Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Vol. 62, no. 2 (2024), pp. 241-276, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2024.622.241-276

PURIFYING THE FAITH, ACTING FOR
PROGRESS
Reinterpreting Muhammadiyah
Hyung-Jun Kim
Kangwon National University, Chuncheon, South Korea
email: hjunkim@kangwon.ac.kr
Abstract
This paper investigates Muhammadiyah, specifically exploring the intricate
relationship between purification and social activism and addressing the
interpretive challenges inherent in their connection. It posits that ijtihad
and progress, fundamental to Muhammadiyah’s theological underpinnings,
broaden the understanding of purification beyond mere adherence to the
Scriptures, aligning purification with the necessity of adapting to contemporary
developments. The initial sections of the paper analyze Suara Muhammadiyah
to shed light on the organization’s early theological framework that seamlessly
integrates purification, social activism, ijtihad, and progress. Subsequent
sections, drawing on diverse research findings, explore the evolution of these
concepts and their implementations throughout Muhammadiyah’s history. The
paper concludes that the fusion of ijtihad and progress has fostered diverse
approaches to purification, reflecting various cultural and social contexts. This
synthesis has prevented stagnation in the realm of social activism and infused
it with vitality and dynamism.
[Tulisan ini mengkaji ormas Muhammadiyah, khususnya tentang hubungan
rumit antara pemurnian dan aktivisme sosial serta penafsiran-penafsiran
dalam hubungan keduanya. Studi ini mengemukakan bahwa ijtihad dan

https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/
© 2024
Hyung-Jun Kim

ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2338-557X (e)
Al-Jami‘ah Research Centre, Yogyakarta - Indonesia
https://aljamiah.or.id

Hyung-Jun Kim

kemajuan, yang merupakan landasan teologis Muhammadiyah, memperluas
pemahaman tentang pemurnian lebih dari sekedar ketaatan pada kitab
suci, tetapi menyelaraskan pemurnian dengan kebutuhan untuk beradaptasi
dengan perkembangan kontemporer. Bagian awal makalah ini menganalisis
Suara Muhammadiyah, menyoroti kerangka teologis awal organisasi yang
mengintegrasikan pemurnian, aktivisme sosial, ijtihad, dan kemajuan.
Bagian selanjutnya mengeksplorasi evolusi konsep-konsep tersebut dan
implementasinya sepanjang sejarah Muhammadiyah, dengan memanfaatkan
beragam temuan penelitian. Makalah ini menyimpulkan bahwa perpaduan
ijtihad dan kemajuan telah mendorong beragam pendekatan terhadap
pemurnian, yang mencerminkan berbagai konteks budaya dan sosial. Sintesis
ini telah mencegah stagnasi di bidang aktivisme sosial serta menanamkan
vitalitas dan dinamisme di dalamnya.]
Keywords: Muhammadiyah, purification, social activism, Islamic
reformism, progressive Islam
A. Introduction
The concept of ‘progress’ has recently emerged as a focal point
in Muhammadiyah’s discourse, highlighted especially during its 2022
congress where the organization was characterized as a progressive Islamic
movement (gerakan Islam yang berkemajuan). Progressive Muhammadiyah
is delineated as an organization that “commits to progress, adapts to
modernity, advocates a moderate understanding, and promotes tolerance
in both thought and action”.1 Contrary to its recent prominence, the term
progress was used less frequently in the latter part of the 20th century.
However, this sporadic usage should not be interpreted as an indication
of its limited influence within the organization. In fact, the concept of
progress has been a key force in shaping Muhammadiyah’s organizational
ideologies and activities. Arifin notes that a strong desire to elevate
Laporan Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah Period 2015-2022 (Yogyakarta: Pimpinan
Pusat Muhammadiyah, 2022), p. 8. For recent discussions on progress within
Muhammadiyah, refer to Syamsul Arifin, Syafiq Mughni, and Moh. Nurhakim, “The
Idea of Progress: Meaning and Implications of Islam Berkemajuan in Muhammadiyah”,
Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 60, no. 2, (2022), pp. 554-6. For a vision of
progressive Islam proposed by Muhammadiyah activists, refer to Alpha Amirrachman,
Andar Nubowo and Azaki Khoirudin (ed), Islam Berkemajuan untuk Indonesia Berkemajuan:
Agenda Muhammadiyah ke Depan (Jakarta: Centre for Dialogue and Cooperation among
Civilisations, 2015).
1

242

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

Indonesian society from historical backwardness was a fundamental
impetus for the establishment of Muhammadiyah.2 Likewise, Najib
Burhani and Achmad Jainuri emphasize the significance of progress,
aligning it with Muhammadiyah’s essential goal of religious reform.3
The resurgence of the concept of progress, coupled with
its foundational role, calls for a reevaluation of Muhammadiyah’s
conventional portrayal. Historically, the organization has been
characterized through the dual lenses of purification and social activism.4
Hildred Geertz, for instance, describes Muhammadiyah as “a modernist
Islamic social service and educational society which is dedicated to …
the purification of Indonesian Islam”.5 In this context, purification
signifies the efforts to remove non-Islamic beliefs and practices, often
identified as bid‘ah, while social activism emphasizes a proactive approach
in integrating Western developments. However, this dual characterization
presents interpretative challenges, as the link between purification and
social activism is not immediately evident. Such ambiguity necessitates
a more in-depth exploration of how the removal of syncretic elements
can coexist with the foundation of modern educational and social
institutions. Here, the notion of progress becomes crucial, serving as a
bridge over this conceptual gap. It allows for an expanded interpretation
of purification that extends beyond mere strict adherence to scripture,
making it more flexible and attuned to contemporary changes. This
broader understanding, in turn, validates the establishment of schools
and orphanages as integral parts of Muhammadiyah’s reform agenda.
This paper aims to scrutinize the ideological framework of
Muhammadiyah during its formative years, focusing on the amalgamation
of purification, social activism, and progress into its ethos. It also
explores the concept of ‘ijtihād’, the rational interpretation of the Islamic
MT. Arifin, Muhammadiyah: Potret yang Berubah (Yogyakarta: Suara
Muhammadiyah, 2016), p. 32, 45.
3
Ahmad Najib Burhani, Muhammadiyah Jawa (Yogyakarta: Suara Muhammadiyah,
2016), pp. 105-9; Achmad Jainuri, Ideologi Kaum Reformis: Melacak Pandangan Keagamaan
Muhammadiyah Periode Awal (Surabaya: Lembaga Pengkajian Agama dan Masyarakat,
2002), p. 91.
4
Howard M. Federspiel, “The Muhammadiyah: A Study of an Orthodox Islamic
Movement in Indonesia”, Indonesia, vol. 10 (1970); James Peacock, Purifying the Faith:
The Muhammadijah Movement in Indonesian Islam (California: The Banjamin/Cummings
Publishing Company, 1978), pp. 110-1.
5
Hildred Geertz, “Indonesian Cultures and Communities”, in Indonesia, ed. by
Ruth McVey (New Haven: Yale University, 1967), pp. 66-7.
2

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

243

Hyung-Jun Kim

Scriptures, which served as a key instrument in Muhammadiyah’s goal of
returning to the original state of Islam. Through ijtihad,6 Muhammadiyah
effectively merged the core ideas of purification, social activism, and
progress.
Despite extensive scholarly discussions on Muhammadiyah’s early
theological construction, including seminal works by Achmad Jainuri
and Fauzan Saleh,7 this study explores the topic for two primary reasons.
First, existing literature often overlooks the significant role played
by Muhammadiyah’s official bulletin, ‘Suara Muhammadiyah’ (SM), in
shaping its theological narratives. By examining this crucial source, this
research attempts to provide a more vivid and comprehensive account
of the theological evolution and formation of key concepts. Second,
contemporary scholarship tends to analyze the fundamental principles
of purification, social activism, progress, and ijtihad in isolation, limiting
a nuanced understanding of their interconnectivity. This study proposes
an integrative approach, demonstrating how these ideas not only
coexist but also mutually reinforce each other. Adopting this integrative
perspective, the paper seeks to deepen our understanding of the evolution
of purification and social activism throughout Muhammadiyah’s history,
a theme that will be explored in later sections. Rather than presuming
that purification efforts inherently lead to the eradication of nonIslamic elements, this study examines the concrete implementations and
outcomes of these endeavors by Muhammadiyah activists. Beyond merely
tracing the numeric expansion of educational and social institutions, this
study analyzes the dynamic processes underpinning the establishment
and transformation of these entities.
The paper starts by exploring how Muhammadiyah activists, in
the organization’s early years, recognized the perceived backwardness
in Muslim society. It critically analyzes the role of ijtihad as a potential
remedy, concentrating on the strategies developed to confront Islamic
malaise through purification and social activism. The latter part of the
paper traces the historical development of these initiatives, charting their
evolution to the present day. This analysis posits that the integration of
ijtihad and progress has precluded a simplistic, binary interpretation of
This italic word is an Indonesian word, loaned from the Arabic one, ijtihād.
Throughout this article, things like this occur several times.
7
Achmad Jainuri, Ideologi Kaum Reformis; Fauzan Saleh, Modern Trends in Islamic
Theological Discourse in 20th Century Indonesia: A Critical Survey (Leiden, Boston & Koln:
Brill, 2001).
6

244

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

purification, thereby rendering it more adaptable and sensitive to context.
This approach has fostered diverse approaches to purification, reflecting
various cultural and social contexts, and has prevented stagnation in the
realm of social activism, infusing it with vitality and dynamism.
The first two sections of this paper are based on archival research,
primarily drawing from Suara Muhammadiyah editions published between
1922 and 1926. This timeframe was chosen due to the unavailability of
editions from 1920 to 1921 and a notable editorial shift after 1927 when
the publication began focusing primarily on reporting Muhammadiyah’s
activities.8 The author conducts a contextual interpretation of materials
from Suara Muhammadiyah, supplemented by secondary data on the
early years of Muhammadiyah. The subsequent sections present a
comprehensive analysis of various research findings, incorporating
contributions from both external scholars and Muhammadiyah activists.
While not directly integrated into the analysis, the author’s research
experience —intensively carried out over eight months in 2010 and
intermittently thereafter— provides valuable contextual insights that
inform the examination of both primary and secondary sources.
B. Diagnosis of Backwardness in Muslim Society
In the early 1920s, Muhammadiyah’s discourse drew a stark
contrast between the concepts of progress (kemajuan) and regression
(kemunduran).9 The prevailing notion asserted that Muslims, unable to
keep pace with Western advancements, were entrenched in backwardness.
The quality of living, political standing, and intellectual pursuits within
Muslim communities were perceived to lag behind those of nonMuslim societies significantly.10 This dismal view extended to Indonesia
itself, then under non-Muslim colonial rule, grappling with economic
challenges and lacking modern institutions necessary for progress.
The citation format for Suara Muhammadiyah varies based on the publication
year. The 1922 edition consists of monthly issues, and when citing, the publication
month is enclosed in square brackets, for example, ‘1922[3]’. Conversely, the editions
from 1923 to 1926 are compiled with consecutive page numbers; in citations from
these years, only the year is provided without specific monthly references. SM includes
articles with identified contributors as well as those without clear authorship, which
are attributed as ‘anonymous’.
9
A. M. Wijoto, “Keroesakan Kita”, SM (1922[3]), p. 12.
10
“Samboengan S. M. No.7 Tjatetan (Notulen) Rapat Moehammadijah Tahoen
1342 H. 1924 M”, SM (1924), p. 113.
8

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

245

Hyung-Jun Kim

Muhammadiyah activists11 viewed Muslims as besieged on multiple fronts,
with Islam perceived as teetering “on the brink of extinction”.12 They
attributed this backwardness not to external factors but primarily to the
Muslims themselves, contending that “due to a lack of comprehension
of social changes… our lives were entrenched in malaise”.13 While
Muhammadiyah’s interpretation of backwardness bore a resemblance
to the perspectives of contemporary nationalists, its approach markedly
differed. In contrast to nationalists who proposed distancing from religion
to tackle these challenges,14 Muhammadiyah activists pursued solutions
within the Islamic framework. They contended that the issue was not
Islam itself, but its misinterpretation and flawed practice.15 To support
this view, they highlighted historical instances where Muslim societies
were at the forefront of global advancements and civilization.16
Muhammadiyah activists pinpointed the corruption of ‘tauhid’ (Ar:
tawḥīd) (the belief in the oneness of God) as a key factor in the decline
of Muslim society. Despite its fundamental importance in Islam, tauhid
was often incorrectly practiced, leading to the widespread prevalence
of ‘syirik’ (Ar: syirk)—the adherence to non-Islamic traditions. This
misinterpretation was widespread among ordinary Muslims, especially
apparent in the veneration of natural objects like large stones, trees, and
statues, often involving offerings and acts of worship.17 Notably, the
term ‘abangan’ was used to describe Muslims who blended Islamic and
non-Islamic traditions.18 Practices that were common among abangan
As the ideas and opinions expressed in SM reflect those of a wider circle
within Muhammadiyah, this paper uses the term ‘Muhammadiyah activists’ in this and
subsequent sections. This term is intended to denote individuals who advocate for and
express these ideas and opinions.
12
Fanan, “Perentah Toehan Jang ke 9”, SM (1923), p. 165.
13
Nazir, “Gandjil alias Aneh”, SM (1925), p. 108.
14
Agama Rachmat, “I’lam !!!”, SM (1924), p. 43; H.A. Namidrameos, “Anggapan
Anak Boemi (Pendoedoek) Tanah Djawa kepada Agama Islam dalam Zaman Ini”, SM
(1923), p. 183.
15
Nasreddin, “Mentjahari Ilmoe”, SM (1923), p. 212.
16
Bin Hasjim, “Agama Islam Njawa Kemajuan: Samboengan S. M. No. 3”,
SM (1922[4]), p. 10.; Djojosoegito, “Rapat pada Hari Selasa 1 April 1924 Terboeka”,
SM (1924), p. 134.
17
H.A. Namidramees, “Sesoeatoe Hal jang Kerap Kali Meroesakkan
Kepertjajaan Menoeroet Boenjinja Ajat Qoeran”, SM (1923), pp. 64-5.
18
H.A. Namidrameos, “Anggapan Anak Boemi (Pendoedoek) Tanah Djawa
Kepada Agama Islam dalam Zaman Ini”, SM (1923), p. 182. The term abangan gained
prominence following its use by Clifford Geertz to categorize Javanese Muslims. Both
SM and Geertz employ abangan in a similar manner, using it to characterize syncretic
11

246

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

Muslims, such as selamatan (life-cycle ceremonies) and ziarah (pilgrimages
to graves of the deceased), were categorized as syirik. Muhammadiyah
activists argued that syirik was not only in direct opposition to Islamic
teachings, but it also contributed to the social backwardness of Muslims.
They believed that adherence to syirik impeded independent and rational
thinking, thereby keeping individuals mired in ignorance.19
Furthermore, Muhammadiyah activists pointed to a narrow
understanding of ‘amal’ (religious deeds) as another contributing factor
in Muslim underdevelopment, emphasizing that Islam values actions for
both worldly affairs and the hereafter. In their view, simply performing
daily prayers, reciting scriptures, and engaging in religious studies were
insufficient for one to be deemed a true adherent of Islam, unless
these acts were translated into practical implementations in daily life.20
According to this perspective, those who limited their amal exclusively to
religious rituals might harbor false beliefs or lack genuine faith in Islam.21
Muhammadiyah activists attributed the deterioration of tauhid and amal
primarily to misconceptions about religious teachings, identifying specific
sources of these misunderstandings: Islamic leaders and scholars, known
as ‘kiai’ or ‘ulama,’ and the practice of ‘taklid,’ (Ar: taqlīd) which involves
strict adherence to the interpretations and rulings of the four Islamic
law schools. In their critique of taklid, the activists did not outright
dismiss these schools’ teachings. Instead, they questioned the tendency
to accept these rulings as unchallengeable and definitive. Advocating for
a more dynamic approach, they argued that interpretations from these
law schools should undergo critical analysis, comprehensive comparison,
and contextual evaluation to ensure their relevance and applicability in
contemporary settings.22
When Muhammadiyah activists extended their critique to the
general Muslim populace, taklid was seen as representing blind obedience
and submission to the authority of kiai. The unquestioned adherence to
kiai’s doctrinal interpretations, along with their further sacralization, was
perceived as a contributing factor to the decline of Islam. The activists
argued that kiai did not inherently possess Islam, nor did they have a
Muslims who blend Islamic practices with pre-Islamic religious traditions.
19
H.A. Namidramees, “Sesoeatoe Hal jang Kerap Kali Meroesakkan
Kepertjajaan Menoeroet Boenjinja Ajat Qoeran”, SM (1923), p. 64.
20
“Bentangan dan Soal Djawab”, SM (1923), p. 127.
21
Ibid.
22
H.A. Namidrameos, “Anggapan Anak Boemi (Pendoedoek) Tanah Djawa
Kepada Agama Islam dalam Zaman Ini”, SM (1923), pp. 71-2.

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

247

Hyung-Jun Kim

monopoly on its interpretation.23 The widespread belief among ordinary
Muslims that they needed a kiai to act as an intermediary for their prayers
to reach God was viewed as a significant misinterpretation, reducing the
divine to a human level and misunderstanding the nature of God.24
Critiques towards kiai also centered on their perceived detachment
from practical issues. Muhammadiyah activists asserted that kiai were
preoccupied with merely “rotating a tasbih (Ar: tasbīḥ) (Islamic rosary)
while chanting in the mosque”,25 and showed little concern for the realworld needs of their followers. This criticism was vividly exemplified in
a report titled “The Strange Look I’ve Seen”, which underscored a kiai’s
neglect of amal:
During a Friday prayer session, an Islamic leader in charge of the mosque
emphasized the importance of donating for mosque repairs, placing a
collection box at the entrance. While he successfully gathered donations
from worshippers as they arrived and departed, he completely overlooked
the needy individuals begging right outside the mosque. The following
Friday, he once again stressed the need for donations but failed to
offer a single penny to the numerous beggars at the mosque’s entrance.
Despite his awareness of the doctrinal guidelines on the appropriate use
of donations, he behaved as if he had forgotten the rules about who
rightfully deserved such aid.26

The author of the report used this incident to narrate how Islam
had been subjected to criticism as an erroneous religion, primarily due
to a misinterpretation that confined amal to mere religious rituals. The
kiai’s failure to fulfill their duty to aid the impoverished was portrayed
as indicative of their selective adherence to Islamic doctrine, distorting
it to suit personal preferences.27
In summary, the discourse of SM attributed the backwardness of
Muslims to a flawed practice of Islam, identifying the corruption of tauhid
and the misapplication of amal as key factors leading to the widespread
practice of syirik and a disregard for worldly changes. The critiques
were particularly focused on taklid, which involves blind adherence to
religious authority at the expense of independent thinking. In response,
23

p. 153.

H. Fachrodin, “Balesan Soerat!: Dari H. M. Tajib, Batoe Malang”, SM (1923),

H.A. Namidramees, “Sesoeatoe Hal jang Kerap Kali Meroesakkan
Kepertjajaan Menoeroet Boenjinja Ajat Qoeran”, SM (1923), p. 150.
25
H. Fachrodin, “Democratie di dalam Islam”, SM (1924), p. 140.
26
S. Boerik, “Di Madioen: Saja Pandang Aneh”, SM (1924), pp. 43-4.
27
Ibid., p. 44.

248

24

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

Muhammadiyah activists turned to the Scriptures and advocated for
ijtihad as a means to steer Muslims toward progress. The following section
will delve into the meaning, implementation, and impacts of ijtihad,
highlighting its significance in fostering purification and social activism
in the Muslim community.
C. Exploring Paths to Progress in Islamic Society
1. Ijtihad and Reason
The term ijtihad denotes the intellectual endeavor to formulate
religious principles.28 Muhammadiyah activists underscored that the
gate of ijtihad is open,29 echoing the sentiments of Islamic reformism
prevalent in the Middle East.30 However, it is essential to note that ijtihad
was not a novel concept introduced by Islamic reformism. Instead, it
represented a method of doctrinal interpretation since the early days
of Islam. Therefore, it is more accurate to state that Islamic reformism
reinvigorated ijtihad, which had been overshadowed by the dominance of
taklid. When ijtihad is applied to religious interpretation, several significant
issues arise. Key among these are debates over whether ijtihad should be
a collective or an individual pursuit, the suitability of ordinary Muslims
for engaging in ijtihad, the scope of its application, and the appropriate
methodologies for its execution.31 While acknowledging the complexities
inherent in ijtihad, Muhammadiyah activists did not thoroughly explore
these issues. Instead, they often equated ijtihad with the use of reason,
consistently highlighting its role as a vital tool in doctrinal interpretation.32
For Muhammadiyah activists, reason was esteemed as a divine
endowment that epitomizes a fundamental aspect of human uniqueness.33
Howard M. Federspiel, A Dictionary of Indonesian Islam (Athens: Ohio
University Center for International Studies, 1995), p. 91.
29
Hoofdredacteur, “Noot”, SM (1925), pp. 37-8.
30
Fazlur Rahman, Islam (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press,
1979), p. 215.
31
Asjmuni Abdurrahman, Manhaj Tarjih Muhammadiyah: Metodologi dan Aplikasi
(Yogyakaarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2003), pp. 12-4; Arifin, Muhammadiyah, pp. 43-4; Ahmad
Jainuri, Ideologi Kaum Reformis, pp. 105-9.
32
Jainuri highlights that during its formative years, Muhammadiyah activists
used the concept of reason more frequently than ijtihad, often employing these terms
interchangeably. He suggests that, as a result, reason became an integral component
of the ijtihad process. Ahmad Jainuri, Ideologi Kaum Reformis, p. 100.
33
“Penghidoepan Setjara Islam”, SM (1923), p. 38.
28

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

249

Hyung-Jun Kim

This divine gift was perceived as encompassing the capacity for critical
thought, empowering individuals to distinguish between right and
wrong, and to discern the difference between good and evil.34 Although
universally granted, it was noted that not everyone could fully harness
their capacity for reason. As a result, the application of reason was seen
to vary, leading to its classification into ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ forms.35 This
emphasis on reason led to the belief that religious doctrines, including
core tenets such as the existence of God and the veracity of Islam,
must align with reason to be considered valid.36 Muhammadiyah activists
advocated that Muslims have the freedom to critically evaluate scriptural
texts, asserting that it is unnecessary to adhere to religious teachings that
contradict sound reasoning.37 An illuminating example of applying reason
to religious doctrine is evident in the treatment of alcohol prohibition.
In periodically published question-and-answer sections, SM classified
alcohol as forbidden. The underlying rationale was that banning alcohol
mitigates the significant risk of drunkenness, which impairs reason and
leads to deviant behavior.38 This case exemplifies a rational approach to
interpreting doctrines, aimed at uncovering the intrinsic truths in the
Qur’an and Hadith, as well as comprehending their intended purpose.
The employment of reason was also pivotal in evaluating the concept
of syirik, as demonstrated by the discourse on ziarah. Muhammadiyah’s
stance on this practice was initially articulated by its prominent activist,
Fachrodin, who, drawing on the Hadith, contended that visiting tombs
to seek divine favors was incongruent with the practices of Prophet
Muhammad.39 This view spurred further discussions, which introduced
a variety of rational arguments, showcasing a reasoned approach to
Islamic teachings.
SM urged readers to consider the perspectives of revered scholars
and saints buried in tombs. These figures, venerated for their past deeds
and achievements, were thought to possess spirits capable of discerning
A. Duzanah, “Manoesia”, SM (1926), p. 22; S. Tegoeh, “Kemadjoean Adjaran
Perempoean Agama Islam”, SM (1925), p. 75.
35
Fatat Adab, “Tarbijatoel-Marah”, SM (1925), p. 90; A. Aziz, “Menoentoet
Ilmoe Sempoerna”, SM (1926), p. 18.
36
“Agama”, SM (1924), pp. 37-9; S. Tegoeh, “Bentangan dan Soal Djawab:
Tiap-Tiap Manoesia Wadjib Beragama”, SM (1923), p. 161-2.
37
“Pemandangan”, SM (1924), p. 101; Z. S., “Anak Indonesia, Awas”, SM
(1925), p. 23.
38
H. Fachrodin, “Djawab Pertanjaan”, SM (1923), p. 186.
39
H. Fachrodin, “Ziarah Qoeboer”, SM (1922[11]), p. 30.
34

250

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

the intentions of those visiting their tombs. SM maintained that if visitors
harbored malevolent intentions, such as wishing harm on others or
seeking personal gain, it was apparent that these entombed scholars and
saints would not intercede for them with God. SM critically assessed
the belief that God understands human intentions only through the
mediation of holy spirits and that blessings are dispensed solely at their
discretion. This idea, SM argued, belittles and degrades God, by equating
Him with His creations and suggesting His favoritism. SM concluded
that the practice of ziarah is incongruent with the attributes of God as
raḥmān and raḥīm. Moreover, SM described those participating in ziarah
as lacking in rational thought, labeling them as individuals “whose brains
did not work properly”.40
SM’s rational approach extended to questioning the role of kiai,
drawing on the Islamic tenet of equality before God. It was proposed
that since Islam does not differentiate among people, each person is
accountable for their deeds and will face God’s judgment independently.41
This led to the assertion that “it is not kiai but God who can punish and
reward us. It is not kiai but God who owns Paradise and Hell”.42 SM
encouraged ordinary Muslims to critically examine the teachings of kiai,
irrespective of their own limitations in grasping Islamic knowledge.43
The deep-rooted commitment of Muhammadiyah activists to ijtihad
and reason was grounded not only in scriptural justifications but also
reinforced by the imperatives of progress. They contended that the era
of progress, initiated by Western societies, was intrinsically linked to an
age of reason.44 This perspective held particular significance against the
backdrop of Western colonization and the widespread anti-Western and
anti-Christian sentiments prevalent among Muslims at the time. Hence,
the Muhammadiyah activists’ positive view of Western advancements
was a notably distinct position. Their justifications for this viewpoint
were anchored in two main historical arguments.
Firstly, they highlighted the perceived state of progress during the
era of Prophet Muhammad, portraying Islam as inherently embodying the
H.A. Namidramees, “Sesoeatoe Hal jang Kerap Kali Meroesakkan
Kepertjajaan Menoeroet Boenjinja Ajat Qoeran”, SM (1923), p. 150.
41
Bin Hasjim, “Agama Islam Njawa Kemadjoean”, SM (1922[3]), p. 10.
42
H. Fachrodin, “Balesan Soerat!: Dari H.M. Tajib, Batoe Malang”, SM (1923),
p. 153.
43
Fanan, “Perentah Toehan jang ke 9”, SM (1923), p. 164; Hoofdredacteur,
“Noot”, SM (1925), p. 37.
44
“Pemandangan”, SM (1924), p. 101.
40

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

251

Hyung-Jun Kim

spirit of progress.45 Secondly, they emphasized the historical transmission
of knowledge from the Middle East to Europe, which had been crucial in
lifting Europe out of the Dark Ages and subsequently contributing to its
modern advancement.46 By framing European progress as a continuation
of Islamic influence, Muhammadiyah activists not only reinforced the
image of Islam as a forerunner of progress but also rationalized the
emulation of Western development.
2. Purification and Social Activism
The recognition of the Muslim community’s stagnation, attributed
to a neglect of ijtihad, inspired Muhammadiyah activists to advocate for
progress through a renewed emphasis on reason. They proposed two
main approaches to engage with modern development: purification and
social activism. Purification aimed to combat the widespread practice
of syirik, while social activism sought to remedy the insufficient practice
of amal and to encourage active engagement in contemporary social
advancements.
In their efforts towards purification, Muhammadiyah activists
focused on two key areas. The first was related to fundamental religious
obligations, such as prayer and fasting. The second was addressing
practices and beliefs considered to be syirik. Their emphasis on purifying
basic religious observances highlighted the essence of Muhammadiyah’s
reformist agenda, as exemplified by its founder, Ahmad Dahlan, whose
notable initiatives included correcting the direction of prayer and
reforming the method of determining the start of the fasting month.47
In SM, considerable emphasis was placed on several key Islamic
obligations, particularly fasting and zakat. SM went beyond merely
outlining the correct procedures for these practices; they underscored
the importance of the intentions behind these actions. For instance,
SM presented a scenario where children, roused by their teacher for the
morning prayer, would likely say they complied due to fear of reprimand
rather than devotion to God. Referencing a Quranic verse,48 SM argued
Bin Hasjim, “Agama Islam Njawa Kemadjoean”, SM (1922[3]), p. 10.
Ibid., pp. 10-1.
47
Hyung-Jun Kim, “Praxis and Religious Authority in Islam: The Case of
Ahmad Dahlan, Founder of Muhammadiyah”, Studia Islamika, vol. 17, no. 1 (2010),
pp. 75-9.
48
The Quranic passage referenced is from Surah Al-Kahf (18: 110), which
includes the phrase, “whoever hopeth for the meeting with his Lord ... make none sharer
of the worship due unto his Lord”. M. Marmaduke Pickthall, The Koran (London: A
45
46

252

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

that such prayers could be considered syirik as the children’s motivation
was to please their teacher instead of seeking God’s approval.49 This
analytical perspective was also applied in discussions about zakat and
fasting. These practices were portrayed not merely as religious duties
but as opportunities to foster empathy for the poor and develop a
compassionate understanding of their plight, as well as a merciful attitude
towards offering aid.50 The consistent focus on intention as a fundamental
aspect of the purification process reflects Muhammadiyah’s rational
approach to Islamic teachings. Compared to the purification of basic
obligations, there was a more pronounced focus and enthusiasm in the
efforts to address aspects related to syirik. This heightened attention can
be linked to the external criticisms faced by Muhammadiyah, particularly
regarding its initiatives to purify traditional practices.51
In SM, the scope of purification extended to various practices
deeply rooted in the lives of Indonesian Muslims. These included
venerating old artifacts like daggers, making offerings to objects deemed
sacred, burning incense, consulting dukun (traditional healers and diviners)
for problem-solving, and engaging in fortune-telling based on natural
occurrences. The approach to purification within this context did not
strictly adhere to its literal interpretation, which might suggest outright
prohibition and eradication of such practices. Instead, Muhammadiyah
activists took a more nuanced stance, scrutinizing the underlying
intentions behind these practices to assess their congruence with syirik.
Consequently, practices that might appear similar externally were subject
to different evaluations based on their internal motivations and objectives.
This approach to purification, grounded in a rational interpretation of
Islamic teachings, can be exemplified in the case of ziarah.
SM differentiated between two types of tomb visits: those that
were in accordance with syariah and those that were not.52 Visiting tombs
to pray for the deceased, similar to the Islamic tradition of praying for
the departed before burial, was considered acceptable. This stance was
supported by Hadith narrations that depict Prophet Muhammad visiting
Star Book, 1989[1930]), p. 219.
49
Fanan, “Bentangan dan Soal Djawab”, SM (1923), p. 126.
50
“Pelita-Fikiran bagi Rahasia jang Terkandoeng dalam Kemadjoean”, SM
(1923), p. 67; Mangkoromoerni, “Koeadjiban Orang Islam jang Kaja”, SM (1926), pp.
11-2.
51
“Pemandangan jang terhadap pada Perkoempoelan Moehammadijah”, SM
(1923), pp. 40-2; Moeslim, “Dari Pembantoe Corespondentie”, SM (1923), pp. 73-4.
52
H. Fachrodin, “Ziarah Qoeboer”, SM (1922[11]), p. 30.

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

253

Hyung-Jun Kim

his mother’s grave to pay respects. In contrast, ziarah became problematic
when it involved seeking favors from God through the intercession of
buried saints or directly from the deceased. Such practices, amounting
to the worship of entities other than Allah, were identified as behaviors
to be eradicated. The purification strategy employed by Muhammadiyah
activists, characterized by their rational interpretation of Islamic teachings,
does exhibit a certain degree of inconsistency. On the one hand, they
focused on practical advantages, such as justifying the prohibition of
selamatan based on economic considerations.53 On the other hand, they
relied on inference, analogy, and metaphor to explain prohibitions, like in
the case of ziarah and incense burning.54 Despite these varied methods,
it is crucial to emphasize that Muhammadiyah activists endeavored to
apply reason to uncover religious teachings’ underlying intentions and
purposes, thereby establishing rational justifications for their purification
efforts.
To conclude, the early period of Muhammadiyah’s development
was characterized by a deep intertwining of purification efforts with
the application of reason. This synthesis was considered indispensable
for accurately discerning the true essence of religious teachings. By
integrating reason, Muhammadiyah moved beyond a simplistic, binary,
and deterministic interpretation of Islam. Instead, this approach allowed
for more nuanced, flexible, and contextually relevant methods in
addressing purification. In the realm of social activism, Muhammadiyah
activists redefined the concept of amal to include all facets of life, guided
by the principle that “knowledge that is not put into practice is like a
fruitless tree”.55 This period saw a transformation in the application of
amal beyond religious contexts, primarily in two directions.
Firstly, Muhammadiyah activists were at the forefront of
assimilating Western developments, especially in the fields of science
and technology. This stood in stark contrast to the predominant views
of the era, particularly those held by kiai, who generally rejected Western
culture and knowledge, primarily due to its association with Christian
origins.56 Muhammadiyah, however, advocated the obligation of Muslims
Fanan, “Bentangan dan Soal Djawab: Samboengan Karangannja Fanan S.M.
No 2-3”, SM (1923), p. 127.
54
H.A. Namidramees, “Samboengan S. M. No. 2 dan 3”, SM (1923), p. 150;
Redacteur, “Soerat Pertanjakan”, SM (1923), p. 167.
55
Siswojo Dwidjo, “Boeah Fikiran”, SM (1922[8]), p. 13.
56
Deliar Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam di Indonesia 1900-1942 (Jakarta: LP3ES,
1996), pp. 320-1.
53

254

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

to pursue knowledge, irrespective of its origins. This open-minded stance
led to substantial educational reforms. Emblematic of these efforts was
the establishment of schools featuring modern facilities like blackboards,
desks, and chairs, marking a significant departure from the traditional
modes of education. Additionally, the curriculum in these institutions was
broadened to encompass secular subjects such as languages, mathematics,
and science, which were taught alongside religious studies.57 The goal of
this educational strategy was not only academic proficiency, but also the
cultivation of critical thinking, physical well-being, and proper social
conduct, all considered indispensable for the advancement of society.58
The second major application of amal by Muhammadiyah activists
was in the domain of social welfare, which they saw as integral to
the realization of Islamic principles.59 Their dedication to supporting
those in need led to the establishment of social welfare institutions
like hospitals, orphanages, and shelters for the impoverished.60 These
initiatives extended beyond these facilities to encompass a wide array
of humanitarian efforts, including providing aid during the influenza
pandemic and volcanic eruptions, offering relief to victims of fires,
providing jobs to the underprivileged, financing the installation of
electric lighting in villages, and ensuring proper Islamic funeral rites for
the deceased.61
Securing sufficient funding was vital to sustain and develop these
educational and welfare institutions. Accordingly, amal, as highlighted by
Muhammadiyah activists, encompassed the act of giving. Muslims were
actively encouraged to use their resources for community betterment,
adhering to the ethos of “utilizing wealth not for ostentation or immoral
purposes but in the service of Allah”.62 Muhammadiyah even engaged in
commercial ventures to aid in fundraising, such as renting out gasoline
“Pengatoeran Oentoek Sekolah Rendah Moehammadijah di Hindia Timoer”,
SM (1924), p. 50.
58
Isa Mamak, “Pendidikan”, SM (1922 [7]), p. 11.
59
“P.K.O. (Penoloeng kesengsaraan Oemoem)”, SM (1924), p. 184.
60
Drijowongso. “Kisah Pergerakan Mohammadijah Bagean P. K. O. di
Djokjakarta”, SM (1924), pp. 8-10.
61
“Makloemat”, SM (1922[11]), p. 14; “Verslaggever, Openbare Algemeene
Vergadering Moehammadijah Pekalongan”, SM (1923), p. 124; Doeroe Peneliti,
“Persidangan Sekalian Pengoeroes Moehammadijah Tjabang Batavia”, SM (1923), p.
158; “Verslag Openbare Vergadering P.K.O.”, SM (1923), p. 193.
62
M. J. Anies, “Agama Islam dan Economi”, SM (1922[8]), p. 15.
57

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

255

Hyung-Jun Kim

lamps, chairs, glasses, and cups for large-scale events.63 The active
involvement of Muhammadiyah activists in establishing educational and
welfare institutions profoundly shaped their interpretation of Islam.
Firstly, their engagement emphasized the importance of striving for social
transformation, nurturing a collective ethos geared towards progress and
modernity. Secondly, their experience in navigating the practical challenges
of managing these institutions exposed them to the complexities of the
real world. Such direct involvement allowed Muhammadiyah to foster an
organizational culture that embraced religious interpretations reflective
of real-world dynamics, highlighting the necessity of responding to and
adapting within this context.
D. Reassessing Purification and Social Activism
1. Varied Approaches to Purification
The commitment to purifying the faith, a fundamental objective
ingrained during Muhammadiyah’s formative years, emerged as a
cornerstone of its organizational identity. This focus was pivotal
in drawing new members and contributing to the movement’s
extensive growth throughout Indonesia. Recent historical accounts of
Muhammadiyah’s local branches reveal that their formation was primarily
motivated by the pursuit of purification.64 A notable example is the West
Sumatra branch, where the initial struggle was marked by endeavors “to
cleanse attitudes and behaviors in daily life that exhibited elements of
syirik, khurafat (polytheism), and takhayul (superstition), and to restore
adherence to unadulterated Islamic teachings”.65
The centrality of purification led to the creation of the acronym
TBC, representing takhayul, bidah, and churafat (khurafat). This acronym
succinctly encapsulates and symbolizes the essence and mission
“Kabar Moehammadijah”, SM (1922[4]), p. 15.
Muhammad Haiban, Matahari Bersinar di Tanjung Redeb: Geliat Muhammadiyah
dari Cabang Tanjung Redeb sampai Daerah Berau Kalimantan Timur Sejak Tahun 1933 hingga
2013 (Jakarta: UHAMKA Press, 2015), pp. 34-6; Khatib Pahlawan Kayo and Harjohan,
Muhammadiyah Minangkabau (Sumatera Barat) dalam Perspektif Sejarah (Yogyakarta: Suara
Muhammadiyah, 2010), p. 135; Suwarno and Asep Daud Kosasih, Dinamika Sosial
Gerakan Muhammadiyah di Banyumas (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2013), p. 40; Tafsir,
Dilema Purifikasi Muhammadiyah: Antara Progresifisme dan Konservatisme (Yogyakarta: Suara
Muhammadiyah, 2022), pp. 132-3.
65
Khatib Pahlawan Kayo and Harjohan, Muhammadiyah Minangkabau (Sumatera
Barat) dalam Perspektif Sejarah, p. 135.
63
64

256

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

of Muhammadiyah. The organization’s dedication to purification
was officially articulated in 1969 in its document ‘Faith Pledge and
Aspiration of Life in Muhammadiyah’ (Matan Keyakinan dan Cita-Cita
Hidup Muhammadiyah’), proclaiming: “Muhammadiyah is committed to
fostering a pure Islamic faith, free from the influences of kemusyrikan,
bidah, and khurafat”.66
The significance of the purification initiative within Muhammadiyah’s
organizational framework likely profoundly impacted its followers.
Empirical evidence points to the deep commitment of key activists to this
ideal. A striking example is evident in Tanjung Redeb, where a pioneering
activist, also serving as a religious official in the Sambaliung Sultanate,
refrained from praising the Sultan during Friday prayers, viewing such
acts as syirik.67
While the dedication of these key activists is relatively welldocumented, assessing the broader influence of the purification
movement on Muhammadiyah’s general supporters, especially up to
the 1980s, is more challenging. A notable exception was in Kauman,
Muhammadiyah’s birthplace, where by 1950, practices like selamatan,
ziarah, and reliance on amulets and offerings had disappeared.68 However,
outside of specific studies, such as Clifford Geertz’s research in East Java,
comprehensive information on the impact of these purification efforts
on the wider Muhammadiyah community is limited.
Geertz’s anthropological research in the early 1950s indicates that
among Muhammadiyah activists, the practice of selamatan was either
completely omitted or significantly simplified.69 However, it is crucial to
recognize that Geertz’s observation was confined to a small group of
approximately forty leaders, without an extensive exploration into how
these leaders influenced the broader base of Muhammadiyah’s supporters,
referred to as ‘friends of Muhammadiyah’.70 Given Geertz’s thorough
documentation of Muhammadiyah’s activities, the lack of detailed
Umar Hasyim, “Matan Keyakinan dan Cita-Cita Hidup Muhammadiyah:
Keputusan Sidang Tanwir di Ponorogo”, in Muhammadiyah Jalan Lurus Dalam Tajdid,
Dakwah, Kaderisasi dan Pendidikan: Kritik dan Terapinya, (Surabaya: Pt. Bina Ilmu,
1990[1969]), p. 216.
67
Muhammad Haiban, Matahari Bersinar di Tanjung Redeb, p. 36.
68
Adaby Darban, Sejarah Kauman: Menguak Identitas Kampung Muhammadiyah
(Yogyakarta: Suara Muhammadiyah, 2010), p. 94.
69
Clifford Geertz, The Religion of Java (Chicago & London: The University of
Chicago Press, 1976), p. 153.
70
Ibid., p. 173.
66

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

257

Hyung-Jun Kim

comments on these friends’ attitudes towards traditional practices and the
leaders’ efforts to disseminate their views, implies that the purification
drive may not have permeated the broader circle of individuals who were
sympathetic to Muhammadiyah.
In the early 1970s, Mitsuo Nakamura conducted a study in
Kotagede, a district in Yogyakarta known as a Muhammadiyah stronghold.
While this study does not offer an exhaustive overview of the status of
traditional rituals, an anecdote from it provides a valuable perspective.
Nakamura recounts an incident where he distributed food parcels to
neighbors during his son’s birthday celebration. Interestingly, one parcel
was returned by a Muhammadiyah leader who expressed objection,
perceiving the act as adherence to Javanese tradition that contravened the
Islamic principle of tauhid. This leader further elaborated that Muslims in
Kotagede could be divided into three categories: those strictly adhering
to Islamic principles, those following solely Javanese customs, and
those adopting a middle path.71 Considering Muhammadiyah’s strong
presence in the area, this observation suggests that not all its supporters
or sympathizers fully embraced the organization’s purification agenda.
Nakamura’s additional findings offer insight into the partial
success of Muhammadiyah’s purification efforts in eliminating traditional
practices. He suggests that “if one realizes that one is still gadho-gadho (a
mixture of Islamic and non-Islamic beliefs and practices), he himself is
responsible for and capable of cleansing himself ”.72 This explanation
implies that purification was seen more as a personal responsibility than
as a collective organizational mandate. The findings of both Geertz and
Nakamura indicate that while key Muhammadiyah activists were diligent
in their own pursuit of purification, the broader community under their
influence did not uniformly follow suit. This discrepancy might be
explained by the perception of purification as an individual journey, a
notion that aligns with Muhammadiyah’s rational approach to religious
interpretation.
The focus on ijtihad and reason in Muhammadiyah has fostered an
environment where every Muslim is encouraged to critically engage with
Islamic teachings, based on the Quran and Hadith. This individualistic
approach eschews enforcement that might impinge upon human agency,
Mitsuo Nakamura, The Crescent Arises over the Banyan Tree: A Study of the
Muhammadiyah Movement in a Central Javanese Town, c. 1910-2010 (Singapore: Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies, 2012), p. 173.
72
Ibid., p. 174.
71

258

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

resonating with the Quranic principle often cited by Muhammadiyah
activists: “there is no compulsion in religion”. As a result, the process
of purification, guided by reason, refrains from forcibly removing
non-Islamic elements from the community’s life. Furthermore, the
emphasis on intention complicates judging religiosity based solely on
outward practices. For instance, participation in traditional rituals does
not necessarily imply a departure from Islamic principles in terms of
intention. In this context, Muhammadiyah activists are viewed primarily
as role models, focused on consistently conveying appropriate messages.73
Muhammadiyah’s guiding document, ‘Faith Pledge and Aspiration
of Life in Muhammadiyah,’ reflects a reluctance to embrace direct and
collective methods in pursuing purification. The call to free oneself from
TBC is tempered by the caveat, “not ignoring the principle of tolerance”.74
This principle encourages acknowledging and respecting diverse views
and advises against harsh criticism or imposing specific interpretations on
others.75 While Muhammadiyah recognizes the importance of addressing
errors in the Muslim community, it advocates for an open approach,
highlighting that “one should have the desire to change deviations”.76
This non-coercive method of influencing others’ lives is a key factor in
the persistence of traditional practices in communal life.
Since the 1990s, academic research has highlighted the continued
presence of traditional practices in areas influenced by Muhammadiyah.
A study conducted by Hyung-Jun Kim in rural Yogyakarta, for instance,
reveals the ongoing observance of rituals like tahlilan and selamatan.
Muhammadiyah activists justified their participation in these practices
by emphasizing the need to integrate with the broader community. In
addition, they reinterpreted these traditional activities within an Islamic
context, aligning their participation with their commitment to tauhid and
Muhammadiyah’s goals of purification.77
In Jember, Munir Mulkhan identifies four distinct groups with
Hyung-Jun Kim, “Egalitarian Leaders and Rational Followers: The Internal
Dynamics of Muhammadiyah as an Islamic Organization”, SOJOURN: Journal of Social
Issues in Southeast Asia, vol. 39, no. 3 (2024), pp. 402.
74
Muhammadiyah Jalan Lurus Dalam Tajdid, Dakwah, Kaderisasi dan Pendidikan,
p. 216.
75
“Penjelasan Kepribadian Muhammadiyah”, Muhammadiyah Jalan Lurus Dalam
Tajdid, Dakwah, Kaderisasi dan Pendidikan, pp. 433-4.
76
Ibid., p. 440.
77
Hyung-Jun Kim, Reformist Muslims in a Yogyakarta village: The Islamic Transformation
of Contemporary Socio-Religious Life (Canberra: ANU EPress, 2007), pp. 116-31.
73

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

259

Hyung-Jun Kim

different attitudes towards traditional practices. Some adhered to strict
purification, while others were more accepting of traditional rituals.78
Mulkhan partly attributes this diversity to a shift in the 1970s, when
Muhammadiyah’s leadership, increasingly comprised of school teachers,
began to recognize the significance of traditional practices, particularly
among its primary support base of peasants.79 Similar changes were
observed in Sulawesi and Kalimantan, where the rigid perspectives of
the older generation were being gradually supplanted by the more flexible
and pluralistic views of younger activists. This new generation perceived
traditional practices as relatively harmless and sought culturally sensitive
ways to disseminate Islamic teachings.80
In various regions influenced by Muhammadiyah, diverse
approaches to traditional practices are evident. In Bima, a selective
strategy of accommodating and rejecting traditional elements was
observed.81 In Klaten, successful outreach to the masses prompted
Muhammadiyah activists to reinterpret local practices, transforming
religious rituals into cultural festivals.82 In Kotagede, the continuation of
traditional customs was rationalized based on social solidarity83 and their

Munir Mulkhan, Islam Murni dalam Masyarakat Petani (Yogyakarta: Yayasan
Bentang Budaya, 2000), pp. 234-47. Similar observations are reported in a study that
conducted research across 14 village branches of Muhammadiyah. This study identifies
four distinct modes of interaction between purification and tradition: Islamization,
localization, negotiation, and coexistence. See Suyoto, Moh. Shofan, and Sri Redjeki
Endah, Pola Gerakan Muhammadiyah Ranting: Ketegangan antara Purifikasi dan Dinamisasi
(Yogyakarta: IRCiSoD, 2005), p. 86.
79
Munir Mulkhan, Islam Murni dalam Masyarakat Petani, pp. 194-5.
80
Ian Chalmers, “The Islamization of Southern Kalimantan: Sufi Spiritualism,
Ethnic Identity, Political Activism”, Studia Islamika, vol. 14, no. 3 (2007), p. 395; Arfan
Nusi, Nurul Ilmi Idrus, Hamka Naping and Lahaji, “Post-Traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama
and Neo-Modernist Muhammadiyah: A Study of Local Muslim Thought in Gorontalo”,
International Journal of Social Science and Human Research, vol. 5, no, 5 (2022), p. 1746.
81
Adlin Sila, “Revisiting NU-Muhammadiyah in Indonesia: The Accommodation
of Islamic Reformism in Bima”, Indonesia and the Malay World, vol. 48, no. 142 (2020),
pp. 317-8.
82
J. M. Immanuel, G. Lee, K. Maizida and T. Pabbajah, “The Roles of
Muhammadiyah in Shifting Apeman Ritual through State Power and Society”, DINIKA:
Academic Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 3, no. 2 (2018), pp. 185-8.
83
Sangkot Sirait, “Religious Attitudes of Theological Tradisionalist in the
Modern Muslim Community: Study on Tahlilan in Kotagede”, Journal of Indonesian
Islam, vol. 10, no. 2 (2016), pp. 254-7.
78

260

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

significance in tourism, art, and culture.84 These adaptable attitudes and
the resulting varied interactions with traditional practices led to an ironic
situation in Yogyakarta, where a Salafi group spearheaded a campaign
to abolish traditional rituals, in which Muhammadiyah supporters still
participated.85
The emergence of accommodative stances towards traditional
practices has given rise to a new missionary approach known as ‘dakwah
kultural’ (cultural missionary work). This strategy aims to integrate
traditional practices with Islamic values and use them for missionary
objectives. Despite its controversial nature and the lack of support
among many activists who view it as a departure from the original
purification goals,86 this approach acknowledges the impracticality of
directly intervening in Muslims’ lives to eradicate traditional practices.
Theologically, it is in line with Muhammadiyah’s rational approach, giving
room for ijtihad to those carrying out purification at the local level.87
Hence, Muhammadiyah’s purification efforts have not resulted
in a widespread movement aimed at eliminating traditional practices
associated with TBC. While these initiatives have been inspirational among
its activists, their actual implementation has deviated from a simplistic,
rigid dichotomy of Islamic versus non-Islamic practices. Instead, a range
of approaches has developed, each shaped by the distinct cultural and
social dynamics of its local environment. This process of adaptation
is deeply ingrained in ijtihad. It promotes personal responsibility in
Judith Schlehe, “Contesting Javanese Traditions: The Popularisation of
Rituals between Religion and Tourism”, Indonesia and the Malay World, vol. 45, no. 131
(2017), p. 11.
85
A.Z. Arifin, “Defending Traditions, Countering Intolerant Ideologies: Reenergizing the Role of Modin in Modern Java”, Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol.
55, no. 2 (2017), pp. 281-4. It is important to note that the maintenance of traditional
practices is not a uniform phenomenon across all Muhammadiyah communities. A
notable example of this variation is seen in a village branch in Brebes. Here, traditional
rituals such as selamatan and the giving of offerings have been effectively eliminated.
In their place, Islamic practices like pengajian and aqiqah have been embraced. Tafsir,
Dilema Purifikasi Muhammadiyah, pp. 122-4.
86
Jabrohim, “Kembali ke Majelis Kebudayaan: Memantapkan Instrumen
Dakwah Kultural”, in Muhammadiyahmu Muhammadiyahku Muhammadiyah Kita Bersama,
ed. by Jabrohim (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2021), p. 164.
87
Tafsir, Dilema Purifikasi Muhammadiyah, p. 160. For a comprehensive
examination of the diverse perspectives on dakwah kultural, including the ideological
reformulation and the resulting pluralistic outlook toward local cultures, refer to Daniels.
Timothy Daniels, Islamic Spectrum in Java (Farnham & Burlington: Ashgate, 2009), pp.
103-13.
84

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

261

Hyung-Jun Kim

religious observance and prioritizes intention over outward appearances
while refraining from direct intervention in others’ lives. This approach,
however, does not diminish the importance of activists’ roles as exemplars
in shaping their followers’ religious views and practices. While not
necessarily leading to the complete abandonment of traditional practices,
this approach encourages their thorough examination, negotiation, and
reinterpretation. This, in turn, enables those involved to see the outcomes
as aligned, albeit not perfectly, with Islamic teachings, thereby helping to
reduce the stigma associated with TBC.
2. Exploring Diverse Arenas of Activism
Muhammadiyah’s diverse range of educational, social, and economic
institutions are collectively known as ‘amal usaha.’ This concept originated
with the establishment of schools and gradually expanded to include
hospitals and orphanages. As previously discussed, amal usaha epitomizes
Muhammadiyah’s dedication to extending its practical engagement in
various facets of life. Amal usaha emerged as a collaborative effort, fueled
by the voluntary commitment of Muhammadiyah’s supporters. It stands
as a testament to the pride of the organization’s activists and serves as
a tangible indicator of Muhammadiyah’s influence within Indonesian
society. The meticulous documentation and reporting of the growing
number of amal usaha, a key feature of the reports presented at each
congress by the central board, highlight Muhammadiyah’s successful
journey towards modern development.
While amal usaha has been a source of pride, it has also presented
formidable challenges. Beyond the initial enthusiasm of the establishment,
Muhammadiyah activists have to face the practical task of sustaining and
improving these institutions, requiring focused engagement. Since the late
1980s, the involvement of activists in amal usaha was scrutinized from a
different angle. Observations suggested that in their efforts to manage
and enhance amal usaha, activists became preoccupied with short-term
interests, drifting away from the original motives.88 Some critics even
questioned the very act of establishing amal usaha, arguing that it was
based on a naïve belief that social backwardness could be rectified solely

Said Tuhulelei, “Masa Depan Intelektual Muhammadiyah: Mengayuh di antara
Dua Pusaran Arus”, in Kembali ke al Quran Menafsir Makna Zaman: Suara-Suara Kaum Muda
Muhammadiyah. ed. by Pradana Boy and Hilmi Faiq (Malang: UMM Press, 2004), p. 358.
88

262

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

through schools and hospitals.89 While recognizing the noble intention
of aiding the underprivileged,90 these critics saw this focus as a deviation
from the progressive ethos envisioned during Muhammadiyah’s early
years.
Activists deeply involved in amal usaha might view these critiques as
unfair, considering the maintenance of these institutions as a demanding
struggle that required significant sacrifices. They countered that the
accusations of being mired in trivialities were one-sided, since, amidst
managing existing institutions, they spearheaded innovative initiatives to
embody the spirit of progress. For instance, the Kendal district branch
undertook novel efforts in zakat collection and distribution, aligning
with their commitment to helping the needy and reflecting the spirit
of ijtihad.91 Some Muhammadiyah universities also extended their roles
beyond education. A notable example was a university in Solo that
introduced programs to empower pedicab drivers with a credit system and
assist peasants through a goat sharecropping scheme.92 However, these
initiatives remained relatively unknown, and criticisms focusing on the
overemphasis on amal usaha continued to proliferate in Muhammadiyah
discussions. This critique broadened to include various issues, such
as lack of professionalism,93 insufficient concern for the deprived,94
Mansour Fikih, “Muhammadiyah sebagai Gerakan Pembebasan: Mempertegas
Pemihakannya pada Kaum Dhu’afa”, in Muhammadiyah Kini dan Esok, ed. by Din
Syamsuddin (Jakarta: Penerbit Pustaka Panjimas, 1990), p. 246; Said Ramadhan,
“Muhammadiyah sebagai Gerakan Sosial Baru: Mencari Makna Baru bagi Gerakan
Muhammadiyah”, in Kembali ke al Quran Menafsir Makna Zaman, p. 324.
90
Mansour Fikih, in Muhammadiyah Kini dan Esok, p. 248.
91
Paryanto, “Membangun Keberimanan Baru: Sebuah Penjajagan Awal”, in
Kembali ke al Quran Menafsir Makna Zaman, pp. 149-51; Pimpinan Daerah Muhammadiyah
Kabupaten Kendal, “Zakat Kita: Zakat Terapan (Zakat yang Direalisasikan)”
(Mimeograph, 1999).
92
Bambang Setiaji and Sami’an, “Pengembangan Kredit Usaha Kecil: Kasus
Kredit Becak dan Gaduh Kambing di Rembang dan Masjid Ar-Rahman Surakarta”, in
Muhammadiyah dan Pemberdayaan Rakyat, ed. by Ma’ruf Ade and Heri Zulfan (Yogyakarta:
Pustaka Pelajar, 1995), pp. 135-40.
93
Sjafri Sairin, “Profesionalisme dan Etos Kerja”, in Membangun Profesionalisme
Muhammadiyah, ed. by Edy Suandi Hamid, Muchlas Rowi and Arief Budiman
(Yogyakarta: LPTP PP Muhammadiyah, 2003), pp. 3-4.
94
Kuntowijoyo, Paradigma Islam: Interpretasi untuk Aksi (Bandung: Penerbit
Mizan, 1991), pp. 272-3; Muslim Abdurrahman, “Munculnya Kesadaran Kritis BerMuhammadiyah: Sebuah Pengantar”, in Kembali ke al Quran Menafsir Makna Zaman,
pp. xv-xvii.
89

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

263

Hyung-Jun Kim

bureaucratization,95 commercialization,96 and conservatism.97
The emergence of critical discourses regarding amal usaha can be
interpreted from an alternative perspective, indicating that the spirit of
progress and commitment to advancement remain deeply ingrained in
Muhammadiyah activists. This is particularly apparent after the 2000s
when such critiques have catalyzed efforts to further develop and
enrich amal usaha. These endeavors showcase the activists’ sustained
commitment to progressive actions, in line with Islam’s compatibility
with contemporary changes. This analysis will focus on three primary
areas where these initiatives have been especially active: aiding the
underprivileged, promoting economic advancement, and improving
educational quality.
Responding to contemporary social changes and reaffirming its
dedication to socially marginalized groups amidst economic growth,
Muhammadiyah activists broadened their scope beyond the abstract
category of the Muslim community.98 They started to actively involve
specific groups, including peasants, laborers, small traders, and migrant
workers, in their programs. A key development in this direction was
the foundation of the ‘Institution for Empowering Workers, Farmers,
and Fishermen’ under Muhammadiyah headquarters in 2000, which
later evolved into the ‘Committee for Empowering the People’ (Majelis
Pemberdayaan Masyarakat: MPM) in 2005. MPM’s initiatives in the
agricultural sector have encompassed the development of integrated
farming systems, the establishment of training centers for farmers, the
creation of sustainable business models for agricultural products, and
the formation of farmers’ associations and cooperatives. Moreover, the
scope of advocacy and empowerment efforts has broadened to include
pedicab drivers, street vendors, people with disabilities, and scavengers
at waste disposal sites.99
M. Amin Abdullah, “Muhammadiyah dan Pemikiran Keagamaan: Reorientasi
Wawasan dan Implementasinya untuk Aksi”, in Muhammadiyah Menyongsong Abad XXI,
pp. 2-5.
96
Yusril Ihza, “Muhammadiyah dan Pemberdayakan Masyarakat”, in
Muhammadiyah Menyongsong Abad XXI, pp. 59-60.
97
Syafiq Mughni, “Ahlussunnah wal-Jama’ah dan Posisi Teologi Muhammadiyah”,
in Muhammadiyah Kini dan Esok, pp. 277-8.
98
Zuly Qodir, “Muhammadiyah Sebagai Gerakan Sosial Baru: Inspirasi Menuju
Masyarakat Berkemajuan”, in Islam Berkemajuan untuk Indonesia Berkemajuan, pp. 140-1.
99
For diverse targets of MPM activities, refer to: Dakta, “MPM PP
Muhammadiyah Dampingi Program Asongan Makanan Sehat” (11 Sep 2017),
95

264

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

The array of initiatives led by MPM, combined with the diverse
local conditions and the inherently intangible nature of these activities,
poses methodological challenges in assessing their tangible impacts,
especially when compared to the established amal usaha. Despite
these complexities, the real significance of MPM’s efforts lies in its
acknowledgment and inclusion of groups traditionally overlooked in
Muhammadiyah’s activities. A notable instance of this paradigm shift
occurred in 2015 when Muhammadiyah included the LGBT community
as a target group for its missionary activities.100 This major shift from a
stance of categorical exclusion and stigmatization to one of inclusive
engagement signals Muhammadiyah’s openness to internal critiques
positing that its initiatives were bereft of the progressive ethos.101
In the economic sphere, Muhammadiyah launched new ventures,
https://www.dakta.com/news/10961/mpm-pp-muhammadiyah-dampingi-programasongan-makanan-sehat, accessed 16 Jan 2024; Menara, “MPM PP Muhammadiyah
Berdayakan Kaum Difabel”, Menara, (6 Jan 2017), https://menara62.com/
mpm-pp-muhammadiyah-berdayakan-kaum-difabel/, accessed 16 Jan 2024; Suara
Muhammadiyah, “MPM Berdayakan Pemulung, Mengais Sampah Menuai Berkah”,
Suara Muhammadiya (4 May 2017), https://web.suaramuhammadiyah.id/2017/05/04/
mpm-berdayakan-pemulung-mengais-sampah-menuai-berkah/, accessed 16 Jan 2024;
Syah, “Berita: MPM Muhammadiyah Dampingi Paguyuban Becak Yogyakarta” (15
Dec 2013), https://www.umy.ac.id/mpm-muhammadiyah-dampingi-paguyuban-becakyogyakarta, accessed 16 Jan 2024.
100
Tanfidz Keputusan Muktamar Muhammadiyah Ke-47 (Yogyakarta: Pimpinan
Pusat Muhammadiyah, 2015), p. 108.
101
The inclusion of the LGBT community in the official program does not
automatically imply widespread acceptance among Muhammadiyah activists. Decisions
made at the Congress often originate from restricted activists at the headquarters
level, which may not always mirror the sentiments of the wider base of activists and
supporters. An illustrative example of this is the call from two members of the central
board, who urged the government to revoke Starbucks’ operating license due to the
company’s support for LGBT rights, while also encouraging Muslims to boycott
Starbucks. Despite such instances, this inclusion does indicate a shift in attitude
towards LGBT issues within Muhammadiyah. This shift may imply, as noted by
another member of the central board, that although considering LGBT bahaviors as
immoral, the organization is prepared to offer assistance to LGBT individuals without
publicly condemning them. Jakarta Post, “National Scene: Muhammadiyah Takes Soft
Approach on LGBT”, Jakarta Post (11 Mar 2016), https://www.thejakartapost.com/
news/2016/03/11/national-scene-muhammadiyah-takes-soft-approach-lgbt.html,
accessed 16 Jan 2024; Today, “Indonesia, Malaysia Muslims Call for Starbucks Boycott
over LGBT Stance”, Today (4 Jul 2017), https://www.todayonline.com/world/asia/
indonesia-malaysia-muslims-call-starbucks-boycott-over-lgbt-stance, accessed 16 Jan
2024.

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

265

Hyung-Jun Kim

focusing particularly on syariah-compliant microfinance, made viable
following the legalization of interest-free financial transactions in 1991.
From this landmark year until 2000, under Muhammadiyah’s guidance,
a total of 190 microfinance institutions and 19 small credit banks were
established.102 With these foundations, there was a marked intensification
in efforts to tackle the economic powerlessness of Muslims, leading to a
significant increase in such institutions. By 2015, the number had grown
significantly to 437 microfinance institutions and 762 small credit banks.103
This active involvement in economic pursuits has transformed
the perception of economic activities within a religious context. This
shift is succinctly captured in the ‘Treatise on Progressive Islam’ (Risalah
Islam Berkemajuan) from the 2022 Muhammadiyah Congress, which
asserts that “the struggle to develop the economy is a form of worship
(ibadah)”.104 This document underscores Muhammadiyah’s commitment
to elevating the economic status of the Muslim community, particularly
by supporting marginalized and vulnerable groups and facilitating their
access to capital. These endeavors are viewed as a complement to the
organization’s educational initiatives, addressing the concern that poverty
is a major obstacle that prevents many Muslims from pursuing further
education.105 Additionally, these efforts posit that poverty can impede
Muslims from following a purified and reformed Islamic faith and
practice. Therefore, with this reformulation, economic activities have
become a pivotal element of Muhammadiyah’s struggle.
As previously discussed, Muhammadiyah faced criticism for
perceived stagnation due to its overemphasis on establishing and
managing schools. Although many activists accepted these critiques, it
is crucial to note that this acknowledgement did not imply a complete
lack of innovation in the educational sector. Despite the predominance
of routine activities, there were subtle yet noteworthy efforts to
adapt Muhammadiyah’s educational initiatives with contemporary
developments. A prime example is the ‘Pondok Pesantren Modern
Muhammadiyah Boarding School’ (MBS), inaugurated in Yogyakarta
in 2008. MBS distinguished itself by aiming to provide high-quality
Profil Muhammadiyah 2000 (Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah,
2000), p. 424.
103
Laporan Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah (Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat
Muhammadiyah, 2015), p. 23.
104
Risalah Islam Berkemajuan: Keputusan Muktamar ke-48 Muhammadiyah Tahun
2022 (Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, 2022), p. 47.
105
Ibid.
102

266

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

education and foster excellence, targeting a select student body, and setting
its academic standards notably higher than ordinary schools.
The success of MBS became apparent as it attracted thousands
of students from across Indonesia.106 Despite its deviation from
the traditional focus of Muhammadiyah schools on providing equal
educational opportunities for all, and from the recent emphasis on
aiding the deprived through MPM, MBS has not encountered internal
criticism. This lack of censure seems connected to the understanding
that MBS primarily serves the growing middle-class Muslim population,
a demographic that is integral to Muhammadiyah’s activities but was
previously somewhat neglected. This recognition has led to the rapid
establishment of numerous schools following the MBS model. The
enthusiastic reception of these schools indicates a strong desire among
Muhammadiyah activists to adapt and evolve in response to the changing
dynamics of Indonesian society, even within the traditional realms of
amal usaha.
E. Concluding Remarks
While Peacock’s characterization of Muhammadiyah as ‘purifying
the faith’ aptly underscores a key focus of the organization, it may not
fully encompass the breadth of its mission, particularly its commitment to
‘acting for progress.’ As explored in this article, the fusion of purification
with social activism forms the cornerstone of Muhammadiyah’s approach.
Both elements are seen as vital tools for addressing and surmounting the
challenges confronting the Muslim community.
Muhammadiyah’s pursuit of these dual goals, steered by the
principle of ijtihad, has led to a diverse range of outcomes. In terms of
purification, the organization adopts a broad array of approaches, ranging
from the outright rejection to the accommodation and reinterpretation of
traditional practices. In the domain of social activism, Muhammadiyah
showcases a dynamic array of initiatives. This encompasses not only
the establishment and maintenance of amal usaha but also the crafting
of innovative strategies aimed at empowering marginalized and
disadvantaged groups.
The coexistence of diverse orientations and initiatives within
Muhammadiyah has, at times, caused internal conflicts, particularly evident
Samsu Riski, “Perkembangan Kurikulum Muhammadiyah Boarding School
dalam Penguatan Amal Usaha Muhammadiyah”, Jurnal Studi Islam dan Kemuhammadiyaan,
vol, 2, no. 2 (2022), pp. 106-7.
106

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

267

Hyung-Jun Kim

during the clashes between conservatives and liberals (progressives) in
the 2000s. Conservatives, favoring a literal interpretation of religious
texts and a strict purification of TBC, were at odds with liberals, who
championed a contextual approach and prioritized social progress. These
conflicts saw escalated tensions, with conservatives labeling liberals as a
‘virus’ of Muhammadiyah and seeking to marginalize them. Both groups
asserted exclusive claims to the correct interpretation of Islam that led
to mutual condemnations. Pradana Boy and Najib Burhani painted a
somber picture, depicting that the organization’s stability was at risk,
and the exertion of hegemonic power by conservatives posed a threat
to Muhammadiyah’s progressive and dynamic orientations.107
Boy and Burhani’s study of Muhammadiyah, conducted during a
heyday of internal conflicts, prompted them to focus on the shift from
tolerance to the outright suppression of diversity and a diminished
emphasis on ijtihad and progress. However, a broader perspective that
looks beyond this tumultuous period reveals an alternative insight,
especially when considering the subsequent trajectories of those involved
in these conflicts. Over a decade later, most individuals who were part of
these conflicts have continued their active involvement in Muhammadiyah.
This endurance suggests that the once-prevalent exclusive attitudes did
not leave a lasting negative impact. Moreover, it is crucial to emphasize
that the activists who left Muhammadiyah in the 2010s were primarily
from the conservative group. Their decision to discontinue their efforts
within the organization and to join other groups, fervently committed
to the elimination of non-Islamic elements,108 serves as a testament to
Muhammadiyah’s prevailing inclination towards a purification approach
that integrates the principles of ijtihad and progress.109
Pradana Boy, Para Pembela Islam: Pertarungan Konservatif and Progresif di Tubuh
Muhammadiyah (Depok: Gramata Publishing, 2009), p. 196; Najib Burhani, “Liberal
and Conservative Discourses in the Muhammadiyah: The struggle for the Face of
Reformist Islam in Indonesia”, in Contemporary Developments in Indonesian Islam: Explaining
the ‘Conservative Turn’, ed. by Martin van Bruinessen (Singapore: Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies, 2013), p. 138.
108
Masdar Hilmy, “The Double-Edged Sword of Islamic Reform:
Muhammadiyah and the Dilemma of Tajdid within Indonesian Islam”, Review of
Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 48, no. 1 (2014), pp. 187-9; Sholihul Huda, “Konversi
Ideologi Muhammadiyah ke Gerakan Front Pembela Islam”, Al-Hikmah: Jurnal Studi
Agama-Agama, vol. 4, no, 2 (2018), pp. 7-10.
109
In reflecting on the developments during the 2010s, Burhani has revised his
stance. He acknowledges that the emphasis on action and progress has been crucial
in preventing the organization from succumbing to its conservative tendencies. Najib
107

268

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

The profound influence of Muhammadiyah’s foundational
principles is vividly illustrated in episodes related to Christmas greetings.
Boy’s analysis focuses on an incident where a lecturer at a Muhammadiyah
University was dismissed for extending Christmas greetings to
Christians, reflecting a period of conservative dominance.110 However,
a contrasting stance emerged a decade later, with an activist elucidating
Muhammadiyah’s progressive inclinations by asserting that saying “Merry
Christmas” to Christians is acceptable and should not be condemned.111
In a more recent development, the ‘Committee for Religious Deliberation
and Renewal’ (Majelis Tarjih dan Tajdid), without overturning its earlier
prohibition on Christmas greetings, suggested that such greetings are
permissible, depending on the context.112 These varied positions on the
matter mirror the broad spectrum of stances held by Muhammadiyah
activists towards traditional practices, as explored earlier in this paper.
From these discussions, it becomes evident that despite experiencing
internal fluctuations and external pressures, Muhammadiyah’s steadfast
commitment to ijtihad and progress continues to shape its trajectory
profoundly. Ijtihad, with its focus on avoiding religious compulsion
and emphasizing the intentions behind actions, offers activists the
flexibility to navigate within Muhammadiyah’s framework, fostering an
environment that embraces diversity. Simultaneously, this commitment to
ijtihad, combined with a focus on progress, empowers activists to pursue
innovative methods that align with contemporary changes and their vision
of social advancement. In this light, characterizing Muhammadiyah’s
purification efforts as analogous to Wahhabism—a perspective that has
persisted for over a century113—misrepresents the organization. Such
a characterization narrowly fixates on one facet of Muhammadiyah’s
dynamism, neglecting the essential role of its foundational principles of
Burhani, Between Social Services and Tolerance: Explaining Religious Dynamics in Muhammadiyah
(Singapore: ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, 2019), pp. 20-3.
110
Pradana Boy, Para Pembela Islam, p. 149.
111
Noor Chozin Agham, Islam Berkemajuan Gaya Muhammadiyah: Telaah terhadap
Akidah, Akhlak, Ibadah & Muamalah Duniawiyah (Jakarta: UHAMKA Press, 2015), p. 32.
112
Ilham, “Hukum Mengucapkan Selamat Hari Natal Kepada Umat Kristen”,
Muhammadiyah (22 Dec 2022) https://muhammadiyah.or.id/hukum-mengucapkanselamat-hari-natal-kepada-umat-kristen/, accessed 16 Jan 2024; Tim PP Muhammadiyah
Majlis Tarjih, “Masalah Hubungan Dengan Non Muslim”, in Tanya-Jawab Agama II
(Yogyakarta: Suara Muhammadiyah, 1992), pp. 236-7.
113
“Pemandangan jang terhadap pada Perkoempoelan Mohammadijah”, SM
(1923), p. 40; Masdar Hilmy, “The Double-edged Sword of Islamic Reform”, pp. 187-9.

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

269

Hyung-Jun Kim

‘purifying the faith’ and ‘acting for progress’.
The history of Muhammadiyah has witnessed fluctuations in how
purification, progress, and ijtihad are perceived as interconnected. Given
the recent prominence of the concept of progress in Muhammadiyah
discourse, the drive for purification may increasingly be shaped by more
flexible and contextually relevant approaches. A key factor in determining
the future of ‘acting for progress’ is whether it can yield tangible outcomes
across the various arenas of activism it promotes. This is crucial because
Muhammadiyah’s orientation is fundamentally action-driven rather than
purely ideological. As long as ‘acting for progress’ continues to produce
results that can be emulated by a broader circle of activists, it has the
potential to attract grassroots supporters who remain committed to
realizing the ideal of ‘purifying the faith’ in practical, real-world contexts.
Acknowledgement: I thank the anonymous reviewers for reading the
manuscript and providing constructive feedback. I extend my deepest
gratitude to Muhammadiyah activists for their support and kindness
during my field research in Yogyakarta. This work was supported by
the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National
Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2022S1A5C2A01092544).

270

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abdullah, M. Amin, “Muhammadiyah dan Pemikiran Keagamaan:
Reorientasi Wawasan dan Implementasinya untuk Aksi”, in
Muhammadiyah Menyongsong Abad XXI, Yogyakarta: Suara
Muhammadiyah, 1998.
Abdurrahman, Asjmuni, Manhaj Tarjih Muhammadiyah: Metodologi dan
Aplikasi. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2003.
Abdurrahman, Muslim, 2004 “Munculnya Kesadaran Kritis BerMuhammadiyah: Sebuah Pengantar”, in Kembali ke al Quran Menafsir
Makna Zaman: Suara-Suara Kaum Muda Muhammadiyah, ed. by Pradana
Boy and Hilmi Faiq, Malang: UMM Press, 2004.
Agham, Noor Chozin, Islam Berkemajuan Gaya Muhammadiyah: Telaah
terhadap Akidah, Akhlak, Ibadah & Muamalah Duniawiyah, Jakarta:
UHAMKA Press, 2015.
Amirrachman, Alpha, Andar Nubowo, and Azaki Khoirudin (ed), Islam
Berkemajuan untuk Indonesia Berkemajuan: Agenda Muhammadiyah
ke Depan, Jakarta: Centre for Dialogue and Cooperation among
Civilisations, 2015.
Arifin, MT., Muhammadiyah: Potret yang Berubah, Yogyakarta: Suara
Muhammadiyah, 2016.
Arifin, A. Z., “Defending Traditions, Countering Intolerant Ideologies:
Re-energizing the Role of Modin in Modern Java”, Al-Jami’ah:
Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 55, no. 2, 2017, pp. 265-292, https://
doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2017.552.265-292.
Arifin, Syamsul, Syafiq Mughni, and Moh. Nurhakim, “The Idea of
Progress: Meaning and Implications of Islam Berkemajuan in
Muhammadiyah”, Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 60, no. 2,
2022, pp. 547-584, https://doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2022.602.547-584.
Boy, Pradana, Para Pembela Islam: Pertarungan Konservatif and Progresif di
Tubuh Muhammadiyah, Depok: Gramata Publishing, 2009.
Burhani, Ahmad Najib, “Liberal and Conservative Discourses in the
Muhammadiyah: The Struggle for the Face of Reformist Islam in
Indonesia”, in Contemporary Developments in Indonesian Islam: Explaining
the ‘Conservative Turn’, ed. by Martin van Bruinessen, Singapore:
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013.
----, Muhammadiyah Jawa, Yogyakarta: Suara Muhammadiyah, 2016.
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

271

Hyung-Jun Kim

----, Between Social Services and Tolerance: Explaining Religious Dynamics in
Muhammadiyah, Singapore: ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, 2019.
Chalmers, Ian, “The Islamization of Southern Kalimantan: Sufi
Spiritualism, Ethnic Identity, Political Activism”, Studia Islamika,
vol. 14, no. 3, 2007, pp. 371-417, https://doi.org/10.15408/sdi.
v14i3.542.
Daniels, Timothy, Islamic Spectrum in Java, Farnham & Burlington: Ashgate,
2009.
Darban, Adaby, Sejarah Kauman: Menguak Identitas Kampung Muhammadiyah,
Yogyakarta: Suara Muhammadiyah, 2010.
Fikih, Mansour, “Muhammadiyah sebagai Gerakan Pembebasan:
Mempertegas Pemihakannya pada Kaum Dhu’afa”, in Muhammadiyah
Kini dan Esok, ed. by Din Syamsuddin, Jakarta: Penerbit Pustaka
Panjimas, 1990.
Federspiel, Howard M., “The Muhammadiyah: A Study of an Orthodox
Islamic Movement in Indonesia”, Indonesia vol. 10, 1970, pp. 57-79.
----, A Dictionary of Indonesian Islam, Athens: Ohio University Center for
International Studies, 1995.
Geertz, Clifford, The Religion of Java, Chicago & London: The University
of Chicago Press, 1976.
Geertz, Hildred, “Indonesian Cultures and Communities”,  Indonesia, ed.
by Ruth McVey, New Haven: Yale University, 1967.
Haiban, Muhammad, Matahari Bersinar di Tanjung Redeb: Geliat Muhammadiyah
dari Cabang Tanjung Redeb sampai Daerah Berau Kalimantan Timur sejak
Tahun 1933 hingga 2013, Jakarta: UHAMKA Press, 2015.
Hasyim, Umar, “Penjelasan Kepribadian Muhammadiyah”, in
Muhammadiyah Jalan Lurus Dalam Tajdid, Dakwah, Kaderisasi dan
Pendidikan: Kritik dan Terapinya, Surabaya: Pt. Bina Ilmu, 1990[1963].
----, “Matan Keyakinan Dan Cita-Cita Hidup Muhammadiyah: Keputusan
Sidang Tanwir di Ponorogo”, in Muhammadiyah Jalan Lurus Dalam
Tajdid, Dakwah, Kaderisasi dan Pendidikan: Kritik dan Terapinya,
Surabaya: Pt. Bina Ilmu, 1990[1969].
Hilmy, Masdar, “The Double-edged Sword of Islamic Reform:
Muhammadiyah and the Dilemma of Tajdid within Indonesian
Islam”, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 48, no. 1, 2014,
pp. 183-206.
272

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

Huda, Sholihul, “Konversi Ideologi Muhammadiyah ke Gerakan Front
Pembela Islam”, Al-Hikmah: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama, vol. 4, no,
2, 2018, pp. 1-18, https://doi.org/10.30651/ah.v4i2.2643.
Ihza, Yusril, “Muhammadiyah dan Pemberdayakan Masyarakat”,
in Muhammadiyah Menyongsong Abad XXI, Yogyakarta: Suara
Muhammadiyah, 1998.
Immanuel, J. M., Greg Lee, Karlina Maizida, and Taqiem Pabbajah,
“The Roles of Muhammadiyah in Shifting Apeman Ritual through
State Power and Society”, DINIKA: Academic Journal of Islamic
Studies, vol. 3, no. 2, 2018, pp. 179-192, https://doi.org/10.22515/
dinika.v3i2.161.
Jabrohim, 2021 “Kembali ke Majelis Kebudayaan: Memantapkan
Instrumen Dakwah Kultural”, Muhammadiyahmu, Muhammadiyahku,
Muhammadiyah Kita Bersama, ed. by Jabrohim, Yogyakarta: Pustaka
Pelajar, 2021.
Jainuri, Achmad, Ideologi Kaum Reformis: Melacak Pandangan Keagamaan
Muhammadiyah Periode Awal, Surabaya: Lembaga Pengkajian Agama
dan Masyarakat, 2002.
Kayo, Khatib Pahlawan, and Harjohan, Muhammadiyah Minangkabau
(Sumatera Barat) dalam Perspektif Sejarah, Yogyakarta: Suara
Muhammadiyah, 2010.
Kim, Hyung-Jun, Reformist Muslims in a Yogyakarta Village: The Islamic
Transformation of Contemporary Socio-Religious Life, Canberra: ANU
EPress, 2007.
----, “Praxis and Religious Authority in Islam: The Case of Ahmad
Dahlan, Founder of Muhammadiyah”, Studia Islamika, vol. 17, no.
1, 2010, pp. 69-92, https://doi.org/10.15408/sdi.v17i1.468.
----, “Egalitarian Leaders and Rational Followers: The Internal Dynamics
of Muhammadiyah as an Islamic Organization”, SOJOURN: Journal
of Social Issues in Southeast Asia, vol. 39, no. 3, 2024, pp. 483-500,
https://doi.org/10.1355/sj39-3d.
Kuntowijoyo, Paradigma Islam: Interpretasi untuk Aksi, Bandung: Penerbit
Mizan, 1991.
Laporan Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat
Muhammadiyah, 2015.
Laporan Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah Period 2015-2022, Yogyakarta:
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

273

Hyung-Jun Kim

Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, 2022.
Mughni, Syafiq, “Ahlussunnah wal-Jama’ah dan Posisi Teologi
Muhammadiyah”, in Muhammadiyah Kini dan Esok, ed. by Din
Syamsuddin, Jakarta: Penerbit Pustaka Panjimas, 1990.
Mulkhan, Abdul Munir, Islam Murni dalam Masyarakat Petani, Yogyakarta:
Yayasan Bentang Budaya, 2000.
Nakamura, Mitsuo, The Crescent Arises over the Banyan Tree: A Study of the
Muhammadiyah Movement in a Central Javanese Town, c. 1910-2010,
Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2012.
Noer, Deliar, Gerakan Moderen Islam di Indonesia 1900-1942, Jakarta:
LP3ES, 1996.
Nusi Arfan, Nurul Ilmi Idrus, Hamka Naping, and Lahaji, “PostTraditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama and Neo-Modernist Muhammadiyah:
A Study of Local Muslim Thought in Gorontalo”, International Journal
of Social Science and Human Research, vol. 5, no. 5, 2022, pp. 1743-1750,
https://doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v5-i5-24.
Paryanto, “Membangun Keberimanan Baru: Sebuah Penjajagan Awal”,
in Kembali ke al Quran Menafsir Makna Zaman: Suara-Suara Kaum Muda
Muhammadiyah, ed. by Pradana Boy and Hilmi Faiq, Malang: UMM
Press, 2004.
Peacock, James, Purifying the Faith: The Muhammadijah Movement in Indonesian
Islam, California: The Banjamin/Cummings Publishing Company,
1978.
Pickthall, M. Marmaduke, The Koran, London: A Star Book, 1989[1930].
Pimpinan Daerah Muhammadiyah Kabupaten Kendal, “Zakat Kita:
Zakat Terapan (Zakat yang Direalisasikan)”, Mimeograph, 1999.
Profil Muhammadiyah 2000, Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah,
2000.
Qodir, Zuly, “Muhammadiyah Sebagai Gerakan Sosial Baru: Inspirasi
Menuju Masyarakat Berkemajuan”, in Islam Berkemajuan untuk
Indonesia Berkemajuan: Agenda Muhammadiyah ke Dapan, ed. by Alpha
Amirrachman, Andar Nubowo and Azaki Khoirudin, Jakarta: Centre
for Dialogue and Cooperation among Civilisations, 2015.
Rahman, Fazlur, Islam (second edition), Chicago and London: University
of Chicago Press, 1979.
Ramadhan, Said, “Muhammadiyah sebagai Gerakan Sosial Baru: Mencari
274

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

Purifying the Faith, Acting for Progress

Makna Baru bagi Gerakan Muhammadiyah”, in Kembali ke al Quran
Menafsir Makna Zaman: Suara-Suara Kaum Muda Muhammadiyah, ed.
by Pradana Boy and Hilmi Faiq, Malang: UMM Press, 2004.
Risalah Islam Berkemajuan: Keputusan Muktamar ke-48 Muhammadiyah Tahun
2022, Yogyakarta: Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, 2022.
Riski, Samsu, “Perkembangan Kurikulum Muhammadiyah Boarding
School dalam Penguatan Amal Usaha Muhammadiyah”, Jurnal Studi
Islam dan Kemuhammadiyaan, vol 2, no. 2, 2022, pp. 106-107, https://
doi.org/10.18196/jasika.v2i2.29.
Sairin, Sjafri, “Profesionalisme dan Etos Kerja”, in Membangun
Profesionalisme Muhammadiyah, ed. by Edy Suandi Hamid, Muchlas
Rowi and Arief Budiman, Yogyakarta: LPTP PP Muhammadiyah,
2003.
Saleh, Fauzan, Modern Trends in Islamic Theological Discourse in 20th Century
Indonesia: A Critical Survey, Leiden, Boston & Koln: Brill, 2001.  
Schlehe, Judith, “Contesting Javanese Traditions: The Popularisation
of Rituals between Religion and Tourism”, Indonesia and the Malay
World, vol. 45, no. 131, 2017, pp. 1-21, https://doi.org/10.1080/1
3639811.2016.1219494.
Setiaji, Bambang, and Sami’an, “Pengembangan Kredit Usaha Kecil:
Kasus Kredit Becak dan Gaduh Kambing di Rembang dan Masjid
Ar-Rahman Surakarta”, Muhammadiyah dan Pemberdayaan Rakyat, ed.
by Ma’ruf Ade and Heri Zulfan, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. 1995.
Sila, Adlin, “Revisiting NU-Muhammadiyah in Indonesia: The
Accommodation of Islamic Reformism in Bima”, Indonesia and the
Malay World, vol. 48, no. 142, 2020, pp. 304-322, https://doi.org/1
0.1080/13639811.2020.1823150.
Sirait, Sangkot, “Religious Attitudes of Theological Traditionalist in
the Modern Muslim Community: Study on Tahlilan in Kotagede”,
Journal of Indonesian Islam, vol. 10, no. 2, 2016, pp. 235-60, https://
doi.org/10.15642/JIIS.2016.10.2.237-260.
Suwarno, and Asep Daud Kosasih, Dinamika Sosial Gerakan Muhammadiyah
di Banyumas, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2013.
Suyoto, Moh. Shofan, and Sri Redjeki Endah, Pola Gerakan Muhammadiyah
Ranting: Ketegangan antara Purifikasi dan Dinamisasi, Yogyakarta:
IRCiSoD, 2005.
Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H

275

Hyung-Jun Kim

Tafsir, Dilema Purifikasi Muhammadiyah: Antara Progresifisme dan Konservatisme,
Yogyakarta: Suara Muhammadiyah, 2022.
Tanfidz Keputusan Muktamar Muhammadiyah Ke-47, Yogyakarta: Pimpinan
Pusat Muhammadiyah, 2015.
Tim PP Muhammadiyah Majlis Tarjih, “Masalah Hubungan Dengan Non
Muslim”, Tanya-Jawab Agama II, Yogyakarta: Suara Muhammadiyah,
1992.
Tuhulelei, Said, “Masa Depan Intelektual Muhammadiyah: Mengayuh
di antara Dua Pusaran Arus”, in Kembali ke al Quran Menafsir Makna
Zaman: Suara-Suara Kaum Muda Muhammadiyah, ed. by Pradana Boy
and Hilmi Faiq, Malang: UMM Press, 2004.

276

Al-Jāmi‘ah, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2024 M/1445 H