Journal of Islamic Law ISSN: 2721-5040 .
& 2721-5032 .
Vol.
No.
2, 2025, pp.
265Ae285 https://doi.
org/10.
24260/jil.
Social Labeling.
Power, and Deviancy Amplification: Community Stigmatization of Migrant Residents in Adultery Cases in Banda Aceh Mujtahid,1* Ali Sodiqin,2 Moch.
Nur Ichwan2 1STIS Nahdlatul Ulama Aceh.
Aceh.
Indonesia 2UIN Sunan Kalijaga.
Yogyakarta.
Indonesia *Correspondence: aneuk.
aby@gmail.
*Received: 29-11-2024 | Revised: 10-02-2025, 23-03-2025 | Accepted: 24-03-2025 Abstract Existing research on social labeling in adultery .
inA) cases in Aceh remains limited, particularly in exploring how local power dynamics shape processes of This article examines how the social labeling of migrant residents .
reung tamon.
accused of zinA operates as a mechanism of social control that reinforces the dominance of local residents .
soe lho.
, while media exposure intensifies stigma through deviancy amplification.
Employing a legal anthropological approach, the article is based on three months of fieldwork in Banda Aceh, involving participant observation, in-depth interviews with ten key informantsAiincluding village authorities, community leaders, law enforcement officers, and local residentsAiand analysis of relevant online and social media content.
The findings reveal that social labeling in zinA cases is driven not only by religious and customary norms but also by underlying community power structures, rendering ureung tamong significantly more vulnerable to public exposure and social sanctions than asoe lhok.
Additionally, digital media exacerbates the amplification of deviance, resulting in prolonged social exclusion of individuals who have already faced customary or formal legal punishment.
The persistence of digital records further obstructs their reintegration into society.
This article contends that social labeling functions not merely as a tool of moral regulation but also as a strategy for maintaining the dominance of powerful groups within the community.
It concludes by calling for more inclusive media practices and legal policies to prevent the prolonged social and psychological marginalization of individuals in zinA cases who have fulfilled their legal obligations.
[Penelitian mengenai pelabelan sosial dalam kasus perzinaan di Aceh masih terbatas, khususnya dalam menelaah bagaimana dinamika kekuasaan lokal membentuk proses stigmatisasi.
Artikel ini mengkaji bagaimana pelabelan sosial terhadap pendatang .
reung tamon.
yang diduga melakukan zina berfungsi sebagai mekanisme kontrol sosial yang memperkuat dominasi penduduk lokal .
soe lho.
, serta bagaimana eksposur media memperparah stigma melalui amplifikasi penyimpangan.
Dengan menggunakan pendekatan antropologi hukum, artikel ini didasarkan pada kerja lapangan selama tiga bulan di Banda Aceh, yang meliputi observasi partisipatif, wawancara mendalam dengan sepuluh informan kunciAiterdiri dari aparatur desa, tokoh masyarakat, aparat penegak hukum, dan warga lokalAiserta analisis terhadap konten Copyright A 2025 by Author.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.
0 International License.
Mujtahid et al.
media daring dan media sosial yang relevan.
Temuan menunjukkan bahwa pelabelan sosial dalam kasus zina tidak semata-mata dipengaruhi oleh norma agama dan adat, tetapi juga oleh struktur kekuasaan di dalam komunitas, sehingga ureung tamong jauh lebih rentan terhadap eksposur publik dan sanksi sosial dibandingkan asoe lhok.
Selain itu, media digital memperburuk amplifikasi penyimpangan, yang berujung pada pengucilan sosial berkepanjangan terhadap individu yang telah menjalani sanksi adat maupun hukum formal.
Keberadaan jejak digital yang terus bertahan semakin menghambat proses reintegrasi sosial mereka.
Artikel ini menegaskan bahwa pelabelan sosial berfungsi tidak hanya sebagai alat regulasi moral, tetapi juga sebagai strategi untuk mempertahankan dominasi kelompok yang berkuasa di dalam komunitas.
Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini merekomendasikan adanya kebijakan media dan hukum yang lebih inklusif guna mencegah marginalisasi sosial dan psikologis yang berkelanjutan terhadap individu dalam kasus zina yang telah menjalani sanksinya.
Keywords: Adultery.
Banda Aceh.
Qanun Jinayat.
Social Labeling.
Stigmatization.
Introduction Adultery .
inA) constitutes one of the most serious criminal offenses in Islamic criminal law, requiring stringent evidentiary standards before any punishment can be imposed.
1 Classical Islamic jurisprudence .
stipulates that the act of zinA must be proven either by the voluntary confession of the offender or through the testimony of four reliable and just male 2 However, in practice, these stringent requirements are often overlooked by segments of Muslim societies that prioritize social sanctions and extrajudicial punishments, bypassing formal legal procedures.
3 This phenomenon reflects a persistent gap between normative legal principles and their actual social implementation, particularly within communities that uphold customary laws and social norms over the formal tenets of Islamic 4 Numerous studies have demonstrated that interpretations of zinA vary across Muslimmajority countries, influenced by diverse socio-political and cultural contexts.
5 Such variations contribute to inconsistencies in the application of sharia (Islamic la.
, occasionally leading to conflicts between religious norms, state laws, and international human rights Although the national criminal code does not fully incorporate Islamic criminal law in Indonesia, several autonomous regions, such as Aceh, have enacted the Qanun Jinayat (Islamic criminal code.
as part of their positive law.
Nevertheless, the enforcement of these Ngema and D.
Iyer.
AuPenalty for Committing Fornication & Adultery (Zin.
in Islamic Law as a Violation of Freedom from Torture,Ay OIDA International Journal of Sustainable Development 15, no.
11Ae18.
See: Mhd Rasidin et al.
AuThe Mapping Verses and Application of the Linguistic Approach and Ushul Fiqh Toward the Law of Adultery,Ay El-Mashlahah 14, no.
1 (March 25, 2.
: 21Ae42.
Luqman Zakariyah.
AuConfession and Retraction: The Application of Islamic Legal Maxims in Safiyyatu and AminaAos Cases in Northern Nigeria,Ay Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 30, no.
2 (June 2.
: 251Ae63.
Mizaj Iskandar et al.
AuExtrajudicial Trend in Sharia Law Enforcement: Customary Justice or Vigilantism?,Ay Petita: Jurnal Kajian Ilmu Hukum dan Syariah 9, no.
2 (November 1, 2.
: 624Ae40.
Nailur Rahmi and Rinta Okta Henny.
AuSanksi Adat tentang Larangan Perkawinan terhadap Orang Sesuku dengan Pelaku Zina,Ay Al-Istinbath: Jurnal Hukum Islam 5, no.
2 (November 30, 2.
: 329Ae42.
See: Manisuli Ssenyonjo.
AuJudicial Imposition of the Death Penalty and Corporal Punishment in Iran and Saudi Arabia for Unlawful Consensual Sexual Relations under ShariAoa: A Human Rights Critique,Ay International Human Rights Law Review 13, no.
2 (December 5, 2.
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Sudarti Sudarti.
AuPerbandingan Hukum Pidana Perzinaan di Malaysia dan Brunei Darussalam,Ay El-Mashlahah 11, no.
1 (June 28, 2.
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Vol.
No.
2, 2025.
[ 266 ]
Mujtahid et al.
ocal sharia-based bylaw.
often presents new challenges in reconciling religious norms with national and international legal standards, particularly regarding the protection of individual rights for those accused of zinA.
6 Accordingly, further examination is warranted to analyze how divergent interpretations of Islamic criminal law affect justice and legal protection for individuals implicated in zinA cases.
This issue becomes even more complex when societal responses extend beyond the alleged perpetrator of zinA, encompassing individuals merely suspected of the offense.
Such individuals are frequently subjected to social condemnation and punishment without recourse to lawful procedures.
In Kumbang, a village in Banda Aceh, ureung tamong .
igrant residents or temporary outsider.
suspected of committing zinA have faced a range of extrajudicial punishments, including being doused with sewage water, physical assault, public humiliation, and exposure through local media.
7 In many cases, however, the alleged actions do not constitute zinA per se but rather fall under offenses such as khalwat .
llicit proximity between the sexe.
or ikhtilA .
hysical intimacy or sexual conduct between unmarried individual.
, as delineated in the Qanun Jinayat.
8 Such acts of vigilantism against ureung tamong are not without socio-cultural rationale.
For the asoe lhok .
ocal resident.
, zinA is perceived not only as an individual sin but also as a threat to the social harmony of the village .
Within this context, the asoe lhok claim moral authority to safeguard the villageAos reputation by ensuring that no violations of sharia lawAiespecially by outsidersAioccur within their 10 However, this practice starkly contrasts the Islamic legal principle that upholds the protection of individual dignity, even in cases where the offense is proven.
11 Moreover, it disregards the stringent evidentiary requirements in the Qanun Jinayat.
The enforcement of sharia in Aceh has long served as a mechanism of social engineering, intended to shape community behavior.
13 Nonetheless, previous studies reveal a wide range of societal responses to sharia violationsAiranging from vigilantism and the application of customary law to outright resistance against sharia itself.
For instance, research See: M.
Djawas et al.
AuHarmonization of State.
Custom, and Islamic Law in Aceh: Perspective of Legal Pluralism,Ay Hasanuddin Law Review 10, no.
: 64Ae82.
Farkhani et al.
AuLegal Protection of Minority Rights: Study on the Implementation of Qanun Number 6 of 2014 Concerning the Jinayat Law in Langsa City.
Aceh Special Region Province,Ay Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 17, no.
: 215Ae32.
Mutiara Fahmi et al.
AuPunishment for Zina MuuAn Offenders in Aceh Qanun No.
6 of 2014 in the Perspective of Fiqh al-SiyAsah,Ay Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 6, no.
1 (June 27, 2.
346Ae68.
Ana.
Personal Communication with a Community Figure.
August 31, 2022.
See: AuAceh Qanun No.
6 of 2014 on Jinayat Law,Ay Article 1.
Muhammad Adib Alfarisi et al.
AuNegotiating Customary Law and Fiqh Norms: The Transformation of the Mepahukh Tradition in the Indigenous Marriage Practices of the Alas People in Southeast Aceh,Ay Indonesian Journal of Sharia and Socio-Legal Studies 1, 1 .
: 72Ae93.
Abdullah.
Personal Communication with the Village Elder (Tetua Gampon.
September 4, 2022.
Zahrul.
Personal Communication with the Village Elder (Tetua Gampon.
September 4, 2022.
Aslam Nur et al.
Ensiklopedia Kebudayaan Aceh, 3rd ed.
(Banda Aceh: Dinas Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Aceh, 2.
, 12.
AoAl JumAoah.
Wa QAla al-ImAm al-MabAdiAo al-AoUemA (Cairo: DAr al-WAbil al-Shayb, 2.
, 96.
Yogi Febriandi.
Muhammad Ansor, and Nursiti Nursiti.
AuSeeking Justice Through Qanun Jinayat: The Narratives of Female Victims of Sexual Violence in Aceh.
Indonesia,Ay QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studie.
9, no.
1 (July 29, 2.
: 103Ae40.
Michael Feener.
AuSocial Engineering through SharAoa: Islamic Law and State-Directed DaAowa in Contemporary Aceh,Ay Islamic Law and Society 19, no.
: 275Ae311.
Journal of Islamic Law.
Vol.
No.
2, 2025.
[ 267 ]
Mujtahid et al.
by Faisal Husen Ismail et al.
identifies dissatisfaction with the formal judicial system, experiences of impunity, and collective enthusiasm for preserving social norms as key drivers of vigilantism against individuals accused of violating sharia.
14 Similarly, findings by Sardjana Orba Manullang et al.
highlight challenges in achieving justice in the implementation of uqbAt (Islamic criminal punishment.
,15 while Mulizar et al.
reveal that Acehnese society enforces sharia not only through the Qanun Jinayat but also via diverse customary norms that vary across regions.
16 Although the formal authority to enforce sharia lies with the state.
David KloosAos research underscores that local communities and vigilante groups frequently usurp this role, at times employing violence under the pretext of protecting public morality.
However, the implementation of sharia in Aceh is far from universally accepted.
KloosAos ethnographic study demonstrates that many Acehnese Muslims engage in a form of daily negotiation with sharia enforcement.
18 Meanwhile.
Benjamin Otto and Jan Michiel Otto observe that when offenses are committed by asoe lhok, cases are often resolved amicably within families, avoiding the public exposure commonly experienced by ureung tamong.
19 Reza Idria further notes that shariaAioriginally deployed as a political strategy to pacify separatist movementsAihas now become a target of criticism from intellectuals, womenAos rights activists, and marginalized groups, including the punk community, who perceive it as detrimental to their rights and freedoms.
Although previous research has extensively examined vigilantism, customary law, and resistance to sharia law, a significant gap exists in understanding how social identity shapes the enforcement of sharia norms.
This article, therefore, focuses on how asoe lhok perceive and treat ureung tamong suspected of committing zinA.
The central argument advanced here is that the stigmatization and criminalization of zinA in Aceh, particularly against ureung tamong, are not solely the product of sharia enforcement but are also driven by social labeling processes whereby asoe lhok assume the role of moral guardians of the village.
This stigmatization often precipitates acts of social exclusion, vigilantism, and public punishment that exceed the formal provisions of the Qanun Jinayat.
Consequently, this study seeks to Faisal Husen Ismail et al.
AuVigilantism among the Community in Aceh Against the Accused of Violating the Shariah Criminal Law,Ay AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 17, no.
2 (December 31, 2.
531Ae53.
Sardjana Orba Manullang et al.
AuImplementation of Uqubat: An Effort to Minimize Khalwat Crimes in Aceh,Ay Al-Risalah: Forum Kajian Hukum dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan 24, no.
1 (June 29, 2.
: 49Ae60.
Mulizar Mulizar.
Asmuni Asmuni, and Dhiauddin Tanjung.
AuMaqashid Sharia Perspective of Legal Sanction for Khalwat Actors in Aceh,Ay Al-Istinbath: Jurnal Hukum Islam 7, no.
1 May (May 23, 2.
: 161Ae82.
David Kloos.
AuIn the Name of Syariah? Vigilante Violence.
Territoriality, and Moral Authority in Aceh.
Indonesia,Ay Indonesia, no.
: 59Ae90.
David Kloos.
Becoming Better Muslims: Religious Authority and Ethical Improvement in Aceh.
Indonesia (Princeton University Press, 2.
: 189.
Benjamin Otto and Jan Michiel Otto.
AuSharia Police in Banda Aceh: Enforcement of Islam-Based Regulations and PeopleAos Perceptions,Ay in Islam and the Limits of the State: Reconfigurations of Practice.
Community and Authority in Contemporary Aceh (Brill, 2.
, 185Ae213.
Reza Idria.
AuTales of the Unexpected: Contesting SyariAoah Law in Aceh.
IndonesiaAy (Dissertation.
Harvard University, 2.
: i.
See also: Abdul Manan and Cut Intan Salasiyah.
AuEvaluating the Implementation of Sharia in Aceh.
Indonesia,Ay Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 9, no.
3 (September 30, 2.
: 549Ae66.
Syarifah Rahmatillah Aljamalulail.
Faisal A.
Rani, and Muazzin Muazzin.
AuThe Politics of Law on the Fulfillment of Restitution Rights for Rape Victims Based on the Qanun Jinayat in Aceh,Ay Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 8, no.
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: 299Ae316.
Journal of Islamic Law.
Vol.
No.
2, 2025.
[ 268 ]
Mujtahid et al.
address a gap in the legal and sociological literature by analyzing how moral authority, rooted in local identity, influences the imposition of social sanctions against those who violate sharia norms in Banda Aceh.
Methodologically, this study adopts a legal anthropological approach through three months of fieldwork, conducted from August to October 2022 in Kumbang Village.
Banda Aceh.
Indonesia, with Kumbang serving as a pseudonym to protect the villageAos identity.
Employing ethnographic methods, the article collected data through participant observations of social interactions between the asoe lhok and ureung tamong, along with in-depth interviews involving ten informantsAivillage officials, community leaders, law enforcement officers, and local residents involved in social labeling practices.
All informantsAo identities have been anonymized throughout the article.
Additional secondary data were gathered from online news reports and social media content relevant to the cases studied.
The data were analyzed qualitatively using Howard S.
BeckerAos Labelling Theory, which explains how individuals or groups perceived as deviant are subjected to negative societal labeling and stigma, ultimately shaping public perception and social attitudes toward them.
21 Applying this framework, the article examines how asoe lhok perceive and treat ureung tamong accused of committing zinA and explores the socio-cultural factors influencing such attitudes.
The Legal Provisions of Jarmah Zina and Khalwat in Aceh Aceh is the only province in Indonesia endowed with special legal authority to implement sharia, as enshrined in Law No.
11 of 2006 on the Governance of Aceh.
22 The historical application of Islamic law in Aceh traces back to the late 16th and early 17th centuries during the Aceh Sultanate, when sharia regulations governed various aspects of life, including sexual conduct and relationships.
23 Within this historical and cultural context, the Acehnese developed specific local terms to describe acts of zinA.
Unlawful intercourse between an unmarried man and woman is commonly referred to as dina or mukah, while extramarital affairs involving a married individual are termed mumukah.
Additionally, expressions such as tamong gampong and meureusam frequently appear in daily discourse to describe zinA from AcehAos socio-cultural perspective.
Historically, scholars differ regarding the precise origins of the rajm .
eath by stonin.
penalty in the Aceh Sultanate.
25 According to the Rawsat a-Ahirn, a classical Indian text, the punishment of rajm was imposed during the reign of Sultan Alauddin Riayat Syah al-Qahhar .
7Ae1.
The text recounts a case in 1550,26 where two individuals found guilty of zinA Howard Saul Becker.
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, 3.
Rusjdi Ali Muhammad and Syahrizal.
Landasan Filosofi Pelaksanaan Syariat Islam di Aceh, (Banda Aceh: Dinas Syariat Islam Aceh, 2.
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Arskal Salim.
AuAoSharia from BelowAo in Aceh .
0sAe1960.
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Khamami Zada.
AuSentuhan Adat dalam Pemberlakuan Syariat Islam di Aceh .
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were publicly stoned to death.
A similar narrative is preserved in the account of Sultan Iskandar Muda, who ordered the execution by stoning of his son.
Meurah Pupok, for committing zinA with a noblewomanAos wife.
27 However.
European travelers visiting Aceh in the 16th and 17th centuries observed that the SultanateAos legal system was primarily influenced by customary law and royal decrees, with rajm reportedly enforced only during the reign of Sultan al-Mukammil.
28 It suggests that while Islamic law served as a fundamental judicial reference, its implementation was shaped by the SultanateAos political dynamics and discretionary governance.
Under Acehnese customary law, rajm was not always practiced.
punishments, better aligned with social contexts, were imposed.
30 One known traditional punishment was boh trieng doe bak takue, involving the execution of adulterers by submerging them in a river using bamboo restraints until death.
31 In the Gayo region, consensual zinA is locally referred to as due sekenak.
Sanctions for zinA under Gayo customary law were progressive, depending on the degree of the offense.
Minor transgressions warranted farak, a five-year exile, while repeat offenses resulted in jeret naruAipermanent exile.
32 Although many customary practices have waned, some communities enforce social sanctions as a moral safeguard against zinA.
In Aceh, zinA is viewed not only as a legal transgression but also as a grave social disgrace, tarnishing familial and communal honor.
Consequently, local communities often assume an active role in upholding religious and social norms, administering both customary and social sanctions on those deemed immoral.
As part of preventive measures, the Aceh government enacted Qanun No.
14 of 2003 on Khalwat (Mesu.
Khalwat (Arabic: khalwa.
is defined as seclusion involving two or more opposite-sex adults, not bound by lawful marriage or family ties .
, engaging in private interaction potentially leading to zinA.
34 The primary objective of this regulation is to preclude circumstances that might culminate in zinA.
35 Accordingly, individuals apprehended for khalwat face discretionary punishment .
qbAt taz.
, ranging from three to nine lashes and fines between IDR 2,500,000 and IDR 10,000,000.
Facilitators of khalwat also incur penalties, including imprisonment for two to six months and fines ranging from IDR 5,000,000 to IDR 15,000,000.
36 The enforcement of khalwat regulations reflects the underlying belief that such conduct constitutes a gateway to zinA, warranting stringent social control.
Moreover, these Ali Abubakar and Zulkarnain Lubis.
Hukum Jinayat Aceh: Sebuah Pengantar, (Jakarta: Kencana, 2.
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Hoesin.
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AuAceh Qanun No.
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AuAceh Qanun No.
14 of 2003 on Khalwat (Mesu.
,Ay Article 3.
AuAceh Qanun No.
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Mujtahid et al.
provisions mirror the Acehnese societyAos concern over liberal social interactions perceived as threats to Islamic morality and social norms.
The legal provisions governing jarmah zinA are detailed in Qanun Aceh No.
6 of 2014 on JinAyat Law.
This qanun defines zinA as consensual sexual intercourse between a man and a woman outside a lawful marriage.
38 ZinA is classified as a jarmah (Islamic criminal offens.
39 because it contravenes sharia and is punishable by uudd .
ixed punishments prescribed by Go.
or tazr .
iscretionary punishmen.
40 Under this qanun, proven offenders are subjected to uqbAt uudd, specifically 100 lashes.
Repeat offenses warrant enhanced penalties, including fines equivalent to 120 grams of pure gold or imprisonment of up to 12 months.
Additionally, individuals or business entities found providing facilities for zinA are subject to severe sanctions: up to 100 lashes, fines reaching 1,000 grams of pure gold, and imprisonment of up to 100 months.
41 Distinctly, the Qanun Jinayat does not differentiate between zinA muuan .
dultery committed by a married perso.
and zinA ghayr muuan .
dultery by an unmarried perso.
, diverging from classical fiqh.
42 In traditional fiqh, zinA muuan incurs the death penalty by stoning, while zinA ghayr muuan is punishable by 100 lashes and exile .
Given the severity of the uudd punishment, evidentiary standards for establishing zinA under the Qanun Jinayat are equally stringent.
44 Accusations must be substantiated by the testimony of four credible male witnesses.
Failure to meet this evidentiary threshold exposes the accuser to prosecution for qaafAia false accusation of adultery.
However, in cases where a pregnant woman identifies her sexual partner.
DNA (Deoxyribonucleic Aci.
testing of the newborn may serve as admissible evidence,45 substituting the need for four witnesses.
Additionally, an offenderAos voluntary confessionAisworn under oathAiis admissible, provided it withstands verification by legal investigators.
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Prior to the enactment of the Qanun Jinayat, zinA cases in Aceh were adjudicated under the Indonesian Criminal Code (KUHP.
Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Pidan.
, which criminalized adultery only upon complaint by an aggrieved party.
48 The core distinction between the KUHP and the Qanun Jinayat lies in their respective legal philosophies: the KUHP prioritizes individual rights, whereas the Qanun Jinayat emphasizes the enforcement of Islamic moral norms.
49 Critics argue that the Qanun Jinayat contravenes human rights principles and lacks alignment with national and international legal standards.
50 Conversely, proponents regard the Qanun Jinayat as a model for integrating Islamic law within the national legal framework, reflecting Acehnese societyAos living law .
echt levend.
and potentially influencing broader national legal development.
Social Construction of Adultery Offenders: Power.
Morality, and Social Labelling According to BeckerAos labeling theory, an act is not inherently criminal but becomes a crime only when designated as such by those who hold social and legal authority.
52 The theory underscores that crime is not an intrinsic quality of any behavior but rather a socially constructed category shaped by prevailing norms, laws, and power structures.
In other words, what is classified as deviant or criminal depends heavily on the social context and on which group possesses the authority to define the boundary between acceptable and unlawful In the context of Kumbang Village, the asoe lhok possess normative and social power that enables them to determine whether an action is considered deviant.
Their dominant status within the community allows them to control the discourse on morality, including decisions on who deserves social sanctions.
For the people of Kumbang, zinA is understood not only as a violation of sharia lawAi as stipulated in the Qanun JinayatAibut also as a moral and customary offense that tarnishes the communityAos honor.
54 The community internalizes religious teachings that classify zinA as See: Anton Widyanto.
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,Ay Legitimasi: Jurnal Hukum Pidana dan Politik Hukum 10, no.
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Susetyo.
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Kamarusdiana Kamarusdiana.
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a major sin .
in the sight of God, reflecting their understanding of Surah al-IsraAo .
verse 32: wa lA taqrab al-zinA .
o not even approach adulter.
55 Many locals interpret this verse strictly, extending the prohibition beyond the act of zinA to include any behavior potentially leading to it, all deemed moral transgressions that must be prevented.
56 This social construction implies that individuals accused of zinA, or even those merely suspected, are subjected to various forms of social sanctions.
These range from social ostracism and ritual public humiliationAisuch as being bathed by villagers at the meunasah .
small mosque or prayer hous.
Aito enduring long-term stigmatization.
57 In Acehnese society, the concept of but peumale kawom .
disgrace that humiliates the collective social identit.
serves as a central principle for safeguarding collective morality.
Thus, zinA is not merely perceived as a personal transgression but as a grave threat to communal honor.
Beyond its legal and moral dimensions, zinA is imbued with profound spiritual significance in the Kumbang community.
59 There is a prevailing belief that tolerating immoral acts, particularly zinA, invites divine retribution and jeopardizes the entire community.
Village elders affirm the belief that God will reject the repentance of those residing within a 44-house radius of the zinA incident.
According to them, while all forms of maiyah .
inful act.
can bring misfortune, zinA is uniquely destructive as it strips the village of divine blessings .
adeh berkah gampon.
This belief is reinforced by interpretations of both religious doctrine and customary law, which hold that any moral deviation carries significant social and spiritual consequences.
In several cases, individuals suspected of zinA are unable to remain in their community due to the enduring stigma of being labeled as deviant.
Despite such actions being justified by references to Islamic law and customary traditions, in practice, many individuals endure stigma and social punishment without any legal proof of zinA.
61 It indicates that social labeling is often driven more by prejudice and communal judgment than by substantiated legal evidence.
In the social labeling process, those with greater societal power are more capable of determining who is labeled as deviant and who is not.
63 In Kumbang, asoe lhok exercise stronger social control than ureung tamong, particularly university students, thereby possessing the authority to impose social stigma.
Findings from this study reveal that ureung tamong are disproportionately subjected to negative labeling compared to asoe lhok, even when similar La Gurusi et al.
AuIslamic Legal Perspective on Data of Child Victims of Sexual Violence: A Case Study of the IndonesiaAos Court,Ay De Jure: Jurnal Hukum dan SyarAoiah 16, no.
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Zahrul.
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Abdullah.
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Abubakar Abubakar.
Eka Sri Mulyani, and Anwar Anwar.
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for Character Education,Ay Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 7, no.
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Ana.
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, 69.
Abdullah.
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Zahrul.
Personal Communication with the Village Elder (Tetua Gampon.
Jan-Willem Van Prooijen.
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Chris Greer and Robert Reiner.
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transgressions occur.
The asoe lhok tend to enjoy greater protection from social stigma due to their strong local social networks and privileged access to family-based dispute resolution By contrast, ureung tamong face more severe social sanctions, including expulsion from the community and public exposure of their cases on social media platforms.
This disparity in the labeling process reflects the effects of social dominance in constructing devianceAithose in positions of authority are better able to evade the negative consequences of moral infractions.
Furthermore, social labeling is not confined to community interactions but is amplified by media coverage and the circulation of information on digital platforms.
This process aligns with the concept of Audeviancy amplificationAy, which posits that societal reactions to deviant behavior can intensify the stigma attached to the labeled individual.
65 One of the most significant effects of publicizing zinA cases is the perpetuation of long-lasting stigma.
During interviews, a local youth shared that reading or hearing news reports about zinA immediately triggered negative judgments in their mind.
66 Media coverage not only raises public awareness of sharia violations but also reinforces social distancing from those labeled as deviants.
Another consequence of such publicity is the strengthened social exclusion of zinA offendersAieven after they have served their punishment or shown repentance.
68 Those labeled as adulterers face substantial obstacles to reintegration into the community, as the stigma persists through their digital footprints in social media and online news reports.
Social Labelling and Moral Control: The Dominance of Asoe Lhok over Ureung Tamong BeckerAos labeling theory posits that not all individuals who engage in deviant behavior are necessarily labeled as deviants.
The labeling process is inherently discriminatory, where those with greater societal power can often avoid social stigma.
At the same time, marginalized or vulnerable groups are more easily branded as criminals.
Becker emphasizes that labeling is neither a neutral nor objective process.
somewhat, it is deeply influenced by power relations within society.
Dominant groups possess the authority to define deviance and dictate the imposition of sanctions.
70 In the context of Kumbang, asoe lhok wield greater social control than ureung tamong.
One manifestation of this power is the application of reusamAia customary law system regulating social sanctions against those who violate Islamic norms.
Reusam functions as a set of social rules inherited across generations in Aceh, guiding the community to maintain social stability and moral integrity.
72 In Kumbang, one such Becker.
Outsiders, 16Ae17.
Kloos.
AuIn the Name of Syariah?Ay 69.
Hasan.
Personal Communication with a Local Youth.
September 14, 2022.
Maher.
Personal Communication with a Local Youth.
September 2, 2022.
Sulaiman.
Personal Communication with the Boarding House Owner.
August 31, 2022.
Ahmad.
Personal Communication with a Local Youth Leader.
September 13, 2022.
Becker.
Outsiders, 14.
See: Muzakkir.
AuThe Effectiveness of AcehAos Jinayat Qanun on Crime Rates in the Community in a Review of Legal Socialization,Ay Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 16, no.
2 (November 18, 2.
: 255Ae68.
Syamsuar Syamsuar et al.
AuSettlement of Islamic Sharia Violations in the Perspective of Teungku Dayah and Local Wisdom Values on the West Coast of Aceh,Ay Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 11, no.
3 (September 30, 2.
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Jakfar Puteh.
Sistem Sosial Budaya dan Adat Masyarakat Aceh, 4th ed.
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reusam stipulates that individuals proven guilty of zinA are prohibited from returning to the gampong or are to be expelled.
73 However, findings from this study reveal that this reusam is disproportionately applied to ureung tamong rather than asoe lhok.
A village elder .
etua gampon.
explained that while this rule has long existed, it remains unofficial and unwritten, yet it is actively enforced in daily social practice.
74 In its implementation, reusam is frequently directed at outsidersAiparticularly university studentsAiwhile native residents often evade equivalent A Former Member of the Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong Task Force (Tim TAMAR.
Tim Amar MaAoruf Nahi Mungka.
explained: AuMeunyoe ureung droe, ka han takeun ta im droeAy .
f it is one of our own, it might not be prohibited or at least it will be 75 This phenomenon aligns with BeckerAos argument that social rules are seldom applied equitably but often serve as tools of social control wielded by dominant groups to preserve their power.
76 Here, asoe lhok strategically utilize reusam to uphold community morality and maintain their social dominance over ureung tamong.
The disparity in the enforcement of social sanctions is evident in the following two cases from Kumbang.
On June 5, 2022, villagers apprehended a couple suspected of engaging in zinA in a rented room .
amar ko.
The couple.
DFN .
years ol.
from Southwest Aceh and FY .
years ol.
from South Aceh, had stayed together in the room for three days before being caught.
Upon interrogation, both admitted to engaging in sexual intercourse.
The case was subsequently reported to the Municipal Civil Service Police Unit (Satpol PP.
Satuan Polisi Pamong Praj.
and the Sharia Enforcement Authority (WH.
Wilayatul Hisba.
for formal processing.
77 Two weeks later, villagers raided another rented room where a nonmauram student couple was suspected of indecent conduct.
NP .
years ol.
from Krueng Sabe and ZZ .
years ol.
from Aceh Jaya had been monitored by local residents since June 16, 2022, and were eventually arrested at 2:00 a.
Both admitted during questioning that they had engaged in sexual intercourse.
The enraged villagers handed them over to the Syiah Kuala District Police, but the case was ultimately resolved through customary meansAi requiring both couples to marry as a form of reconciliation.
These cases illustrate that the adjudication of zinA offenses in Kumbang commences at the village level, where the community exercises initial authority before involving formal law enforcement.
The Tim TAMARAicomprising villagers, the Community Police Officer (Bhabinkamtibmas.
Bhayangkara Pembina Keamanan dan Ketertiban Masyaraka.
, and the Village Supervisory Non-Commissioned Military Officer (Babinsa.
Bintara Pembina Des.
Ai plays a pivotal role in ensuring that prevailing customs and norms address violations of Tari Nasyiah and Teuku Muttaqin Mansur.
AuDenda Adat dalam Penyelesaian Kasus Khalwat di Kota Banda Aceh,Ay Jurnal Ilmiah Mahasiswa Bidang Hukum Keperdataan 3, no.
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: 86Ae96.
Abdullah.
Personal Communication with the Village Elder (Tetua Gampon.
Nurul.
Personal Communication with a Former Member of the Tim TAMAR.
September 5, 2022.
Becker.
Outsiders, 8Ae9.
BERITAKINI.
CO.
AuDiduga Mesum di Kos-Kosan.
Pasangan Mahasiswa Digerebek Warga di Darussalam,Ay BERITAKINI.
CO.
June 5, 2022, https://beritakini.
co/news/diduga-mesum-di-kos-kosanpasangan-mahasiswa-digerebek-warga-di-darusallam/index.
BERITAKINI.
CO.
AuPasok Pacar ke Kos-Kosan.
Pasangan Mahasiswa Asal Aceh Jaya Digerebek di Kumbang,Ay BERITAKINI.
CO.
June 18, 2022, https://beritakini.
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Islamic law.
79 However, the sanctions imposed in these cases highlight a clear disparity in how offenders are treated.
Ureung tamong are consistently more vulnerable to repressive measures, whereas asoe lhok tend to benefit from family-based settlements and are shielded from public exposure and social humiliation.
Kumbang residents generally perceive zinA as a serious moral and social offense that sullies the communityAos reputation.
81 Most villagers believe that those who commit zinA should be expelled, arguing that their presence contaminates the gampong and dishonors the family .
eumale kawo.
However, not every individual apprehended in these raids has committed zinA.
in several instances, those captured were merely suspected of engaging in behavior that could lead to adultery.
Nevertheless, they still suffered severe social punishments, including public shaming, media exposure, and expulsion from the village.
This uncertainty reflects the imbalance in applying legal and social norms, where social prejudice often exerts more influence than legal proof.
This finding resonates with BeckerAos theory that social labeling frequently occurs absent concrete evidence, driven instead by societal interpretations and reactions to perceived deviance.
Media coverage of zinA cases exacerbates the stigma against ureung tamong, often preceding any formal legal sanction.
This dynamic aligns with the deviancy amplification theory, wherein public reactions to deviance further entrench the stigma attached to the labeled individual.
84 A resident remarked that every time they read or heard news about zinA, negative judgments about the individual arose automatically.
85 As a result, individuals labeled as adulterers often face enduring difficulties reintegrating into their communities, even after serving their punishment or expressing genuine repentance.
86 In this context, the media functions not merely as an information channel but as a potent agent of social labeling, reinforcing stigma against those branded as deviants.
87 Moreover, digital media coverage of zinA cases leaves an indelible digital footprint, making it nearly impossible for labeled individuals to erase the stigma.
Consequently, they carry this social burden into the future, with their reputations permanently marked by their online records.
Deviancy Amplification and Social Stigma: The Role of Media in Labelling Adultery Offenders Social stigma plays a significant role in shaping public perceptions of individuals accused of zinA.
Stigmatization manifests in various forms, such as social exclusion, community Nurul.
Personal Communication with a Former Member of the Tim TAMAR.
Kloos.
Becoming Better Muslims, 107.
Ahmad.
Personal Communication with a Local Youth Leader.
Ana.
Personal Communication with a Community Figure.
Becker.
Outsiders, 147Ae55.
Becker.
Outsiders, 26Ae8.
Saifuddin.
Personal Communication with a Local Youth.
September 14, 2022.
Annisa Rahmadiana.
Putri Nabilah, and Tiara Rahmawati.
AuKajian Kriminologis atas Sanksi Adat AoCuci KampungAo terhadap Pelaku Zina,Ay Journal of Judicial Review 24, no.
1 (June 3, 2.
: 19Ae34.
Becker.
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See: Anna Gjika.
AuNew Media.
Old Paradigms: News Representations of Technology in Adolescent Sexual Assault,Ay Crime.
Media.
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: 415Ae30.
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AuExploring Stigmatization in Digital Newspaper Coverage of Substance Use Disorder,Ay Heliyon 10, 7 (April 2.
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avoidance, and the persistent negative labeling of those involved in zinA cases.
89 Individuals subjected to such labeling often experience profound psychological and behavioral changes, leading to long-term disruptions in their social lives.
As developed by Becker, the concept of deviancy amplification explains how societal reactions to a transgression can intensify the deviant behavior itself.
90 In cases of zinA, online media coverage functions not merely as a channel of information but actively exacerbates the social stigma against individuals labeled as violators of sharia norms.
91 Media exposure frequently results in offenders facing insurmountable barriers to reintegration, even after expressing remorse or seeking Consequently, such individuals often suffer from social isolation, rendering them more vulnerable to further marginalization and deviant behavior.
In Kumbang, media coverage of sharia violations often conflates khalwat with zinA, despite the distinct legal definitions under Islamic law.
However, media reports frequently frame these incidents as adultery, thereby intensifying social stigma against the accused.
Some online outlets even publish photos of the alleged offenders with minimal censorship, covering only their eyes.
For instance, coverage by BERITAKINI.
CO and RUANGBERITA.
CO exemplifies how media exposure can severely impact those accusedAos social and psychological well-being.
93 The effects of such reporting are not temporary.
Instead, they create digital records that are difficult to erase, hindering individuals from accessing education, employment, and broader social participation.
94 This phenomenon is consistent with BeckerAos labeling theory, which posits that 95 individuals struggle to reclaim their social standing once labeled as deviantAieven after punishment or demonstrated behavioral change.
One of the most tragic examples of deviancy amplification in Aceh was the case of Putri Erlina, a 17-year-old girl who took her own life after being falsely labeled a prostitute by a local newspaper.
96 The incident stemmed from a sensationalized headline in Harian Prohaba, titled AuTwo Teenage Prostitutes Arrested by the WHAy, which publicly identified Putri without verification.
97 This label triggered intense social ostracism and psychological In her suicide note.
Putri apologized to her parents and adamantly denied ever engaging in prostitution, expressing that the mediaAos portrayal had irreparably tarnished her 98 This case illustrates the devastating social consequences of unbalanced media Wahyu Utami.
AuPengaruh Persepsi Stigma Sosial dan Dukungan Sosial terhadap Kesejahteraan Psikologis pada Narapidana,Ay Journal An-Nafs: Kajian Penelitian Psikologi 3, no.
2 (December 29, 2.
: 183Ae207.
Becker.
Outsiders, 26Ae8.
Febri Nurrahmi.
AuMediated Representation of Sharia in Aceh: A Hybrid Approach to Media Frames,Ay Religions 13, no.
9 (September 2.
: 857.
Sulaiman.
Personal Communication with the Boarding House Owner.
RUANGBERITA.
CO.
AuDiduga Hendak Berbuat Mesum.
Sepasang Kekasih Digerebek Warga di Darussalam,Ay RUANGBERITA.
CO.
June 6, 2022, https://ruangberita.
co/news/diduga-hendak-berbuatmesum-sepasang-kekasih-digerebek-warga-di-darussalam/index.
Idria.
AuTales of the Unexpected,Ay 289.
Becker.
Outsiders, 36Ae9.
Nurul.
Personal Communication with a Former Member of the Tim TAMAR.
Serambinews.
AuDua Pelacur ABG Dibeureukah WH,Ay Serambinews.
com, accessed February 25, 2024, https://aceh.
com/2012/09/04/dua-pelacur-abg-dibeureukah-wh.
Muhammad Ansor.
AuMerayakan Kuasa Agama: Etnografi Razia Penegakan Syariat Islam di Langsa.
Aceh,Ay Akademika: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 22, no.
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Mujtahid et al.
reporting, including fatal outcomes such as suicide.
Within the framework of deviancy amplification, such coverage not only exacerbates social stigma but also prolongs the effects of labeling, making it nearly impossible for individuals to restore their dignity and social Public attitudes towards the mediaAos role in reporting zinA cases are ambivalent.
On the one hand, some community members support media exposure as a deterrent.
On the other hand, they express concern that repeated associations with zinA cases damage the villageAos 100 The tetua gampong explained:101 AuOn one hand, exposure is necessary to create a deterrent However, on the other, every report about sharia violations inevitably links our villageAos name, making Kumbang look bad.
Ay Others argue that media coverage of zinA cases is inevitable, especially in the digital age where social media enables anyone to record and instantly disseminate 102 This phenomenon is further exacerbated by platforms like TikTok, where residentsAo initial recorded cases quickly go viral before being picked up by mainstream media.
For example, during Ramadan, a TikTok video depicting a suspected zinA case went viral and was later reported by online media.
103 Upon seeing the coverage, villagers immediately associated the incident with Kumbang, despite subsequent verification confirming that the individuals involved were not from the village.
A local youth in the village stated:104 AuFriends sent me the news, saying.
AoLook what your village people did.
Ao However, after checking, it turned out the perpetrators were outsiders.
Ay It reflects how media-fueled stigma can produce inaccurate perceptions, impacting not only individuals but also tarnishing the collective image of entire Beyond social exclusion, individuals labeled as zinA offenders face significant obstacles in education and employment.
The digital footprint created by media reports becomes a persistent barrier, as society continues associating them with past transgressions.
According to the self-fulfilling prophecy concept within BeckerAos labeling theory, individuals who internalize their deviant label may eventually conform to societal expectations of their In other words, the constant societal perception of someone as a moral violator makes it increasingly difficult for them to break free from cycles of deviance.
106 The implications of these findings are clear: media must exercise greater caution and ethical consideration when reporting on zinA cases.
Failure to do so risks triggering a cycle of deviancy amplification, leading to prolonged social marginalization and, in extreme cases, irreversible harm to both individuals and communities.
Becker.
Outsiders, 26Ae8.
Ahmad.
Personal Communication with a Local Youth Leader.
101 Zahrul.
Personal Communication with the Village Elder (Tetua Gampon.
102 Saifuddin.
Personal Communication with a Local Youth.
103 Serambinews.
AuKronologi Sepasang Kekasih Kepergok di Kumbang hingga Viral Cerita Istri Pasok Pria Suami Tarawih,Ay Serambinews.
February https://aceh.
com/2022/04/22/kronologi-sepasang-kekasih-kepergok-di-kumbang-hinggaviral-cerita-istri-pasok-pria-saat-suami-tarawih.
104 Saifuddin.
Personal Communication with a Local Youth.
105 Nina.
Personal Communication with a Member of the Tuha Peut (Village Legislative Bod.
106 Becker.
Outsiders, 26Ae8.
107 Daniel Dotter.
AuCreating Deviance: Scenarios of Stigmatization in Postmodern Media Culture,Ay Deviant Behavior 23, no.
5 (September 2.
: 419Ae48.
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Conclusion The social labeling of ureung tamong .
igrant resident.
in zinA .
cases within Kumbang Village functions not only as a mechanism of moral control but also as a form of social domination exercised by the asoe lhok .
ocal resident.
Stigmatization is reinforced through negative labeling, social sanctions, and media exposure, all of which contribute to the exclusion of the accused and hinder their reintegration into society.
This process aligns with Howard S.
BeckerAos labeling theory, which posits that labeling determines not only who is considered deviant but also shapes an individualAos long-term social position.
In this context, zinA accusations serve as a means through which dominant groups maintain power and control over vulnerable groups within the community.
Media coverage further exacerbates the impact of this labeling by generating deviancy amplification effects.
Individuals who have been labeled face escalating difficulties in reclaiming social acceptance, often becoming trapped in a deepening cycle of marginalization and deviance.
The media, particularly through persistent digital footprints, acts as an agent of social labelingAi cementing stigma and extending the social consequences for those involved in zinA cases.
The findings of this study suggest that social labeling in zinA cases is inseparable from the underlying power dynamics within the community.
More nuanced and equitable policies are needed to handle sharia violationsAiwhether within customary law frameworks, sharia enforcement mechanisms, or media reporting practices.
Media outlets must exercise greater caution and ethical responsibility when reporting on zinA cases to avoid inflicting prolonged harm on individuals who have already faced formal sanctions.
Failure to do so risks perpetuating social exclusion and deepening cycles of deviance.
This study is limited by its geographical focus on Kumbang Village.
Therefore, the findings require further examination in other regions of Aceh to determine whether similar patterns of social labeling are prevalent Future research should explore the psychosocial impacts experienced by individuals subjected to such labeling and investigate potential reintegration strategies to prevent them from being permanently trapped in a cycle of stigma and marginalization.
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