego, and Superego in This Earth of Mankind Novel:
A psychoanalytic feminist content analysis Arif Nugroho.
Fitriya Dessi Wulandari.
Nety.
Dian Muhammad Rifai The Profession of Female Non-Judicial Mediators in Gender Mainstreaming in District Courts on The Island of Java Hayu Lusianawati.
Dessy Sunarsi The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers in General Elections amid Risks Oktafiani Catur Pratiwi.
Bowo Sugiarto The Role of Gender in Job Crafting and Perceptions of Meaningful Work among Employees of PT X in Jakarta Yohana Dian Anugrah.
Arianti Ina Restiani Hunga.
Sutarto Wijono Eradicating the Three Deadly Sins: Bullying, sexual violence, and intolerance in inclusive education in Banyumas Regency Aan Desta Riani.
Edy Suyanto.
Tyas Retno Wulan.
Tri Wuryaningsih.
Muhamad Riza Chamadi Editorial Team
CHIEF EDITORS
Arianti Ina Restiani Hunga.
Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 46161114400.
ORCID ID: 0000-0003-1627-2353.
SINTA ID: 9240.
Google Schola.
Dewi Candraningrum.
Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 59003567500.
ORCID ID: 0000-0002-4522-2374.
SINTA ID: 6768126.
Google Schola.
BOARD OF EDITORS Claudia Derichs.
Humboldt Universityt zu Berlin.
Germany (Scopus ID: 14026487.
Ida Sabelis.
North-West University (NWU).
South Africa (Scopus ID: 6507181398.
Google Schola.
Siti Kusujiarti.
Warren Wilson College.
USA (Scopus ID: 56276925.
Ratna Saptari.
Leiden University.
The Netherlands (Scopus ID: 6504610.
Sylvia Tiwon.
University of California.
USA (Scopus ID: 6506468.
Emy Susanti.
Universitas Airlangga.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 57213142220.
Google Schola.
Keppi Sukesi.
Brawijaya University.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 56025803300.
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Kristi Poerwandari.
University of Indonesia.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 25628305200.
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Willemijn de Jong.
University of Zurich.
Switzerland (Scopus ID: 55258294.
Lyn Parker.
The University of Western Australia.
Australia (Scopus ID: 56273266.
TECHNICAL EDITORS Indriretno Setyaningrahayu.
Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana.
Indonesia (Google Schola.
Daniel Kurniawan.
Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana.
Salatiga.
Indonesia (SINTA ID: 6842476.
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Suryaningsi.
Universitas Mulawarman.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 57223402854.
Orcid: https://orcid.
org/0000-0003-1093-810X.
ID Sinta: 5990865.
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Agustinus Fritz Wijaya.
Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 56461093400.
Google Schola.
Rustina Untari.
Universitas Katolik Soegijaprana.
Semarang.
Indonesia Stefanus Perangin-Angin.
Pusat Studi Gender dan Anak - Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana.
Indonesia (Google Schola.
Welhelmina Maria Yuniaputri Hailitik.
Pusat Studi Gender dan Anak Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana.
Salatiga.
Indonesia
REVIEWERS
Elisabet Titik Murtisari.
Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 38161752200.
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Asfa Widiyanto.
IAIN Salatiga.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 56451676900.
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Wening Udasmoro.
Gadjah Mada University.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 56493135.
Farah Purwaningrum.
The University of Sydney.
Australia (Scopus ID: 57192369400.
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Alimatul Qibtiyah.
Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 57200660732.
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Tyas Retno Wulan.
The Jenderal Soedirman University.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 57205341358.
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Nurjanah.
State University of Jakarta.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 57210948.
Ira Desiawanti Mangiliko,The Artha Wacana Christian University.
Indonesia Keiko Hirano.
Ochanomizu University.
Jepang (Orcid: https://orcid.
org/0000-0002-3258-6.
Anik Yuesti.
Universitas Mahasaraswati.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 57214104250.
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Nurdiana Gaus.
STIKS Tamalanre Makassar.
Indonesia (Google Schola.
Yacinta Kurniasih.
Monash University.
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Yafet Yosafet Wilben Rissy.
Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana.
Indonesia (Scopus ID: 57221474276.
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The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers A (Pratiwi & Sugiart.
The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers in General Elections amid Risks Oktafiani Catur Pratiwi.
Bowo Sugiarto Department of Political Science.
FISIP Jenderal Soedirman University.
Indonesia Correspondence email: oktafiani.
pratiwi@unsoed.
ABSTRACT
This study aims to elucidate the motivations and risks experienced by female poll workers (KPPS) who served at the village level during the 2019 general elections in Banyumas Regency.
Researh on the motivations and risks of KPPS members, critical to the success of election, remains limited.
Existing studies have primarily focused on the implementation of policies to ensure 30% political participation by women.
Employing a qualitative approach, this study identifies three main motivations that encouraged women to join as KPPS members in Banyumas Regency.
Firstly, their established track record and expertise in coordinating elections motivated their participation.
Secondly, having a background as social activists served as a driving force for active engagement in the electoral process.
Thirdly, close and patron-client relationships with the village heads and officials provide additional The female poll workers also faced three risks.
Firstly, working in a patriarchal culture posed challenges, as it tended to restrict womenAos employment opportunities in private sectors.
Furthermore, there was a potential risk of assuming only a complementary role.
Moreover, the patronclient political structure at the village level created vulnerabilities.
A key finding of this study is that female KPPS members with a background in activism exhibit greater self-assurance in their participation compared to those primarily recruited through close and patron-client ties with village KEYWORDS: : women, election organizers, motivation, risk.
Banyumas INTRODUCTION The discourse on the level of womenAos postdemocratic period in Indonesia still dwells on how political parties adopt the ratio and level of womenAos representation to participate in general elections, including the general election of the president and vice president, regional heads and This is considering that women are given affirmative rights through Law Number 12 of 2004 jo Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning general elections, namely through Article 65 paragraph 1 which states that Aoeach political party can propose candidates for members of the House of Representatives.
Provincial Parliaments Regency/City Parliaments for each constituency by SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender.
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Ao With the emergence of this affirmative action policy from the Government of Indonesia, women'Ao participation and representation in the political field is expected to increase.
Law Number 39 of the year on Human Rights is explicit in Article 6, which also states that Aothe system of general elections, parties, election of members of the legislature, and executive and judicial fields must make womenAos representation in Ao This is in accordance with the ratification of the human WomenAos Political Rights (Convention on the Political Rights oW wome.
and the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (Convention on the Elimination of all Forms Discrimination Against Wome.
through Law Number 7 of 1984 and the ratification process of the Convention on Civil and Political Rights (Convention on Civil and Political Righ.
through Law Number 12 of 2005.
The ratification explicitly shows the commitment of the government to increase womenAos representation in all fields.
The Ministry WomenAos Empowerment and Child Protection, in a 2015 working paper document, stated that the increase in womenAos participation and representation has not reached the target of 30%.
The level of womenAos representation in House Representatives increased from 11% in 2004-2009 to 18% in 2009-2014, as well as in representation in the Provincial and Regency/City Parliaments.
There is still a gap in the fulfillment of this participation and representation in the executive ranks, in addition to public services and decision-making.
Although the government has listed this target in the RPJMN (MediumTerm Development Pla.
document to achieve the MDGs targets, the achievements seen in the 2014 and 2019 elections were still relatively small in the Southeast Asian region.
Table 1 shows that IndonesiaAos level of representation is still below that of Timor Leste.
Laos, and Vietnam.
Source: Ministry of pA, 2014: 3 A study conducted by Nalom Kurniawan .
6: 714-.
shows that womenAos participation cannot be separated from the democratization process in Indonesia.
Along Indonesia, demand for the fulfillment of womenAos rights is also increasing and has widely emerged at the central and regional levels.
Associating gender issues with democratization is very relevant and accepted among the community, although there are still cultural barriers that can hinder womenAos participation.
WomenAos representation in the legislative institutions also basically reflects the especially womenAos rights.
The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers A (Pratiwi & Sugiart.
Since IndonesiaAos first general election was held in 1955, the ratio of womenAos representation in the legislature has continued to increase 8% in 1955 to 17.
86% in 2014 as shown in the following table.
Source: Nalon Kurniawan, 2016: 10 The study by Chintya Insani Amelia .
2: 189-.
mentions womenAos participation in election organizing institutions at both the Although in Law Number 15 of 2011 Article 5 paragraph 1 has guaranteed an affirmative policy of affirmation of womenAos political participation, namely by providing an allocation of 30% of the total membership of the KPU RI .
which is 7 people, the Provincial KPU as many as 5 people, the Regency/City KPU is a maximum of 5 people, there are still The first obstacle is a cultural barrier due to the dominance of patriarchal culture where women cannot decide independently and depend on their husbands.
Second, a lack of knowledge about elections lead many to fail the written test as one of the stages of recruitment.
Third, directly affect women from the regions who are constrained if they have to follow the stages in Jakarta.
Thus, basically, various obstacles to increasing womenAos participation occur in two main domains.
First, ensuring that the 30% affirmative policy can be fulfilled by political parties in the nomination of legislative members and regional Second, fulfilling the 30% organizers both at the central and regional levels.
Data in a Fact Sheet published by the Puskapol of the University of Indonesia .
shows this phenomenon, where during the period 2012-2017 there was only 1 .
%) member of the Election Supervisory Board and 1 member of the Central KPU .
29%).
Meanwhile, research in 6 provinces (Aceh.
North Sumatra.
Central Java.
Maluku.
Papua, and West Papu.
also showed that the participation rate of women in the election organizers during 2013-2018 was still Participation in the Election Supervisory Agency almost reached the affirmation target of 29.
while participation in the Provincial KPU institution was only 5 out of a total of 32 members .
62%).
This research aims to explain the motivation and risks faced by women, especially women election organizers, in the general elections in 2019 and 2024 in Banyumas Regency.
Election ad-hoc workers implementation of general elections at the Village .
r Keluraha.
level, but women ad-hoc workers still face challenges and risks in the election This study is expected to identify the factors that affect the low political participation of women at the community level.
This results are expected to contribute to the formulation of government policies to increase womenAos participation as election organizers in Indonesia.
SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender.
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METHODS
This research was conducted techniques, including secondary data collection through literature studies .
esk/literature revie.
to obtain relevant data and information from books, research results, and statistical Meanwhile, primary data collection techniques include indepth interview with the Banyumas KPU and FGDs with women ad-hoc personnel for the 2019 and 2024 General Elections, especially at the KPPS and PPS/PPK levels.
This study uses qualitative data Qualitative data analysis is searching for and compiling data obtained from interviews, field categories, describing it into units, synthesizing, organizing it into patterns, selecting which data are important and which will be studied, and making conclusions so that they are easily understood by oneself and others (Sugiyono, 2018:.
The data was analyzed with the Miles & Huberman interactive model until conclusions could be drawn.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Results WomenAos participation in politics in Indonesia continues to face challenges, as well as structural and cultural barriers that limit womenAos involvement in the public sphere.
Farjana Bari .
identified three main obstacles, even though quotas and affirmative policies exist to encourage involvement in various public spheres, especially politics and government.
First, there are socio-economic barriers culturally related to patriarchal norms, with the stigma that the world of politics belongs to men, while the private domain is for women.
Second, political and institutional obstacles persist, where openness only began to emerge in Indonesia following the 2009 elections, accompanied by affirmative policies.
Although a 30% affirmative policy is in place, political parties still have very few female cadres.
Third, there are personal and psychological barriers, where womenAos roles continue to be overshadowed by the ideology of gender roles and sexual division of Farjana Bari .
0: .
has identified the issues and obstacles that affect the level of womenAos participation in politics in Indonesia as follows.
Types of Barriers to WomenAos Political Participation Direct A WomenAos lack of trust in Obstacles the political system A Lack of political skills and education A Lack of knowledge of the A WomenAos lack of interest in politics A Lack of financial A Lack of confidence A Lack of mobility A Family responsibilities A Lack of active women as political party cadres A Lack of support from political parties A Perceptions that consider politics dirty Fundamental A Masculine culture and Obstacles male dominance A The agenda of political parties that are oriented towards men only The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers A (Pratiwi & Sugiart.
Structural Barriers A Lack of democracy within political parties A Political A Electoral system A Nepotism and elitism within political parties A Political violence A Corruption in politics A Discursive dichotomy of the public-private realm A Public and private A Patriarchal social behavior towards men and women A Religious WomenAos Political Participation Based on the Constitutional Court Decree Number 14/PUU11/2013 concerning elections, it is minimize the cost of holding elections, reduce high political costs for election participants, avoid the potential for money politics, prevent abuse of power and politicization This Constitutional Court decision was issued in 2013, and considering several considerations related to its readiness, it was only implemented in the 2019 General Election (Constitutional Court Decision, 2013:85-.
Simultaneous general elections make general election organizers at the Village level as the main spearhead to achieve success.
In this context, research conducted in Banyumas Regency interesting to observe how women participated at the community level.
The implementation of simultaneous general elections raises the question of whether it has had a direct impact on increasing womenAos participation in various election Political participation generally connects the interaction between individuals and organized groups with the state and tends to focus primarily on indirect participation.
Classical terminology, as defined by Nie and Verba .
, describes political participation as Aothose legal activities by private citizens that are more or less directly aimed at governmental personnel and/or the actions they take.
Ao A broader understanding has been provided by Parry.
Mosley and Day .
, who define it as acts of Aotaking part in the process of formulation, passage and implementation of policiesAo (Gaventa Valderrama, 1999:2-.
This research focuses on two main concepts: first, the motivation to be involved and become an election organizer.
and second, the risks faced by women.
This focus is resulted in considerable casualties in Indonesia, largely due to the heavy workload among general election village/sub-district The Chairman of the General Election Commission (KPU).
Arief Budiman, as quoted by Kompas Daily, revealed that the total number of election organizers who died during the 2019 election reached a total of 894 officers, with an additional 5,175 officers falling ill (Kompas, 2.
Central Java Province, according to SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender.
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Paulus Widiyantoro, the victims included hospitalized, and 32 female officers suffering miscarriages.
Meanwhile, in Banyumas Regency, four election officers were reported to have died according to Banyumas KPU data (Kompas, 2.
Based on the analysis of various data in this study, the complexity of organizers at the Village level in Banyumas Regency cannot be socio-cultural dimensions, patron-client political and organizational networks, kinship ties, and economic factors.
Women who are active in social and/or religious organizations tend to show motivations, supported by their ability to actualize their ideals.
However, involved in this study demonstrated independent motivation, as some were selected based on kinship village/sub-district Meanwhile, the complexity of the risks, challenges, and obstacles faced by women involved in general election institutions at the Village level is consistent with those Obstacles related to patriarchal culture, the dichotomy of the public and private sectors, the concept of sexual division of labour, and gender In more detail, the research findings conducted in Banyumas Province.
Regency.
Central Java Access to Recruitment A study by Muhammad Nuh Ismanu .
9:191-.
found that the recruitment process is one of the root problems among election organizers at the polling station level, which contributed to casualties during the implementation of the 2019 simultaneous general elections.
The Muhammad Nuh Ismanu in Depok Regency shows problems in the recruitment process for members of PPK (District Election Committe.
Voting Committee (PPS) at the Village level.
One of the issues identified is that socialization for recruitment at the Village level was not carried out optimally, as some RW or RT administrators deliberately did not disseminate information openly.
addition, recruitment information tended to be targeted only at certain beneficial arrangements .
In some cases, money politics was also used as a lure, which ultimately undermined neutrality and cast doubt on the independence of those Based on the analysis of the data in this study, the motivations and womenAos recruitment as election organizers reveal four main typologies of First, motivation and access to involvement in election institutions are linked to prior experience and a track record in previous election The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers A (Pratiwi & Sugiart.
Informants who fit this recruitment information and data on Their motivation to be involved at the local level is based on prior experience and knowledge, leading them to consciously decide to register as members of the Election and Voting Committee (KPPS).
representing this category is Mrs.
Mift, who had experience as Secretary of KPPS during the 2014 Mrs.
Mift had also been involved in regional head elections (Governor and Regen.
and village head elections (Pilkade.
as a field team member.
Although she had prior experience, in the 2019 Simultaneous Elections.
Mrs.
Mift was directly recruited by one of the KPPS Chairpersons and was placed as Secretary of KPPS.
According to her, recruitment for KPPS-level election organizers was typically carried out by Village apparatus, which contributed to low youth participation in Kebocoran Village.
Recruitment information did not reach many young people through Furthermore, certain requirements, such as computer and internet literacy, discouraged young people from participating.
As a result, among the nine TPS members in Desa Kebocoran, all were older individuals, with few young people willing to serve as KPPS members.
Second, personal motivation to be involved at the village level stems from participation in social and community organizations.
Through nongovernmental organizations, women information and opportunities to With this background, their motivation to participate in the KPPS recruitment was stronger, and organizational experience necessary to navigate the recruitment process.
An example of this is Mrs.
Ev, who is active in the Fatayat NU Mrs.
Ev registered for KPPS recruitment because she knew that in Cilongok District, most KPPS members were civil servants, and that recruitment information had not been disseminated evenly to the entire community, especially to young people and women.
Because of her active involvement in Fatayat NU.
Mrs.
Ev had access to subsequently registered as a KPPS
Her
Fatayat
NU,
combined with strong personal motivation, became key factors in her acceptance.
According to Mrs.
Ev, information for woman and youth organizations in Banyumas Regency remained generally low, resulting in registering as election organizers.
Third, motivation to get involved and gain access to recruitment comes from the mechanism of political patrons at the vilage level, either because of kinship factors or friendship with local government This category of informants had no prior experience in previous elections but obtained information and access to the recruitment process through connections with contrast to Mrs.
Ev, whose personal motivation stemmed from her female election organizers at the SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender.
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2:270-.
on KPPS recruitment in Solok Regency.
West Sumatra Province, complex findings.
In several villages.
KPPS threatening the independence and neutrality of PPS and KPPS, as recruitment heavily depended on government facilities was channeled through Village Head .
r Lura.
and RT/RW, or the neighborhood units.
This process triggered interventions by incumbents, including Village Heads.
Village Representative Bodies or Village Councils.
Research also shows that recruitment was often based on family ties and kinship.
Although no regulations are violated if PPS recruits relatives as KPPS members, the absence of a written test to assess the capabilities of candidates exacerbates concerns.
PPS officerAos sensitivity in recruiting close relationsAisuch as relatives, friends or acquaintancesAican be a factor that inhibits broader, more neutral recruitment.
This pattern can be found in the case of Mrs.
Ulf, a Karang Gede Village PPS officer.
Initially.
Mrs.
Ulf had no personal motivation to participate in the KPPS recruitment process.
On the last day of registration, she visited the sub-district office merely to handle some registration documents.
While there, a sub-district staff member offered her the opportunity to register as a PPS officer, because, until that point, no one from Karang Gede Village Eventually.
Mrs.
Ulf decided to register and take the test, despite having no preparation or prior knowledge about the duties of PPS After receiving technical guidance and training from the KPU, she was placed in the socialization division, although she lacked prior Mrs.
Ulf showed strong willingness to learn and gain experience, eventually adapting and carrying out her duties as a PPS member for Karang Gede Village.
Another finding relates to Mrs.
Lipur, an activist from the nongovernmental organization SERUNI and a village official from mid-2017 until the 2019 general election.
her experience.
KPPS recruitment at the village level was not conducted openly but rather through individual According to Mrs.
Lipur.
KPPS recruitment was necessary.
She noted that the recruitment process, based on close ties with village officials, was not ideal.
Mrs.
LipurAos information about KPPS recruitment was circulated only among a limited circleAitypically family members or neighbors of previous election officials or village apparatusAi Fourth, economic motivation is also a major reason for womenAos involvement as election organizers, prompting them to take advantage of whatever access was available to Those economic factors typically had no previous election experience and They participated in recruitment not only to gain The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers A (Pratiwi & Sugiart.
experience as election organizers or to actualize oneself but also to secure This exemplified by Mrs.
Meg, who registered as a member of the Village KPPS to develop herself and improve public speaking skills.
becoming a KPPS member.
Mrs.
Meg was able to interact with many people, socialize broadly, and also benefit economically.
According to her, the honorarium for KPPS members during the one-month period was Rp.
750,000, before tax deductions, while KPPS chairpersons received Rp.
700,000, also before tax helped familyAos finances.
As a homebased seller.
Mrs.
Meg found that her KPPS duties did not interfere with her business activities because the work could be done part-time or alongside her selling activities.
Risks and Challenges The first risk that must be faced by women election organizers, based on the results of this study, is the risk of working in a patriarchal society, where womenAos involvement is often confined to private spaces .
he domestic secto.
rather than public spaces .
he political and institutional Although womenAos involvement in public institutions is Indonesia, dominance of patriarchal cultural values remains a strong barrier for Banyumas Regency.
Although their involvement is not hindered and women can actively participate in electoral institutions, the prevalence of patriarchal norms means they have to perform dual rolesAi responsibilities both in the private and public sectors.
Soni Ahmah Nulhaqim 0:1-.
several gender-biased contexts and obstacles for women in election monitoring institutions.
First, there is public distrust toward women working in political fields, which results in the very low presence of female security staff at polling This is due to the demands of election monitoringAi such as moving between locationsAi infrastructure that would facilitate womenAos active participation in monitoring and campaign activities against money politics.
Obstacles for disabilities, pregnant women, elderly women, and women from minority groups who often live far from polling stations.
The first finding regarding challenges in recruitment was that of Mrs.
Lipur, experience as a KPPS member in Seruni Village and was serving as a village official at the time of the Mrs.
Lipur had been a village official since 2017 and later became a KPPS member in 2019, giving her a comprehensive understanding of the recruitment process and the policies affirming womenAos involvement in One major barrier to womenAos involvement was the lack recruitment opportunities, especially womenAos organizations at the village level.
Mrs.
Lipur learned of the KPPS recruitment in 2019 not through official announcement, but through SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender.
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Child, & Social Inclusion's Studies Vol.
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June 2025 limited channels within her youth Recruitment information was not disseminated openly by the Village Government but spread individually or through accessAiespecially among women Although Mrs.
Lipur was also a village official, she did not receive recruitment information through official announcements at the village hall or other public Instead, she learned about the recruitment through a member of the Youth Organization in which she was active.
Based on her experience.
Mrs.
Lipur emphasized the importance of ensuring that transparent and accessible to all community members.
A lack of open information leads to low involvement of women, especially those who are not engaged in village-level Mrs.
Lipur also noted that the closed, informal recruitment model also reflects a tendency to prioritize KPPS membership for certain groups closely connected to the Village Head.
Her experience highlights how even village officials, like herself, were not formally informed through official channels but had to rely on informal networks to access recruitment information.
The second finding concerns Mrs.
Ev, who experienced how patriarchal bias made it challenging for women participating in election organizing institutions.
Women who are active in social institutions and join electoral organizing efforts often face resistance from their If husbands or extended family members do not support their activities, they will have to face a great challenge in balancing public duties with cultural expectations.
Javanese culture, reinforced by expected stay at home .
he domestic This is especially strong for newly married women or those with participation in public activities such as election organizing a significant The second risk faced by female achieving womenAos quota are often not implemented sincerely.
Instead, women candidates are sometimes recruited based on close ties to village or other local officials rather than on capacity or experience.
As a result, many women selected lack the necessary skills to effectively carry out their duties despite undergoing training.
The study found that not all female KPPS officers interviewed had sufficient information technology, limiting Sholehuddin ZuhriAos analysis of the general election information system (SITUNG) during the 2019 elections highlights that IT skills were crucial for the success of vote counting.
The Election Law designed a manual vote-counting system reliant on KPPS officers, the spearhead of the vote counting process at the polling station where they opened and The consolidation of the results was done through the SITUNG system.
However.
SITUNG First, there were questions about its legality, as the Election Law does not mention its use.
Second, technical difficulties, such as slow The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers A (Pratiwi & Sugiart.
server networks due to heavy traffic, hampered real-time data updates.
Another technical obstacle is related to infrastructure inequalities across regions, causing delays in uploading data and raising suspicions of electoral manipulation by the KPU .
9: 8-.
An example is seen in the experienced of Mrs.
Fer, who had no prior experience and could not initially operate a computer.
Her duties required her to manage lists Microsoft Excel.
Mrs.
Fer initially felt that it was difficult, but she gradually learned how to use the necessary applications, including sorting prospective voter lists based on their RT and RW areas.
Her experience as a PPS member not only expanded her technical skills but also provided additional income, as she had previously worked exclusively as a housewife.
addition to developing IT skills.
Mrs.
Fer also gained exposure to basic organizational work, an area she she had never imagined entering before.
The study and analysis by Andreas Pandiangan .
8: 4-.
show that the issue of resources and KPPS members is crucial, as they must have the knowledge, skills, and ability to carry out their duties.
However, the training or technical KPPS members is often not optimal, leading to confusion in the field when understanding guidelines or coordinating with various parties.
fact, the implementation of the simultaneous elections in 2019
added to the duties, responsibilities and workload of KPPSAinot only in terms of administering the election process but also due to the increasingly complex recapitulation Meanwhile, policymakers at the central level did not seem to pay
attention to the quality of KPPS
KPPS
members function as street-level bureaucrats who directly interacted with the community.
As a result, the performance of KPPS members citizensAo perception and opinions.
This was also reflected in the case of Mrs.
Anni, who initially did not know the duties and functions of PPS member but decided to register after hearing from some of her college friends who had previously PPS members in their own villages.
Although Mrs.
Anni had no prior experience or understanding of her role, she was selected as a PPS Through her commitment and active participation in the PPS training process, she gradually understood her responsibilities and tried her best to fulfill her duties as a PPS member.
The third risk is dealing with a political patron-client system at the local level (Keluraha.
which is not patriarchal values but also limits opportunities for young peopleAi especially young womenAito be involved in the implementation of general elections.
This system tends to restrict the participation of young women, not simply because of their lack of interest, but because the available opportunities are not genuinely open or accessible to Although technical regulations in the administration of general elections allow for two periods of service, the findings of this study show that the entrenched patronclient political structure at the local SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender.
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According to Mrs.
Fai, one of the respondents, while she supported the affirmative policies for women and the regulation limiting service to two terms at the PPS (Keluraha.
and PPK (Distric.
levels, the reality was more complex.
Regeneration of election organizers should ideally ensue knowledge transfer from However.
Mrs.
Fai explained that it was often difficult to find candidates for the seven-member KPPS teams at the neighborhood (RT) level due to the heavy workload, which As a result, those eventually selected were often individuals with close ties to village officials or community leaders, especially since registration was poorly socialized at the grassroots remained low.
The fourth risk faced by female election organizers is the presence of a potentially discriminatory work climate, because of both the dominance of patriarchal cultural norms and the application of the Theoretically, such risks are possible in the field.
However, this study did discriminatory work environment, nor signs of negative impacts from the sexual division of labor, or even sexual violence directed toward female election organizers.
The election work system, with its strict deadlines and outcome-oriented targets, tended to reduce the space During periods when KPPS members experienced an increased workload leading up to the election, female PPS members often had to stay with male members and village officials, most of whom were men.
Despite this, during her time as a PPS member.
Mrs.
Meg and her friends did not encounter negative behaviors such as sexual harassment or demeaning jokes from their This might have been because most PPS members and village officials were closely connected through kinship or community ties.
However, according to Mrs.
Meg, it is still possible that in some villages or sub-districts, certain remarks or stereotypes directed at women might have been present.
While patriarchal dominant culture allows for jokes that may belittle women, such comments are unlikely to escalate into sexual harassment due to the strong social sanctions that would follow.
DISCUSSION
Based on data and information from the field, this section analyzes and discusses three theoretical womenAos institutions, focusing on KPPS in Banyumas Regency.
Central Java Province.
The study reveals there are three main motivations behind the involvement of young women in the KPPS.
The first motivation was rooted in idealism, which was observed among female KPPS members with backgrounds in social activismAisuch as those active in NU womenAos Muhammadiyah, or NGOs.
Second among women without prior social The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers A (Pratiwi & Sugiart.
activism experience but who sought public sector exposure and learning Third is economic participated in KPPS primarily to provided for their roles as KPPS consequence, capable female KPPS members often end up bearing extra responsibility to compensate for the inadequacies of less competent membersAiparticularly technical skills essential for vote Referring to the analysis by Levy and Akiva .
9:1039-.
, young peopleAos political engagement in the United States is shaped by two key factors: political efficacy, or the belief in oneAos ability to influence political processes, and political They demographic factors such as age, gender and ethnicity or race as Their quantitative study considers 20 indicators of political involvement, demographic factors.
In contrast to the motivations that encourage young women to become KPPS members, several risk factors and challenges arise from external circumstances.
The first is the risk of a heavier workload, as often the selected KPPS members do not have adequate capacity, and the capable female members are left to bear the burden.
Some informants in this study have backgrounds as social activists and are used to conducting public outreach and socialization activities.
However, those selected through patron-client processes often do not have the same level of understanding or ability, especially in computer Consequently, the workload that should be distributed equally among KPPS members becomes unbalanced.
Since the election stages follow a strict and scheduled timeline, delays in one stage can significantly impact the However, this study did not find extreme impacts such as illness or death caused by workload.
The current 30% womenAos affirmation policy only sets a quota and has not explicitly determined performance indicators or requirements for prospective KPPS members, thus still allowing recruitment based on proximity and patronage.
These two core motivations, interest, are relevant as comparative Female KPPS members with activist backgrounds tend to demonstrate higher levels of both interest than those without such However, entrenched patron-client culture at the village level remains a significant barrier for many women.
The recruitment process often lacks appointments based on proximity to the village officials rather than merit.
As found in this study, some KPPS members were recruited not for their competence but due to their relationships with the village head or This results in capable young women being excluded from the opportunity simply because they information to register.
As a Second is the risk posed by the dominance of patriarchal cultural values in society.
Even though this study did not find physical sexual SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender.
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Referring to the study of Collier.
Cheryl N.
and Raney.
Tracey 9:1-.
countriesAiAustralia.
United Kingdom and CanadaAiit is shown that the roots of sexism and sexual harassment among parliamentarians stem from two main causes: the privilege enjoyed by men due to their dominant numbers in political institutions, and institutional norms that support sexist behaviors.
The results of this study show that womenAos participation and involvement in KPPS institutions at the local level are also influenced by these two factors.
With the 30% affirmation policy, the majority of KPPS members are still men.
Therefore, female KPPS members harassment by male KPPS members who perceive sexism as normal.
The patriarchal culture reinforces male dominance, which in this study was reflected in jokes that demean Third, environmental support from the community, especially the nuclear and extended families, also becomes a significant risk factor and challenge for female KPPS members.
In general, most respondents of this study did not face challenges related to lack of support from their environment or families.
Female KPPS backgrounds tend to receive strong support due to their established social reputation.
Meanwhile, even those without prior social activism considerable support, particularly because their roles provide financial honorariums, which contribute to family incomeAisomething they may not have had access to CONCLUSION Three emerged based on the analysis of data and information from this First, the role of female KPPS members is very important not only in the context of the 40% affirmation but also in increasing womenAos participation and involvement in politics at the local level.
Second, the emphasis on young women as a prerequisite has not yet become a recruitment criterion for KPPS members, so most of those elected are elderly.
In fact, the involvement KPPS improve the performance and efficiency in handling the workload within KPPS.
Third, the expertise and capacity of KPPS members in the field of public outreach and technology are crucial for enabling KPPS members to work effectively, because all stages of the election rely on a technology-based system and adequate mastery.
This study draws at least three important conclusions based on field First, patriarchal cultural biasAi which places women in roles focused only on the 'private space'Aiis one of the main barriers to womenAos participation in general election In the concept of patriarchal cultural system, which is deeply rooted in Javanese culture, politics is a realm of 'public space' and therefore the domain of men Although election laws and regulations offer The Struggles of Women Ad-Hoc Workers A (Pratiwi & Sugiart.
equal opportunities for women and men, in practice, women are simultaneouslyAimanaging responsibilities in both the Aoprivate spaceAo .
and the Aopublic spaceAo.
This dual burden contributes to the low level of womenAos participation in election institutions at the village level.
Second, the motivation and commitment of women to become election organizers at the village level are also influenced by their experiences in organizations and/or institutions outside the Aoprivate spaceAo.
The results of this study show organizations (NGOs or CSO.
and those who work in village or subdistrict governments tend to have more motivation and access to information than women who are not active in the Aopublic spacesAo.
Their experience of organizing or working in the local government becomes valuable capital to gain information more quickly and even to receive priority in recruitment as election organizers, as village or subdistrict officials are already familiar with them.
This gives them a greater chance of being elected compared to women who have not previously been active in the Aopublic spaceAo.
Third, the risk faced by women in carrying out their role as election officers at the village or sub-district level are minimal, as this study did exceptional cases.
In fact, the greatest risk stems from the demand for women to simultaneously fulfill their roles in the Aoprivate spaceAo as wives or mothers, while also time-consuming workload associated with the Aopublic spaceAo Regulations related to the general election system have provided adequate protection and guarantees, so that women involved as election organizers can exercise their rights.
However, it is this dual role between the Aoprivate spaceAo and the Aopublic spaceAo that increases the pressure and risk for women because face higher demands in managing both responsibilities at the same time.
Based on the results of the recommendations can be made.
First, the Central Government is encouraged to establish regulations that increase the quota for womenAos representation from the current level to more than 30%.
In addition, the Central Government also needs to create a framework for the recruitment mechanism at the Regency or City.
Sub-district, and Village activists, namely those from PKK.
Dasawisma.
Youth Organization, and other community organizations in Indonesia.
Aisyiyah (Muhammadiya.
Fatayat (NU), and other religious organizations.
With organizational activists will gain the organizing general elections.
The expertise and capacity they already possess through their involvement in these organizations will also enhance the quality of human recruitment process for election organizers at the Village level.
Second.
Regional Government (Province.
Regency or City, and Distric.
, training and capacity building should be provided for female election organizers at the Village SALASIKA: Indonesian Journal of Gender.
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Through this training, they will acquire the necessary knowledge and skillsAiboth for preparation and especially for implementing their duties and functions as election The third recommendation is to provide a quota in the recruitment process for incumbent candidates, with a composition that reflects field This will enable former Village level election organizers who have served in the elections to share their insights and knowledge with new election organizers.
If it is not possible to reappoint them, these former election organizers can still be involved as trainers to share their experiences and lessons with newly appointed members.
REFERENCES