THE RESPONSE OF MUHAMMADTYAHTO THE BILL OF NATIONAL EDUCATIONOF 1988 Thoha Hamim Abstraksi Semenjakmunculnyaorde Barudan adanyarCstrukturisasilembaga DPR, ada beberapakebijakan pemerintahyangmenimbulkanreaksipenentangan dari organisasi-organisasi Islam. Di antarakebijakantersebutadalah PeraturanPemerintahyangmenghilangkan libur sekolahselamabulan Ramadlan. Karena munculnya berbagaipenentangandari organisasi-organisasi Islam dan kelompok umat Islam yanglain terhadapperaturantersebutmenyebabkanturun tangannyaPresidendenganmengambiljalan tengah,yaitu meliburkan satuminggupertamadansepuluhhari terakhirdari bulan Ramadlan. Perubahanterhadapkebijakan pemerintahini menunjukkankekuatan umat Islam dalam melindungi kepentinganmereka. Berpangkaldari peristiwa di atas,tulisan ini mencobamelihatreaksiMuhammadiyahterhadapkebijakan yang hampir sama meskipun berbedaesensi dan wakrunya,yaitu RUU PendidikanNasionaltahun1988. RUU Pendidikan Nasionalyangterdiridari l8 Bab dan 60 pasal, oleh Menteri Pendidikandan Kebudayaan FuadHasandiharapkandapatmerangkum kebijakan-kebijakanpendidikanyang komprehensif,dari tujuan pendidikannasional,dasarfilosofipelajaranagamadanstatussekolah-sekolah agama. secara umum Muhammadiyahmenilai bahwa RUU tersebut dapat diterimakecualibeberapababyangberhubungan dengantujuan pendidikan nasional,posisipelajaranagamapadasetiapjenjangpendidikan,posisi sekolahagamadanswastadalamsistempendidikanasionalsertasangsiterhadap lembagayang tidak melaksanakan undang-undang Menurut MuhammadiyahRUU ini mendeskreditkan matapelajaranagamakarenamata pelajarantersebuthanya diajarkan padajenjangpendidikan samping itu RUU tersebutidak menghargaipendidikanagamakarenahanya mengijinkan pendiriansekolahagamasampaipadatingkat menengah. Lebih dari itu, hilangnyakata "iman"dari tujuanpendidikanasionalyangselalu disatukan dengan kata "taqwa" dianggapdapat memudarkaniman umat Islam,khususnya AI-| ami' ah. 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K vbi di dll. "Jt i. gp-j. ll$ iiol. Oc"t"^ll 6t^J ' ir- ,j'J ! ". i,ll '{"-F l . F Jil Introduction Since the political ascendanceof the OrdeBaru. he new orde. and the restructuringofthe Dewan Petwakilan Rakyator the D. PR. he peoples Legistative Assembl. after the GeneralElection of 1971,there were a numberof governmentpolicies which createdan uproar amongthe Muslim organizations. One of them was the 1978 Ordinance which canceledthe one-monthholiday of Ramadanand in which the government was adamantabout its abolition in spite of the appealof almost nearly all Islamic forces. Leaders of those forcesdemandedits reconsiderationdue Al-lami'ah. No. It3 TduHamim to ils contradictionwith earlierregulations. ' some of them evenwent as far as accusingthe initiator ofthe ordinance,the Minister ofEducation Daoed Joesoe{ of being the agentofsecularism. 2Theywereconvinced that the abolition of the Ramadanholiday did not seekto facilitate the school curriculum by providing more days for annualschool year, but was solely aimed at banishing the Islamic tradition from the educational 3These Leaders becamemore agitated as they chargedJoesoefof having connection with the christian sponsored"center for srategic Internationalstudies," or GSIS,which peovidedhim with the conceptof a national Educationalpolicy. In his defense. Joesoef statedthat evenin countrieswhere Islam was rhe State Religion. Ramadanreceivedno privilege and schoolswere not closed accordingly. a He argued that the main motive for this cancellation was the pure wish to increasethe number of days in the annual school calendar,since it was high time for the Departmentof Education to decide which school holidays should be eliminated in response to the demands for better education,which in turn demandeda more efficient use of time. 5 Furthermore, he held that as long as the ordinance was not opposedto any stipulation prescribedin the ttndangundang Dasar 1945, . he 1945 constituatio. , there was no authority with the power to cancel it. 6 The Muslims were not preparedto accept joesoefs argumentwhich he claimedto be solely,motivatedby the desire to promote the national education,regardlessof the means that he employedto pursuesuch an advancement. Nearly all Islamic organizationsfiled their complaintswith the Some of them sent delegates to conduct a deliberate consultation with the President in order to convince him that the ordinance did not conform with the 1950 ordinance which allowed private schools to arrangespecific holidays in so far as the minimum annual number of school days was fulfilled. 7They also arguedthat the new ordinance undermined the longlived tradition of the Ramadan holiday, which had served as a chance to upgrade school children's religious practices, so that their spiritual observancewould be more Helce, owing to the strong opposition of Muslims, the Presidentinterferedin the debateand took a solution,in which he decided that the governmentgranted a week offat the beginningof Ramadanand ten days at its end. Al-l ami'ah. No. The Responxof Muhammailiyah Muslims thus have showedan ability to exercisea "preassure"to the decision maker so that their interests would be protected. The key executive figure in handling this controversialissue determinesthe government'swillingness to accommodate the Muslim inclination and to make concession. It shouldbe notedthat the plan to cancelthe holiday of Ramadhanhad beenearlierintroducedby SyarefThayeb,the Minister of Education and Culture before Joesoe. Before announcingthe plan to the public. Thayeb communicatedit to Muslim leadersto test their reaction. And upon discoveringtheir hostility to it and having it labeledby Hamka, 'Ulama' or the contemporary chairman of the Council of Indonesian L (Majlis iama Indonesi. , as an "un-Islamic proposal". Syaref Thayeb finally decided to dissolve his plan. eThis, however, doesnot mean that the govermentalwaysbowedto their demandsor negotiateda compromise with them whenever they raised objections to the government'spolicies. To illustrate this point, one may cites the time when the government refused to acknowledgethe Muslim refusal to acceptthe Aliran Kepercayaan(Local Spiritualis. as part of the spiritual system in the Garis-GarisBesar Haluan Negaraor G. he National GuidelinesPolic. This paper will use the approachthat Muslims took in their attempt to dislodgethe implementationof the Ordinanceof1978as a pattern to investigatehow Muhammadiyahresppondedto a similar case, namely the Bill of NationalEducationof 1988. This is in spiteof the fact that this ca. seconveyed a different message,occuredat a different time, 1988, and was initiated by a differentfigure. Theresponceof Muhammadiyah to the Bill of 1988is certainlymore vehementsincethe Bill of 1988 devised the whole systemof nationaleducationand extendedfrom the objectives of educationand its technicaloperationsto the position of religious subjects in the curriculum and the statusof religiousschools within the national structureof education. t'Muhammadiyahwas chosen to representhe responseof other Muslim organizationto the Bill of 1988 becauseits major works focused on educationalactivities. In addition. Muhammadiyah had a past experience in dealing with a controversial educational issue. It was Muhammadiyah which opposed the Teacher Ordinanceof l92l (GoeroeOrdonnanti. andpublicly sponsoreda protest against this Dutch policy. '2 Moreover, in the case of the Ramadan holiday. Muhammadiyah persisted in closing its schools during that month in spite of the President'sconcessionto Muslim demands. Al-lam. No. ToluHamim II. Mirh ammadiyah: An EducationalOrganization Since its establishmentin 1912. Muhammadiyahhad paid the greater part of its attention to educationalprojects as requiredby its The fact that the creationof this organizationon was markedby the establishmentof a modernschoolin l9l2 in KaumanYogyakarta,the abode of its founding father Ahmad Dahlan,indicatesthe emphasisthis movement places on education. a In fact, other socialservicesdid not figure on its agendauntil the early 1920s,when Muhammadiyahfounded a Public RescueTeam in l92l to help the victims of the Mount Kelud It shouldbe kept in mind that this public RescueTeam had been founded earlier as an autonomous organizationbefore it was integrated into the Muhammadiyahin l9l2. t5 And only in the following year that Muhammadiyah established its first orphanage and four years later severalclinics were established. By the time Muhammadiyahproviding other social servicesin the 1920s, its educationalinstitutions had made considerableprogress,as explained in their numerical record as well as in their territorial expansion. By 1925. Muhammadiyahhad established152schoolincluding both generaland religiousschools. One of the factorsleadingto the rapid successof its schools is the fact that they offered both religiousand secular subjects,which were very appealingto the demands ofurban Muslims. This trend was in line with the basis of recruitment of its followers, who were mostly middleclassMuslims living in urban areas. Furthermore, their cultural expectation was fulfilled by the pedagogyof Muhammadiyah school which, due to their teachingof modernsciences, provided a meansto pursuean upward mobility. Muhammadiyahwas able to cooperate quite easily with the secularBudi Utomo sinceboth were bound by the same goal, namelythe promotionof moderneducationto the natives. The amicablerelationshipbetweenthe two can be seenfrom the fact that seven of the leading supporters of Muhammadiyahwere membersof the Budi [Jtomo. At the early stagedevelopment,the religiousschoolswere still in the majority. In a later developmentduring the 1930s, the ratio of religious vs secular schoolschanged,when the former composedmore or less ten percent of the total number of schools. This ratio can be seen from the fact that the numberof religious schoolsshrankto 20 as opposed to 207 general schools. rEThe decreasein number of religiousschools Al-Jami'ah,N o. 60/1997 The Reqonx of Muhammadiyah came as a result of the mountingMuslim demandfor seculareducation that were more suited for the need of the time. In addition. disseminationof both Christianandsecularisteducationthrough modern school founded by Christian missionariesand secular nationalistsalso contributed to decision to increaseits generalschools. This trend lasted until Independence,as reflectedby 1957statisticconductedby its board of education showing that religiousschoolsnumbered682 while general The devotion of the greater part of its attentionto educational activities left little room for Muhammadiyah to conduct any direct political exercises. The fact that Muhammadiyah remained aloof from political agitation benefits its schools,since by so doing the Dutch provided its schoolswith subsidies. Unlike the TamanSisw4 which also sought to introduce moderneducationbut did not resort to government'S subsidies. Muhammadiyah accepted subsidies and the latter even protested when the colonial governmentgave a bigger allocation of fund to Christian missionary schools. The protestwas officially filed during Muhanadiyah'sannual meeting in 1925. 20As a native organization. Muhammadiyahwas certainlywary of the colonialpolicies,but this was only the casewhen they dealtwith education. The emphasis on its educationalmission did not abate after Independence,nor was it deleted or changedfrom its policy statement, even though many conventionswereheld after 1945to revisethe statues of the organization. For instance,in 1957when the conventionwas held to revise the Khittah Perjuangan. he Guideline of the Missio. , education remained a dominant section in the Chaptersof its revisedstatutes. Education played a central position in the Muhammadiyahmovement after Independencenot only because it servedas a meansof raising the level of Muslim education,but also as a means of disseminating its reformist ideology. It was believedthat its schoolswere the bestplaceto prepare and train the new leadershipcadres to which goal it was committed. This commitment led to the inclusion of "MuharmnadiyahStldies" as an obligatorysubjectfor all studentin its schools. It shouldbe mentioned that in fact the Muhammadiyah schools failed to fulfill the hope of the organization sincethey turnedto function more as the place of learning knowledgethan as the arena of disseminatingthe spirit of 2adespiteof the failure. Muhammadiyahstill kept its commitment to preserveeducationas the main goal of the movement. This can be seen Al-Jami'ah. No. TohaHamim by the fact that the organization reemphasizedthe prominentplaceof educationin its agendain the Surakartaconventionof 1985. In this pors-lndependencera, general schools have remained numerically superior in the overall number of Muhammadiyahschools. These schools,which receivedmore attentionthan their religiouscounterparts in terms of facilities and instructors, began to acquire a high reputation and were much sought after. On the other hand,his unoven policy in running both kinds of shoolshad precludedthe religious schools from producing graduatesthat are highly qualified in the Islamic sciences. Consequently. Muhammadiyah was unable to create the select class of ulama that it wanted due to the poor quality of its religious education. Muhammadiyah did not have a sufficient number ofPondok Pxantren . he ResidentialReligious School. ,where the membersof the ulama class normally received their intensive religious training. Apart from the reasonsmentioned abovethe fact that Muhammdiyah had put an emphasis on the seculareducationshowedits pragmaticaloutlook and an immediate concern with materialneeds. This outlook in its due courseof time degeneratedconcern with the religious training which indeed could not be underminedif the religious label of its movement should be tacitly It was in an attemptto eliminatethis deficiencythat someof its leadersproposedthe establishmentof specialreligious schoolsto train the new membersof the ulamaclassas well as upgrading the condition of existing religious schools. By so doing. Muhammadiyah would have a basisof recruitmentto staffits Majlis Tariih . he Council of Fatw. From this brief account, it can be infened that Muhammadiyah deserves credit for its contribution in the processof developing and introducing modern education not only to Muslims, but also to Indonesiansin general. Thus, due to its longertradition in running public schools vis-a-vis other Islamic organizations. Multammadiyah was expectedto play a leading role in any confrontation with the policy makers in the Department of Education. The latter which is renownedfor having been run by non-committed Muslims in the past, had the potential of upsetting the Muslim. It was only ten years earlier that controversy broke out with the Muslim over the Ordinanceof 1978. This incident was a precursorof the controversyof 1988concerningthe Bill of National Education. Muhammadiyah's Response to the Bill of National education of Itt Al-lami'ah,No, 60/1997 The Respon*of Muhammailiyah The Constitution of 1945mentionsthat everyIndonesiancitizen is entitled to receiveeducationand that the govermentis responsiblefor providing a nationalsystemwhich regulatesthe administrativeas well as the technical aspectsof education. ttFive yearsafter lndependence, government issued the Ordinance of 1950 which laid down the foundations on which the educationalsystemwas built. This C)rdinance was made to serve the needs of the regionswhich were still underthe jurisdiction of the United Republics of lndonesia or R/. 9 (Republik Indonesia Serika. 8 After the unification of the Republic, the 1950 Ordinance was elaboratedand expandedthrough the incorporation of new sections pertaining to vocational schools, kindergatens,higher educational institutions and others. However, with the passageof time this Ordinancecould not cope with the speedof developmentin the educationalsector,particularly after the forniation of the New Order. Thus, in the late 1970sthe Department of Education formed the Committee for the Reformation of National Education or KPPN(Komisi PembaharuanPendidikan Nasionall. Which was entrusted with the formulation of the Bill of National Education. Daoed Joesoef,the then Minister of education,expectedthe work of to provide comprehensiveguidelines for catchingup with the speed of developmentsin the educationalsphere. Due to ambiguous reasons, the work of the K. could not be proposedto the D. Similarly, joesoefs successorNugroho Notosusanto,who alsowanted to reintroducethe work of K. ,equallyfailed to bring the work into the purview of the D. The Minister of Education after Notosusanto,Fuad Hasan,who engineeredthe birth of the Bill ofNational Educationof 1988,claimed that none of the educationalpolicies initiated by his predecessorsas reflected in the work of the K. was incorporatedinto the Bill of 3rYet, he believedthat the Bill of 1988,which consistedof18 Chapters and 60 Articles, was equally intended to embody a comprehensive policy of education stretching from the objectives of national education and its philosophical foundation to the position of religious subjectsin the curriculumand the statusof religiousschools. In general, the contents of the Bill were consideredby Muhammadiyah sound and acceptableexceptfor those chaptersdealing with the objectives of national education,the position of religious instruction across the different educationallevels, theposition of religiousand pri- Al -Jami'ah,No. 60/1997 TohaHamim vate schools within the structureof nationaleducationand the sanctions impo'sed by the authorities upon the violators of the regulations. Muhammadiyah believed that the religious subjects, which had been embodied in the curriculum of all the educationallevels, received a disproportionatetreatment in the Bill, which demanded that religious subjects be taught at certaingradesonly. Moreover,the Bill discredited religious education, by allowing the establishmentof religiousschoolsat the secondarylevel only. This shaky position of religiouseducalionalarmedthe leadersof Muhammadiyah who formed the Panitia Krcil. he Small Committe. to prepare a well-drawnreactionto the Bill. Prodjokusumo,one of the chairmen of the Central Board of Muhammadiyah,examinedthe content of the Bill and discoveredthree points which requiredrevision. The fact that the religious subjects were only taught at the elementaryschool meant that the Madrasahlbtidaiyah . he Islamic ElementarySchoo. had no right to exist. The establishmentof Islamicschoolswas limited to the secondary level only. The PondokPesantrenws not recognizedas part of the existing educationalsystemin Indonesia. Prodjokusumowas convinced that the implementationof such regulationswould not only cause a serious lossto Muslim educationalright but would endangerthe faith as well. 36He further argued that while the establishment of the Madrasah Ibtidaiyah reflectedthe Muslim concernto safeguardthe faith of their children by providing them with religious instruction as early as possible, the Pondok Pesantrenhad actively participated in the development of Islamic learningin Indonesiaaswell as the creationof the 'ulama' 3?Prodjokusumo maintained that the Madrasahlbtidaiyah and the Pondok Pesantrencame into exixtence as a by product of the history of IndonesianMuslims, whose cultural aswell as intellectualachievements could not be separatedfrom the contributions of thesetwo educational He fiirther argued that even the Ordinanceof 1950 allowed for Prodiokusumoheld that religious subjects in the syllabusof all grades. the foundation of religious schoolswas not a matter of promoting human interest, but a faithful renderingof a religious obligation. He believed that the creation of religious schoolswas mandatoryin Islam since the Qw'an decrees that "You should appoint amongyou thosewho appealthe people for Islam. "ooThe phrase "those who appeal people to Islam," he said indicated a certain sectionwithin the Muslim societythat commandeda Al-lami'ah,No. 60/1997 The Responxof Muhammadiyah thorough knowledgeof Islam. Such a knowledge,he further argued,could only be acquiredthrougha long and studiousreligiouseducation. Needlessto say,this religiousjustification intensifiedMuhamma' diyah's opposition to the Bill of 1988. ln a hearingwith the Fraksi Karya Pemhangunanor F. (FunctionalGroup Factio. of the D. one of Muhammadiyah delegatesdeclaredthat a struggle to restore Muslim rights and to reestablishreligious educationis a matteroflife ordeath. For the leadersof Muhammadiyahnot only did the Bill disregardMuslim aspiration, but it was also heavily imbued with secularthinking. They viewed that the efforts at secularizationwere manipulatingeducationas a meansof implementingthe processof secularization. The fact that Muhammadiyahbecameso agitated over the Bill of 1988 is quite understandable. One must not forget that apart from the religious obligation which contributedto the oppositionto the Bill, many became under the of Muhammadiyah schools, which totaled 14,42703 allowed at the threat of closing down, if religious schools Also, the exclusionof religioussubjectsfrom its general schoolswould have removedthe distinctive characterofitspedagogy. thus, one can see that this issue really struck at the very pilars of Muhammadiyah'smission and was the forcebehind its bitter opposition to the Bill. Hence. Muhammadiyahformed the Panitia Kecileven before the Presidenthad sent a latter of authorizationfor the Bill to the chairman of the D. on May, 23, 1988. Muhammadiyah was consideredamongthe earliestMuslim organization to lodge its complaint to thegovernment. Nahdlatul Ulamaor U . he Awakening of ReligiousScholar. which also ran a great number of Islamic schools,oo had kept aloof from the debateon this senditive issue as acknowledgedby K. Asad SyamsulArifin, the Mustashar. he Counselo. of the Advisory Board of the . AIU When Arifin initiated the protest to the Bill, it was on the capacityof an individual and not as a Mustashar to the N. tI,4s Nonetheless,Muhammadiyah'sinitiative was later followed by other Islamic organization which issueda statement supportingany action takenby Muhammadiyahto opposethe Bill. In addition to the points critized by Prodjokusumo,Muhammadiyah still found in many part of the Bill articleswhich discouragedthe development of future Muslim education. For instance,in Article 16,the Bill mentioned that "education at the secondarylevel consistof public schools and vocational schools, suchas religiousschools. "Furthermore. Al-lami'ah,No. ffi/1997 Toha Hamim in this Article the statusof Islamic seeondaryschoolswas mentionedin an explanatory note. 47To group religiousschoolsamongthe vocational schools was contradictory to the philosophical basis of national education, which had long treatedreligiousand generalschoolson the same While vocational schools were establishedto meet the demand for temporary practcal skill. Muhammadiyahargued,the religiousschools were mandatorily establishedto teachthe eternalmessageof Islam and to disseminateits truth amongits followers. In addition. Article 4 mentionedthat one of the aims of educating Indonesianwas to createdevoted. Indonesians. however,sincethe word taqwa . went hand in handwith the word iman . , it wils surprisingthat the latter was not specificallymentioned. To mention the word taqwa only was defective since the G. educationshouldcreateIndonesianswho possesedthe two moral qualities defined in the words taqwa andiman. Thus, it was arguedthat sincethe was superior to the Bill, the objectivesof educationseemedto be insufficient and should be adjusted to meetthe requirementsof the It was believedthat the issuewas not a matter of word choice sincethe word taqwaobviouslydoesnot signiff the samemeaningsas the word iman. aeRather, the omission of the word imanwas intentionally madein order to underminethe role of religion. When Article l9 of the Bill regulatedhigher learning,the religious subjectswere left out from the syllabus: The operation of higher education is delegatedto universities which are in charge of getting the participants of the higher learning process ready to acquire a good command ofscience, technology and the arts and to provide them with a professional mentality in the disciplinesof their choice. This article disregardedthe fact that the religiouselement,which had beenembodiedin the syllabusof higher learningfor many years,was higly authoritative. All students, regardlessof their areasof study, were required to take it and a failure in it meanta retentionof their degree. The article also ignored the stipulation madeby the G. A{ that religious subjects must be taught at all levels of education. s2Furthermore,Muhammadiyah affirmed that, apart from the stipulation of the G. religious subjects had constituted an integralcomponentof the curriculum for a long time and shouldbe developedand promotedin the presentera Al-lami'ah. No. The Responxof Muhammailiyalt of modernizationwhen the spiritualdimensionis to balancethe material progressof the age. The fact that the Bill did not mentionthe Institut Agama Islam Negeri or I. N . he StateInstitut of Islamic Studie. as part of higher learning system in Indonesiawas anotherexampleof the Bill's mistreatment. unlike the religious secondaryschools,which were explicitly mentioned in the Bill, the I. LN. , which was founded following the Presidentialdecreeof 1962, receivedno treatmentfrom the Bill which claimed to embraceall aspectsof education in Indonesia. The Bill had surprisingly disregardedthe participation of the I. in the development of Islamic higher learningin a countrywhereMuslims constituted the majority of the population. An Article on private schoolswas also one of the issuesthat bothered the Muhammadiyah since it servered all state'sties and assosincethe ciation from the private schools. Suchan act was unacceptable had defined the role of the private schoolsas a mitra . close panne. of the statein providing nationaleducation. Thus. Muhammadiyah proposed that the Bill should emphasize the kemitra . lose partnershi. between the private schools and the governmentin their endeavorto achieve the mru