Journal of Islamic Law
ISSN: 2721-5040 (e) & 2721-5032 (p)
Vol. 6, No. 2, 2025, pp. 317–337
https://doi.org/10.24260/jil.v6i2.4066

From Qibla Deviation to Social Cohesion: The Construction of
Minority Fiqh at the Great Mosque of Makale, Tana Toraja
ABD Karim Faiz,1* Wahidin,1 Zulfahmi AR,2 M. Qahar Awaka3
1IAIN Parepare, Parepare, Indonesia
2Al-Azhar University, Cairo, Egypt
3Universitas Tanjungpura, Pontianak, Indonesia
*Correspondence: abdkarimfaiz@iainpare.ac.id

Received: 23-01-2025 | Revised: 14-04-2025, 27-07-2025 | Accepted: 23-08-2025

Abstract
The determination of the qibla direction constitutes a normative obligation in
Islamic law; however, in minority contexts, its practice often intersects with sociocultural realities, architectural considerations, and interfaith negotiations—
dimensions that remain relatively neglected in both Islamic law scholarship and
contemporary legal studies. This article examines the case of the Great Mosque of
Makale in Tana Toraja, whose orientation deviated by approximately 22° from the
astronomical qibla between 1934 and 2020, to analyze the dynamics of minority fiqh
(Islamic jurisprudence) construction in a multicultural setting. Employing a
qualitative socio-historical approach through observation, document analysis, and
in-depth interviews with seven key informants, the study finds that the mosque’s
orientation was not solely determined by fiqh norms but emerged from a social
compromise institutionalized through adat deliberations in the tongkonan, involving
both Muslim and Christian leaders. This compromise was shaped by four
interrelated factors: the pursuit of interreligious harmony; urban spatial aesthetics
that aligned the mosque with the adjacent church; the internalization of Toraja local
wisdom, such as solata’ and the principle of pa’daidi; and an early theological
interpretation that prioritized a general westward orientation. The article argues that
Islamic law in minority contexts does not function as a rigid, normative system, but
rather as an adaptive and responsive social construction grounded in the maqāṣid alsharīʿah (objectives of Islamic law). Accordingly, the qibla deviation in Makale should
not be understood as a religious aberration but rather as an existential strategy
through which Muslims sustain social cohesion and affirm collective identity within
a predominantly non-Muslim society.
[Penentuan arah kiblat merupakan kewajiban normatif dalam syariat Islam, namun dalam
konteks masyarakat minoritas praktik tersebut kerap berhadapan dengan realitas sosial-budaya,
pertimbangan arsitektural, dan negosiasi lintas agama yang jarang disentuh dalam kajian fikih
maupun studi hukum kontemporer. Artikel ini mengkaji kasus deviasi arah kiblat Masjid
Agung Makale di Tana Toraja, yang sejak 1934 hingga 2020 menyimpang sekitar 22° dari
presisi astronomis, dengan tujuan menganalisis dinamika konstruksi fikih minoritas dalam
masyarakat multikultural. Penelitian menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan sosiohistoris melalui observasi, analisis dokumen, dan wawancara mendalam terhadap tujuh informan
kunci. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa orientasi masjid tidak semata-mata ditentukan oleh norma
fikih, melainkan merupakan hasil kompromi sosial yang dilembagakan melalui musyawarah adat

Copyright © 2025 by Author(s)
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.

Faiz et al.

di tongkonan dengan melibatkan tokoh Muslim dan Kristen. Kompromi tersebut terwujud
dalam empat faktor utama: upaya menjaga kerukunan antar umat beragama, pertimbangan
estetika tata ruang kota yang menyelaraskan masjid dengan gereja, internalisasi kearifan lokal
solata’ dan prinsip pa’daidi, serta pemahaman teologis yang fleksibel pada masa awal. Artikel
ini berargumen bahwa hukum Islam dalam ruang minoritas tidak hadir sebagai sistem normatif
yang rigid, melainkan sebagai konstruksi sosial yang adaptif, responsif, dan berorientasi pada
maqāṣid al-sharīʿah. Dengan demikian, deviasi arah kiblat di Makale tidak dapat dipahami
sebagai penyimpangan keagamaan, melainkan sebagai strategi eksistensial umat Islam untuk
merawat kohesi sosial sekaligus meneguhkan identitas kolektif dalam struktur masyarakat yang
didominasi kelompok non-Muslim.]
Keywords: Great Mosque of Makale; Local Wisdom; Minority Fiqh; Muslim
Minority; Qibla Direction; Social Cohesion.
Introduction
The shift from traditional practices to the use of modern astronomical instruments for
determining the qibla has not automatically replaced earlier methods. Instead, this transition
has generated new tensions among scientific authority, religious authority, and social
acceptance.1 These tensions reflect a complex socio-religious phenomenon shaped by
various dimensions, including fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), history, geography, technological
development, and the epistemological frameworks that underpin the legitimacy of religious
knowledge.2 Across the Muslim world, variations in ijtihād (independent legal reasoning),
limited access to astronomical tools such as GPS and theodolites, and low levels of public
literacy in ʿilm al-falak (Islamic astronomy) have resulted in significant discrepancies in qibla
orientation.3 While modern technology enables precise qibla determination, resistance to
correction persists, particularly within communities that regard tradition as the basis of
legitimacy.4 Thus, the qibla cannot be reduced to a mere technical issue within fiqh al-ʿibādah
(jurisprudence of worship) but must also be understood as a site of authority, contestations
of epistemic legitimacy, and the social construction of religious practice.5
In the Indonesian context, debates over qibla orientation carry significant implications
for the validity and completeness of prayer, as facing the Kaʿbah is one of the shurūṭ al-ṣalāh

1

2

3
4

5

See: Hajar et al., “Determination of Qibla Directions According to Islamic Astronomic Science (Case Study
of Qibla Directions in Indonesia),” International Journal of Innovation, Creativity and Change 11, no. 4 (2020):
205–17; Reza Akbar et al., “Qibla Direction Calculation Methods in Islamic Astronomy References in
Indonesia,” Ahkam: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 22, no. 2 (2022): 385–410.
See: Razieh S. Mousavi, “From Complex to Simple: The Example of Qibla-Indicators,” in Failed Historical
Scientific Instruments, ed. Sara J. Schechner and Sofia Talas (BRILL, 2024), 148–66; Saiful Aziz, “An Artificial
Intelligence ChatGPT-Based Approach for Qibla Identification: Implementation and Analysis,” Asy-Syir’ah:
Jurnal Ilmu Syari’ah dan Hukum 58, no. 2 (2024): 351–88.
Eva Kepplinger, “‘The Maqāṣid Are the Qibla of the Jurists’: A Critical Analysis of Contemporary
References to and Usages of Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī’s Dictum,” Religions 15, no. 2 (2024): 165.
Ahmad Izzuddin, “The Problems of the Relationship between Science and Religion in Qibla Direction
Calibration at the Great Mosque of Demak and Baiturrahman Mosque in Semarang, Indonesia,” Journal of
Islamic Law 3, no. 2 (2022): 111–31.
Reza Akbar and Asman Asman, “Social Conflict Due to the Controversy of Mosque’s Qibla Direction in
Sejiram Village, Sambas Regency,” Jurnal Ilmiah Al-Syir’ah 18, no. 1 (2020): 1–12.

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(conditions for valid prayer).6 A notable case arose in 2010 involving the Great Mosque of
Demak in Central Java, where a deviation of approximately 12° northward was discovered.
After verification, the prayer rows (ṣaff) were realigned according to the corrected orientation.
However, some members of the congregation rejected the change and demanded a return to
the original alignment.7 Similar disputes have occurred in other mosques across Indonesia,8
often stemming from the common assumption that “west” automatically indicates the qibla.9
In reality, Indonesia’s qibla direction points northwest, with variations depending on local
latitude and longitude.10 These deviations raise not only jurisprudential concerns regarding
the validity of prayer but also underscore the urgency of collective awareness and the
internalization of corrective practices based on modern astronomical science.11
Nevertheless, qibla deviations are not always the result of technical errors or limited
instrumentation. The case of the Great Mosque of Makale in Tana Toraja illustrates a more
complex social dimension. Since its establishment in 1934, the mosque has maintained an
orientation deviating approximately 22° from the precise direction of the Kaʿbah. This
deviation did not stem from technical ignorance but rather from social compromise and
urban aesthetic considerations. According to interviews with the mosque’s imam, the
orientation was deliberately aligned with the adjacent Pentecostal Church in Indonesia
(GPdI) of Bethesda Makale as part of an effort to maintain harmony. The decision was
reached through deliberations in the tongkonan (the traditional Torajan house), involving both
Muslim and Christian leaders.12 This collective agreement demonstrates that the mosque’s
orientation was shaped not solely by fiqh al-ʿibādah but also by a broader social strategy for
interreligious coexistence in a minority-Muslim context. This approach, however, contrasts
with the Indonesian Ulema Council (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI) Fatwa No. 5 of 2010,
which requires the use of modern astronomical instruments to ensure qibla accuracy.13
Accordingly, the Makale case is significant because it highlights the intersection of Islamic
legal norms, minority strategies, and the negotiation of social space in a multireligious society.
Previous studies on qibla deviation can be categorized into three main approaches.
First, normative-jurisprudential research14 emphasizes the permissible extent of deviation
6

7
8

9
10

11
12
13
14

Riza Afrian Mustaqim and Reza Akbar, “Study on the Causes of Inaccuracy of Qibla Direction of the Great
Mosque Baitul Makmur West Aceh,” Jurnal Ilmiah Al-Syir’ah 19, no. 1 (2021): 30–45. See also: David A.
King, Astronomy in the Service of Islam (Taylor and Francis, 2024).
Izzuddin, “The Problems of the Relationship between Science and Religion in Qibla Direction Calibration
at the Great Mosque of Demak and Baiturrahman Mosque in Semarang, Indonesia,” 111–31.
Kusdiyana Kusdiyana et al., “A Comparative Study of Islamic Astronomy and Jurisprudence on the Qibla
Direction of Historical Mosques in Cirebon Indonesia,” Jurnal Ilmiah Mizani: Wacana Hukum, Ekonomi dan
Keagamaan 11, no. 2 (2024): 450–63.
Abdul Jalil and Hosen Hosen, “Qibla Jurisprudence: Deviation of Mosques’ Qibla in Pamekasan Madura,”
Islamuna: Jurnal Studi Islam 7, no. 2 (2020): 143–65.
Hosen Elhas et al., “Tagyîr Mawdhî’ Inhirâf Qiblat al-Masjid fî Bamîkasân ‘alâ Asasi al-Tiknôlôjiyya alMutaqaddimah: Al-Tahlîla al-Ijtimâ’î wa al-Tsaqafî,” AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 18, no. 2
(2024): 591–625.
Akbar and Asman, “Social Conflict Due to the Controversy of Mosque’s Qibla Direction in Sejiram Village,
Sambas Regency,” 1–12.
GA, “Interview with Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,” August 7, 2024.
“Fatwa of the MUI Fatwa Commission No. 5 of 2010 on the Orientation of the Qibla.”
See: Kusdiyana et al., “A Comparative Study of Islamic Astronomy and Jurisprudence on the Qibla
Direction of Historical Mosques in Cirebon Indonesia,” 450–63; Shofwatul Aini, “Uji Akurasi Rasd al-

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that remains valid both mathematically and theologically. Second, historical and technical
studies focus on the accuracy and heritage value of ancient mosques or shrines, where
imprecise orientations are tolerated as long as they fall within astronomical margins.15 Third,
technical analysts attribute deviations to unintentional errors caused by the limitations of
existing instruments or methods, which can be corrected with modern technology.16 These
three approaches reveal that scholarly discourse has been dominated by legal-formal and
technical-astronomical perspectives, reducing the qibla to a matter of ritual precision. In
contrast, in specific contexts—particularly among minority Muslim communities—qibla
deviation can be a conscious choice shaped by social negotiation, spatial aesthetics, and
interfaith relations. This article argues that qibla deviation should not be understood merely
as religious misalignment but as an existential strategy through which Muslim minorities
preserve social cohesion and assert collective identity under conditions of non-Muslim
dominance.
This article aims to address a gap by presenting a socio-legal analysis of qibla deviation
at the Great Mosque of Makale as a case study in fiqh al-aqalliyyāt (minority jurisprudence).
The research employs a socio-historical approach, focusing on the Great Mosque of Makale
in South Sulawesi, which, from 1934 until 2020, had never undergone official correction
despite significant deviation. Data were collected through field observations (including
mosque orientation, church positioning, and the arrangement of prayer rows), in-depth
interviews with seven key informants (foundation board members, mosque leaders, Christian
clergy, local officials, and the head of the regional MUI), and a review of historical
documents, fatwas, fiqh texts, and relevant academic literature. For ethical reasons, all
informants have been anonymized. The analysis draws on Mark Gottdiener’s theory of social
space,17 which emphasizes how religious spaces are produced through social negotiation,
aesthetic considerations, and interreligious relations. In this context, the qibla is understood
not only as a ritual orientation but also as a symbol of identity, harmony, and social cohesion
strategy in pluralistic societies.
The Determination of the Qibla Direction from the Fiqh Perspective
Facing the qibla is one of the essential conditions for the validity of prayer, firmly grounded
in the foundational texts (naṣṣ) of the Qur’an and hadith. Terminologically, the qibla refers

15

16

17

Qiblat Global sebagai Metode Penentuan Arah Kiblat,” Al-Ahkam Jurnal Ilmu Syari’ah dan Hukum 7, no. 1
(2022): 57–71; Ismail Ismail et al., “Toleransi Pelencengan Arah Kiblat di Indonesia Perspektif Ilmu Falak
dan Hukum Islam,” Al-Mizan 17, no. 1 (2021): 115–38.
See: ’Alamul Yaqin and Iqbal Kamalludin, “Qibla Direction of the Historical Mosque in Pekalongan City:
Accuracy and Tolerance,” AL-AFAQ: Jurnal Ilmu Falak dan Astronomi 6, no. 2 (2024): 135–50; Arwin Juli
Rakhmadi and Junaidi Junaidi, “Qibla Accurary of the Mahligai and Papan Tinggi Tomb Complexes at
Central Tapanuli,” Journal of Contemporary Islam and Muslim Societies 6, no. 1 (2022): 30–54; Muhajir Muhajir et
al., “Analysis of Qicblat Direction at Jami Al Iman Mosque Sunan Geseng Loano Purworejo,” Jurnal Ilmiah
Al-Syir’ah 20, no. 2 (2022): 251–62.
See: Mohamaddin Abdul Niri et al., “Analisis Komputasional Aplikasi Sun Compass dalam Penentuan Arah
Kiblat Muslim,” Jurnal Fiqh 20, no. 1 (2023): 1–32; Mustaqim and Akbar, “Study on the Causes of Inaccuracy
of Qibla Direction of the Great Mosque Baitul Makmur West Aceh,” 30–45; Izzuddin, “The Problems of
the Relationship between Science and Religion in Qibla Direction Calibration at the Great Mosque of
Demak and Baiturrahman Mosque in Semarang, Indonesia,” 111–31.
Mark Gottdiener, The Social Production of Urban Space, 2nd ed (University of Texas Press, 1994), 110.

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to the direction of the Kaʿbah in the Masjid al-Haram (Sacred Mosque) in Mecca, which
serves as the orientation for Muslims when performing ritual prayer.18 The Qur’an
emphasizes this obligation in Sūrat al-Baqarah verse 144: “fa-walli wajhaka shaṭra al-masjid alḥarām” (so turn your face toward the Sacred Mosque) and reaffirms it in verse 150 as a symbol
of the collective unity of the Muslim ummah.19 A hadith narrated by Imām al-Bukhārī and
Imām Muslim further reinforces this normative obligation: “idhā qumta ilā al-ṣalāh fa-asbigh alwuḍū’ thumma istaqbil al-qiblah fa-kabbir” (when you stand for prayer, perfect your ablution,
then face the qibla, and say the takbīr).20 Thus, the requirement to face the qibla is not merely
symbolic but a fundamental principle of the Sharīʿah (Islamic law) that embodies obedience
to God and the transnational unity of the Muslim community.21
Since the time of the Prophet Muhammad, the practice of determining the qibla has
consistently evolved in response to changing geographical conditions and the development
of new instruments. For those within direct sight of the Kaʿbah, orientation was established
with certainty (yaqīnī). Muslims living far from Mecca determined the qibla probabilistically
(ẓannī), relying on geographic estimations and natural indicators.22 Communities located at
great distances employed ijtihād by observing the sun, moon, winds, or stars, which later
evolved into the use of mathematical, astronomical, and technological instruments.23 This
continuity aligns with the view of Ali Moussa, who argues that anyone able to see the Kaʿbah
must face it precisely, whereas those who cannot may rely on ijtihād.24 It illustrates the
historical continuity of efforts to maintain qibla accuracy, albeit through different methods
shaped by spatial and temporal circumstances.25
Divergent interpretations among the fuqahāʾ (Islamic jurists) demonstrate the flexibility
of Islamic law in accommodating the geographical diversity of the Muslim world.26 While all
jurists agree that facing the qibla is a requirement for valid prayer, they differ regarding the
precise object of this obligation. The Shāfiʿī school and the Imāmīyah emphasize that one
must face the actual structure of the Kaʿbah (ʿayn al-Kaʿbah), even if this is achieved only
through estimation or technology. They interpret Sūrat al-Baqarah verse 144 as a specific and
literal command, such that even minimal deviation may jeopardize the validity of prayer.27 In
contrast, the Ḥanafī, Mālikī, and Ḥanbalī schools argue that it suffices to face the general
18
19

20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27

Wahbah al-Zuḥailī, Al-Fiqh al-Islamī wa Adillatuh (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, 2010), 1:597–600.
Muhammad Taufiq and Muhammad Said, “Qur’anic Interpretation among Sasak Muslims across
Communities, Theologies, and Ideological Conflicts,” Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu Al-Qur’an dan Hadis 26, no. 2
(2025): 383–412.
‘Abd al-Wahhāb al-Sha‘rānī, Al-Mīzān al-Kubr (Dār al-Fikr, 1988), 178.
Ghazy Almakky and John Snyder, “Calculating an Azimuth from One Location to Another: A Case Study
in Determining the Qibla to Makkah,” Cartographica 33, no. 2 (1996): 29–36.
Al-Zuḥailī, Al-Fiqh al-Islamī wa Adillatuh, 1:587–98.
Nada Putri Putri Rohana, “Accuracy of Qibla Direction of the Mosque with the Qibla Shadows and Rashdul
Qibla Methods,” Al-Marshad: Jurnal Astronomi Islam dan Ilmu-Ilmu Berkaitan 10, no. 1 (2024): 35–49.
Ali Moussa, “Mathematical Methods in Abū al-Wafāʾ’s Almagest and the Qibla Determinations,” Arabic
Sciences and Philosophy 21, no. 1 (2011): 1–56.
Ahmad S. Dallal, “Ibn Al-Haytham’s Universal Solution for Finding the Direction of the Qibla by
Calculation,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 5, no. 2 (1995): 145–93.
ABD Karim Faiz, “Fiqh Moderation on Qibla Direction Determination: Flexible Accuracy,” Journal of Islamic
Law 1, no. 1 (2020): 83–99.
Abū Isḥāq, Al-Muhadhdhab fī Fiqh al-Imām al-Shāfi‘ī (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 2016), 3:193–4.

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direction of the Kaʿbah (jihah al-Kaʿbah), based on the hadith “mā bayna al-mashriq wa al-maghrib
qiblah” (between east and west is qibla), which is understood as a rukhsah (legal concession)
for Muslims outside Mecca.28 This view is reinforced by al-Ṣanʿānī and al-Shawkānī, who
maintain that the obligation is to face the general direction, not the precise point.29 A
principle of uṣūl al-fiqh (Islamic legal theory), “mā qāraba al-shayʾa uʿṭiya ḥukmuhu” (that which
approximates something may take its legal ruling), further legitimizes this interpretation.30
Consequently, many Indonesian Muslims have come to understand the qibla in practical
terms as simply “west,” despite significant geographical variations in its exact orientation.31
In the contemporary era, advancements in ʿilm al-falak and modern technology have
prompted a reevaluation of the permissible deviation from the qibla. For instance, Thomas
Djamaluddin highlights those instruments, such as GPS, trigonometric azimuth calculations,
and astronomical devices, that now enable exact orientation. He suggests that a deviation of
up to two degrees may still be acceptable, particularly for smaller mosques, whereas even
minor deviations in large mosques can significantly affect the alignment of prayer rows.32
Thus, while fiqh allows some degree of tolerance, technological progress has raised
expectations for greater accuracy to ensure the perfection of ritual practice.33 In Indonesia,
methods such as ḥisāb (astronomical calculation), ruʾyah (moon sighting), compasses, GPS,
and advanced astronomical devices have become standardized at the national level.34 It
reflects a shift from ẓannī to yaqīnī approaches in qibla determination, underscoring the
importance of following the ijtihād of contemporary experts in Islamic astronomy to
safeguard ritual validity. In this way, fiqh remains relevant in the modern era by integrating
Sharīʿah norms, legal flexibility, and the epistemic legitimacy of contemporary science.35
Local Wisdom as a Mechanism for Social Cohesion in Tana Toraja
Tana Toraja Regency, located in South Sulawesi Province, Indonesia, is renowned for its
distinctive cultural and religious diversity.36 According to the 2023 report by the Statistics of
28
29
30
31
32
33
34

35

36

Al-Zuḥailī, Al-Fiqh al-Islamī wa Adillatuh, 1:598.
Muḥammad bin Ismā‘īl al-Ṣan‘ānī, Subul al-Salām (Bayrūt: Dār al-Ma‘rifah, 1997), 135–7; Muḥammad ibn
‘Alī al-Shawkānī, Nayl al-Awṭār (Damascus: Dār al-Kalim al-Ṭayyib, 1993), 95–9.
Aḥmad ibn Idrīs al-Qarāfī and Muḥammad Aḥmad Sarrāj, Kitāb al-Furūq: Anwār al-Burūq fī Anwā‘ al-Furūq
(Dār al-Salām, 2001), 33–4.
Jalil and Hosen, “Qibla Jurisprudence,” 143–65.
Imam Baihaqi, “Analisis Sistem Perhitungan Awal Waktu Salat Thomas Djamaluddin” (Thesis, UIN
Walisongo, 2017), 61.
Yaqin and Kamalludin, “Qibla Direction of the Historical Mosque in Pekalongan City,” 135–50.
See: “Fatwa of the MUI Fatwa Commission No. 5 of 2010 on the Orientation of the Qibla;” Hamdan
Mahmud et al., “Understanding Qibla Orientation through the ‘Nagara’ Artificial Compass: A Falak Legal
Perspective,” Syariah: Jurnal Hukum dan Pemikiran 23, no. 1 (2023): 78–91.
See: Faiz, “Fiqh Moderation on Qibla Direction Determination,” 83–99; Rahmi Hidayati Al Idrus et al.,
“Flexibility of Women’s Inheritance Distribution in Jambi Malay Society: Compromising Islamic and
Customary Law,” El-Usrah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga 7, no. 1 (2024): 42–61; Muflikhatul Khoiroh and Abd
Syakur Syakur, “The Flexibility of Islamic Law in the Ganjur Tradition in Lamongan, Indonesia,” Ijtihad:
Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 23, no. 2 (2023): 139–59; Astrid et al., “Transformasi Nilai
Tradisi Besaprah dalam Budaya Sambas di Era Globalisasi,” Jurnal Pendidikan Sosial Indonesia 2, no. 3 (2025):
115–25.
Anthonius Michael et al., “Exploring the Gradual Islamization of Tana Toraja in South Sulawesi: History,
Development, and Challenges,” ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 24, no. 2 (2023): 134–3.

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Tana Toraja Regency (BPS), the regency has a population of 294,311 people spread over an
area of 2,043.62 km².37 The religious composition is predominantly Christian, with 222,423
adherents (182,165 Protestants and 40,258 Catholics), followed by Muslims (31,187), Hindus
(4,049), Buddhists (225), and adherents of other religions (27).38 Administratively, Tana
Toraja comprises 19 districts, including Makale. As the administrative center, Makale is home
to both the Great Mosque of Makale and the GPdI Bethesda Makale. Situated adjacent to
each other, these two prominent houses of worship stand as tangible symbols of interfaith
coexistence in a predominantly non-Muslim region.39
Toraja society has historically been structured through a traditional stratification
system transmitted matrilineally, comprising nobles (puang), commoners, and slaves
(kaunan).40 Cultural identity is deeply reflected in the traditional tongkonan houses, which serve
as both symbols of kinship ties and central sites for communal deliberation. Similarly, the
ritual of rambu solo’ (funerary ceremony) carries not only spiritual significance but also
strengthens collective solidarity.41 Philosophically, Torajan life is grounded in the principle
of balance among humans, nature, and ancestors, as articulated in the indigenous belief
system aluk todolo (the way of the ancestors). This cosmology emphasizes maintaining cosmic
harmony through reverence for one’s ancestors.42 Although the majority of Torajans
converted to Christianity due to Dutch missionary activity in the early twentieth century, and
a segment of the population had already adopted Islam as early as 1858 through Bugis-Sidrap
migrants, the cosmological values of aluk todolo remain deeply ingrained. These values
continue to shape social practices, including religious life.43
Religious plurality in Tana Toraja is sustained through local wisdom that serves as a
mechanism for social cohesion. For example, the value of solata’ emphasizes mutual respect
and peaceful coexistence. Consequently, religious diversity is not viewed as a potential source
of conflict but rather as an opportunity to enrich social solidarity.44 In practice, solata’ often
underpins conflict resolution between groups through dialogue and consensus.45 Another
important philosophy, padaidi, emphasizes collective responsibility across religious
boundaries and promotes the understanding that communal interests must take precedence

37
38
39

40
41
42
43
44
45

BPS - Statistics of Tana Toraja Regency, Tana Toraja Regency in Figures, 1102001.7318 (BPS - Statistics of
Tana Toraja Regency, 2024), 4.
BPS - Statistics of Tana Toraja Regency, Tana Toraja Regency in Figures, 147.
KD, “Interview with Pastor of GPdI Bethesda Makale,” August 31, 2024. See: Raisatul Mufahamah et al.,
“Migration, Balik-Islam, and Identity Formation of Muslims in Palawan of the Philippines,” Al-Albab 14,
no. 1 (2025): 3–22.
Hasbi et al., “Compromise in Traditional Ceremonies: A Case Study of the Rambu Solo’ Ceremony in
Toraja Regency,” Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 6 (2019): 286–91.
Halim Wiryadinata, “Aluk Todolo: The Journey of Puang Matua’s Wisdom from Dormancy to Revival,”
The International Journal of Religion and Spirituality in Society 15, no. 2 (2024): 263–77.
Hadi Pajarianto, “Interreligious Relation: Position of Women in Strengthening Christian and Muslim
Bonds,” HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 78, no. 4 (2022): 7.
Pratama Yoland Suryamodjo et al., “Customary Sanctions in Resolving Violations of the ‘Aluk Todolo’ of
the Tana Toraja Community,” Jurnal Cakrawala Hukum 13, no. 2 (2022): 214–23.
Sudarmin Tandi Pora’ et al., “Menguak Kearifan Lokal Masyarakat Toraja dalam Menjaga Toleransi,”
PUSAKA 11, no. 2 (2023): 299–312.
Ma’fiyah Ma’fiyah et al., “The Role of Religious Education in Forming Social Consciousness,” Riwayat:
Educational Journal of History and Humanities 7, no. 1 (2024): 295–301.

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over narrow group interests.46 This concept promotes practical collaboration in areas such
as infrastructure development, land management, and social events, involving Christians,
Muslims, Hindus, and Buddhists on an equal footing. Furthermore, the Torajans uphold the
value of sanduk langi’ (holding onto the sky), which asserts that all human beings are under
the sovereignty of a single divine power.47 This principle cultivates a spiritual awareness that
religious differences should not divide but rather serve as the foundation for strengthening
fraternity and humanity. Sanduk langi’ thus functions as a moral compass that rejects
exclusivism and sectarian fanaticism while reinforcing an inclusive ethos in interfaith
relations.48
Taken together, these strands of local wisdom coalesce to shape an inclusive and
harmonious social order in Tana Toraja.49 Aluk todolo emphasizes cosmic balance through
ancestral reverence; solata’ fosters mutual respect and peaceful coexistence; padaidi reinforces
collective social responsibility; and sanduk langi’ instills spiritual awareness that all humans are
subject to one divine authority. These values enable the Muslim minority community to
practice their faith freely and equally within a predominantly Christian society.50 Grounded
in such indigenous philosophies, Torajan society not only safeguards interfaith harmony but
also demonstrates that local wisdom functions as an effective socio-cultural instrument for
sustaining peace and managing religious pluralism.51 In this regard, Torajan local wisdom
plays a strategic role in shaping an open, inclusive, and tolerant social space while affirming
its relevance to contemporary discourses on the intersection of law, religion, and culture.52
Qibla Orientation and Negotiation of Social Space in the Great Mosque of Makale
The Great Mosque of Makale is a historic mosque and the central hub of Muslim religious
activity in Tana Toraja Regency, South Sulawesi. Established in 1934 at Jl. Merdeka No. 44,
Bombongan Subdistrict, Makale District—which also serves as the regency’s administrative
center—the mosque was constructed on 750 m² of waqf land, with a building area of 988 m²
accommodating over 200 worshippers.53 Its foundation is closely tied to the role of Haji
Muhammad Daeng Pawero, a Muhammadiyah leader and pioneer of modern Islamic
proselytizing (daʿwah) in Tana Toraja during the 1930s. The establishment of this mosque
not only signaled the growth of the Muslim community in a predominantly non-Muslim
46
47
48
49
50
51

52

53

Yunus Yunus and Mukoyyaroh Mukoyyaroh, “Pluralitas dalam Menjaga Toleransi di Tana Toraja,”
DINAMIKA: Jurnal Kajian Pendidikan dan Keislaman 7, no. 1 (2022): 49–74.
Hetty Nooy-Palm, The Sa’dan-Toraja: A Study of Their Social Life and Religion (BRILL, 1986), 145–8
Rede Roni Bare et al., “Competitive Advantage of Local Potential-Based Tourism Destinations: Evidence
from Indonesia,” PalArch’s Journal of Archaeology of Egypt / Egyptology 17, no. 6 (2020): 16567–80.
Wiryadinata, “Aluk Todolo,” 263–77.
KD, “Interview with Pastor of GPdI Bethesda Makale,” August 31, 2024.
See: Hasbi et al., “Compromise in Traditional Ceremonies,” 286–91; Azharuddin Azharuddin,
“Harmonization of Islamic Inheritance Law and Indonesian Customary Law Regarding the Acceleration of
Inheritance Distribution: Legal Philosophy Study,” Jurnal Mediasas: Media Ilmu Syari’ah dan Ahwal AlSyakhsiyyah 8, no. 2 (2025): 428–39.
See: Riyantino Yudistira et al., “The Role of Linguistics and Local Wisdom on Knowing Harmony between
Religions at Tana Toraja,” Muslim Heritage 7, no. 2 (2022): 409–31; Irawan et al., “Negotiating Legal
Pluralism: Syncretism of Islamic Law and Balinese Adat in Pegayaman Village,” El-Mashlahah 15, no. 1
(2025): 149–64.
Portal Informasi Masjid Indonesia, “Masjid Raya Makale,” accessed August 20, 2025, https://dkm.or.id.

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region but also underscored the mosque’s dual role as a center of worship and a socioeducational institution.54
Figure 1
Location of the Great Mosque of Makale and GPdI Bethesda Makale

Source: Google Earth, 2024.
Figure 2
Qibla Direction and Prayer Rows at the Great Mosque of Makale

Source: Field Observation, May 2024.
From the outset, the orientation of the Great Mosque of Makale was not determined
using astronomical methods. Instead, it was aligned to the west, parallel to the GPdI
Bethesda Makale located directly in front of it (see Figure 1). The mosque was constructed
facing west, with an azimuth angle of 270° from north (see Figure 2), whereas the true qibla
direction from Makale is 22° 17’ 59.66’’ north of west. It resulted in a deviation of
approximately ±22° from the Kaʿbah.55 Since its establishment, this orientation has served

54
55

GA, “Interview with Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,” August 7, 2024.
“Observation of the Qibla Orientation and Prayer Rows at the Great Mosque of Makale,” May 2024.

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as the primary reference for arranging prayer rows. The Imam of the Great Mosque of
Makale explained:56
“This mosque was originally constructed facing west because the Islamic leaders of Tana Toraja sought
to respect the sentiments of others and uphold tolerance, thereby avoiding any stark contrast between
the mosque and the church situated opposite it (the GPdI Bethesda Makale).”
This statement indicates that the mosque’s orientation was not merely a technical religious
decision but also the result of social negotiation and a symbol of tolerance. In this study, the
determination of the qibla at the Great Mosque of Makale is conceptualized as a site of
compromise involving interreligious interests in the construction of public space in Makale.57
Awareness of the qibla deviation only emerged in 2020, following a training session on
astronomical qibla determination conducted by the Falakiyah Team of IAIN Parepare, in
collaboration with the Islamic Community Guidance Office (Bimbingan Masyarakat Islam) of
the Ministry of Religious Affairs in Tana Toraja.58 The calculations revealed a deviation of
approximately 22° from the Kaʿbah. This discovery unsettled some congregants, who
subsequently proposed correcting the direction of the prayer. However, rather than altering
the mosque’s orientation, the solution adopted was to adjust the alignment of the prayer
rows—a change that was implemented in 2023. The Board Member of the Great Mosque of
Makale explained:59
“The mosque’s orientation does deviate from the Kaʿbah, but from the beginning, this was the result
of deliberation among the founders, which also involved the leaders of GPdI Bethesda Makale. The
correction we made concerned only the prayer rows, as the building itself has become part of our shared
history and agreement.”
This perspective emphasizes that the spatial configuration of worship cannot be understood
solely as an expression of religious devotion but also as a historical product reflecting the
relation of power, compromise, and social solidarity.60 Accordingly, the orientation of the
Great Mosque of Makale has become a symbol of tolerance embedded in the collective
memory of Torajan society, serving as a means of sustaining social cohesion.61
A similar view was expressed by the Deputy Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,
who emphasized that adjusting the prayer rows was a collective decision aimed at
safeguarding both the sanctity of worship and social harmony.62 The Chairman of the Great
Mosque Makale Foundation added:63

56
57
58
59
60
61

62
63

GA, “Interview with Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,” August 7, 2024.
Khairudin Aljunied, “‘Not Just a House to Honour God’: Mosques in the Malay World as Cosmopolitan
Spaces,” Global Journal Al-Thaqafah 8, no. 1 (2018): 43–55.
GA, “Interview with Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,” August 7, 2024.
NJ, “Interview with Board Member of the Great Mosque of Makale,” June 7, 2025.
Elhas et al., “Tagyîr Mawdhî’ Inhirâf Qiblat al-Masjid fî Bamîkasân ‘alâ Asasi al-Tiknôlôjiyya alMutaqaddimah,” 591–625.
M. I. Jamail et al., “Sustainable Mosque Designs from the Perspectives of Social Inclusion: Comparisons of
Four Mosques in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia,” International Journal of Sustainable Construction Engineering and
Technology 14, no. 5 (2023): 328–35.
PCT, “Interview with the Deputy Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,” August 8, 2024.
JM, “Interview with Chairman of the Great Mosque Makale Foundation,” June 7, 2025.

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“If there is indeed a deviation, the adjustment should be made to the prayer rows, not the building.
The orientation of this mosque is not merely a technical matter but a shared historical legacy,
constructed together with our brothers and sisters from the church.”
This statement reinforces the finding that the issue of qibla orientation is not merely a matter
of ritual validity but also encompasses sociological and historical dimensions.64 The
alignment of the mosque with the church illustrates how aesthetic, political, and theological
compromises are enacted simultaneously. Thus, worship spaces in Tana Toraja should not
be viewed solely as autonomous expressions of religion, but rather as the outcome of a
dialectic among Sharīʿah norms, local wisdom, and a lived ethos of tolerance internalized by
interfaith communities.65
Qibla Deviation as a Negotiation of Sharīʿah, Aesthetics, and Local Wisdom
The determination of the qibla direction constitutes a normative obligation in fiqh al-ʿibādah,
firmly grounded in the Qur’an and hadith, and reinforced by MUI Fatwa No. 5 of 2010 on
the Qibla Direction. Accurate orientation toward the Kaʿbah is regarded as a prerequisite for
the perfection of prayer.66 However, field findings reveal that from 1934 until 2020, the qibla
direction of the Great Mosque of Makale deviated by approximately 22° from the precise
orientation toward the Kaʿbah. This deviation cannot be attributed merely to a technical
error arising from limited ʿilm al-falak.67 Instead, it must be understood as the outcome of a
complex social compromise. Therefore, the issue of qibla orientation in Makale cannot be
examined solely through a normative legal framework but must also be understood as an
expression of social, cultural, and theological negotiations that have shaped the configuration
of Muslim sacred space within a predominantly non-Muslim society.68
The primary factor underlying this deviation was the intention to preserve
interreligious harmony. In the context of Tana Toraja, where the majority of the population
is Christian, the establishment of a grand mosque in the city center served not only ritual
purposes but also symbolic functions, affirming the presence of the Muslim minority. The
mosque’s orientation was determined through deliberations involving both Muslim and
Christian leaders. The Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale recalled:69
“The mosque faces west because, at the time of its construction, Muslim and Christian religious leaders
met in the tongkonan to deliberate and ultimately agreed on this orientation.”
This testimony demonstrates that the mosque’s construction was not a unilateral decision
but rather a cross-religious consensus, involving even the leadership of the GPdI Bethesda
64
65
66
67
68

69

Ahmad Zayyadi et al., “Understanding of Legal Reform on Sociology of Islamic Law: Its Relevance to
Islamic Family Law in Indonesia,” Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 17, no. 2 (2023): 249–62.
Abdul Muhaya et al., “The Syncretic Architecture of the Menara Kudus Mosque as an Expression of Sufistic
Tawḥīd,” Teosofi: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 14, no. 2 (2025): 195–220.
“Fatwa of the MUI Fatwa Commission No. 5 of 2010 on the Orientation of the Qibla.”
Elhas et al., “Tagyîr Mawdhî’ Inhirâf Qiblat al-Masjid fî Bamîkasân ‘alâ Asasi al-Tiknôlôjiyya alMutaqaddimah,” 591–625.
See: Aljunied, “‘Not Just a House to Honour God,’” 43–55; Vikry Reinaldo Paais, “Interreligious
Engagement Between Indigenous Religion and Christianity Within the Huaulu Community in Maluku,” AlAlbab 14, no. 1 (2025): 65–86.
GA, “Interview with Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,” August 7, 2024.

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Makale, which is located opposite the mosque.70 Thus, the mosque’s orientation was not
merely a matter of fiqh but also a social agreement intended to promote harmony in the public
sphere. Ultimately, the Great Mosque of Makale serves as a tangible symbol that both fosters
interfaith relations and affirms the legitimacy of the Muslim presence in Tana Toraja.71
The second factor was aesthetic consideration and architectural alignment with the
surrounding environment. The mosque was intentionally constructed parallel to the GPdI
Bethesda Makale to create visual symmetry within the cityscape. This spatial alignment was
deemed essential for maintaining urban harmony and aesthetic balance in Makale’s public
space.72 This decision suggests that the deviation was made deliberately, rather than
negligently, as a response to social and symbolic imperatives within a multicultural context.
While precision in qibla orientation holds central importance in Islamic law, architectural
aesthetics and urban harmony were also regarded as significant factors. For some, this may
appear to be a compromise of religious principles; for others, it represents the embodiment
of local wisdom in accommodating social, aesthetic, and multicultural values without
undermining the essence of worship.73
The third factor was the internalization of the Torajan local wisdom of solata’, a
principle emphasizing harmonious relationships among humans, nature, and spirituality.74
This value was expressed through deliberations held in the tongkonan. This traditional space
not only symbolizes kinship75 but also serves as a forum for interreligious communities to
make collective decisions. A pastor from GPdI Makale explained:76
“Torajans have long been taught to respect one another (solata’). A small example of this is the
tongkonan. What is its function? It serves as a place to sit together without barriers. Within a
family, people of different religions must sit together in the tongkonan. From there, all problems are
resolved. I can assure you that it is challenging to pit Torajans against each other over religion. Since
childhood, we have been taught to respect various faiths and religions. Our mentality has been shaped
to address different issues at the tongkonan, and that is how we solve our problems.”

70
71

72
73

74
75
76

MZ, “Interview with Chairman of the Majelis Ulama Indonesia of Tana Toraja,” August 8, 2024.
Izak Y.M. Lattu, “Beyond Interreligious Dialogue: Oral-Based Interreligious Engagements in Indonesia,”
in Annual Review of the Sociology of Religion, ed. Giuseppe Giordan and Andrew P. Lynch, vol. 10 (BRILL,
2019), 70–90.
GA, “Interview with Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,” August 7, 2024.
See: Simon Naylor and James R. Ryan, “The Mosque in the Suburbs: Negotiating Religion and Ethnicity in
South London,” Social & Cultural Geography 3, no. 1 (2002): 39–59; Richard Gale, “Representing the City:
Mosques and the Planning Process in Birmingham,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 31, no. 6 (2005):
1161–79; Hovhannes Sargsyan et al., “Beyond Anthropocentrism: Reinterpreting Islamic Legal Ethics
through Transspecies Rights and Ecological Jurisprudence,” Indonesian Journal of Islamic Law 8, no. 1 (2025):
92–112; Fatum Abubakar and Mohammad Salim Salim, “Inheritance Rights in Cases of Euthanasia:
Analyzing Legal and Ethical Complexities,” Antmind Review: Journal of Sharia and Legal Ethics 1, no. 2 (2024):
60–71; Muhammad Abror Rosyidin et al., “Multicultural Values in the Concept of Islamic Brotherhood: A
Study from the Hadith Perspective,” Nabawi: Journal of Hadith Studies 6, no. 1 (2025): 35–91.
Markus Kudeng Sallata et al., “Bamboo Forest Ianagement Practices and Local Wisdom in Tana Toraja and
North Toraja Regency, South Sulawesi,” AIP Conference Proceedings 3001, no. 1 (2024): 030045.
Aris Kaban Sendana et al., “Interpreting Socio-Cultural Values in Toraja: The Symbolism of Garonto’ Sura’
in Kada Tomina,” Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology 9, no. 4 (2025): 2835–44.
KD, “Interview with Pastor of GPdI Bethesda Makale,” August 31, 2024.

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This testimony demonstrates that the deviation in qibla orientation was not merely an
architectural choice but also a cultural mechanism that integrates religious symbols into the
social logic of harmony deeply rooted in Torajan society.77
The fourth factor was theological reasoning, which developed alongside the
community’s understanding. In the early period, mosque administrators believed that simply
facing west was sufficient, without the need for precise alignment with the Kaʿbah. The
Imam of the Great Mosque explained:78
“In the past, our understanding was simple—facing west was sufficient. It was only in 2020 that we
received ʿilm al-falak training, after which we adjusted the prayer rows without altering the building’s
orientation.”
Internal corrections were carried out in 2023 by adjusting the prayer rows, while preserving
the building’s original orientation as a historical symbol of interreligious consensus. This
phenomenon is further exemplified by social practices surrounding the mosque, such as
Christian leaders contributing to its maintenance and even donating sacrificial animals during
the Eid al-Adha.79 These instances highlight the mosque’s role beyond a ritual space—as a
living symbol of tangible interfaith solidarity.80
Accordingly, the qibla deviation at the Great Mosque of Makale reflects a negotiated
interpretation of Islamic law embedded within a pluralistic social context. While the validity
of congregational prayer remains preserved under Sharīʿah, the mosque’s physical orientation
has been reinterpreted as a symbol of social cohesion, urban aesthetics, and local wisdom.
The Head of Makale Subdistrict emphasized this point:81
“The Great Mosque of Makale and the GPdI Bethesda Makale stand as symbols of interreligious
harmony in our district. Muslims and Christians consistently support one another and actively
participate in the construction and maintenance of their respective houses of worship. This harmony is
sustained by mutual respect and solidarity, which have become deeply ingrained values in the daily life
of Makale’s community.”
Therefore, the imprecise qibla orientation should not be viewed as a religious violation, but
rather as a socio-religious strategy that highlights the role of religion in fostering social
cohesion in a multicultural society.82
The Construction of Minority Fiqh: Qibla, Culture, and Social Cohesion
The existence of the Great Mosque of Makale since 1934 should not be understood merely
as an expression of Muslim ritual piety, but also as a manifestation of the socio-political
position of the Muslim community within the predominantly Christian context of Tana
Toraja. The mosque serves a dual function: as a place of worship and as a symbol of minority
77
78
79
80
81
82

See: Muhaya et al., “The Syncretic Architecture of the Menara Kudus Mosque as an Expression of Sufistic
Tawḥīd,” 195–220; Aljunied, “‘Not Just a House to Honour God,’” 43–55.
GA, “Interview with Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,” August 7, 2024.
KD, “Interview with Pastor of GPdI Bethesda Makale,” August 31, 2024.
Aljunied, “‘Not Just a House to Honour God,’” 43–55.
MF, “Interview with Subdistrict Head (Camat) of Makale,” August 8, 2024.
See: Jamail et al., “Sustainable Mosque Designs from the Perspectives of Social Inclusion,” 329–35;
Anselmus Dore Woho Atasoge et al., “Lilen San Juan: The Light of Social Cohesion and Religious
Moderation,” Al-Albab 14, no. 1 (2025): 87–114.

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identity, continuously negotiating with local culture.83 Therefore, the approximately 22°
deviation of its qibla from astronomical precision cannot be attributed simply to limitations
in ʿilm al-falak;84 rather, it must be interpreted as the product of social compromise embedded
in the power dynamics among religious communities. In this sense, the qibla in Makale
represents a legal construction shaped by historical interactions, interfaith deliberations, and
symbolic calculations aimed at sustaining social cohesion in the public sphere.
The involvement of interfaith leaders and the internalization of local wisdom are
evident in the case of the Great Mosque’s qibla deviation. From the outset, the mosque’s
founders were aware of the social sensitivities involved in constructing a monumental Islamic
structure within a predominantly Christian region.85 Interfaith deliberations held in the
tongkonan provided a forum where the mosque’s orientation was determined not solely by
fiqh prescriptions but through negotiated consensus.86 The deliberate alignment of the
mosque with the GPdI Bethesda Makale reflects the embodiment of Torajan cultural values,
prioritizing visual harmony within the urban landscape over astronomical precision. Thus,
the mosque’s orientation was not merely a technical decision but an expression of minority
Islamic law negotiated within the broader social context.87 The mosque itself became a
tangible symbol of compromise, striking a balance between fidelity to Sharīʿah and the
necessity of coexistence.88
The testimony of a pastor from GPdI Bethesda Makale reinforces this finding. He
emphasized that Christian involvement in the mosque’s construction was not a unilateral
gesture of accommodation but rather a collective practice rooted in the Torajan principle of
pa’daidi (mutual respect). This interreligious relationship demonstrates that sacred space is
never neutral; it is imbued with symbolic meaning, embodying consensus, solidarity, and
simultaneously serving as a minority strategy of resistance against potential marginalization.89
Accordingly, the Great Mosque of Makale serves a dual purpose: as a place of worship and
as a symbolic arena that mediates interfaith relations within the local cultural context.90 From
this perspective, Islamic law in minority contexts serves not only as a guide for ritual
compliance but also as an existential strategy to ensure the continuity of Muslim life within
a social structure dominated by another religious community.91
The statement by the Chairman of MUI Tana Toraja Regency further emphasizes that
the implementation of Islamic law in minority contexts cannot be separated from the
83
84
85
86
87

88
89

90
91

Lattu, “Beyond Interreligious Dialogue,” 70–90.
Elhas et al., “Tagyîr Mawdhî’ Inhirâf Qiblat al-Masjid fî Bamîkasân ‘alâ Asasi al-Tiknôlôjiyya alMutaqaddimah,” 591–625.
MF, “Interview with Subdistrict Head (Camat) of Makale,” August 8, 2024.
GA, “Interview with Imam of the Great Mosque of Makale,” August 7, 2024.
Fawaizul Umam et al., “Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok Muslims’
Merariq Tradition: An ‘Urf Perspective,” AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 19, no. 1 (2024): 104–
25.
Aljunied, “‘Not Just a House to Honour God,’” 43–55.
See: KD, “Interview with Pastor of GPdI Bethesda Makale,” August 31, 2024; Mohamad Sobirin, “The
Ritual Agency and Living Tradition of aḍ-Ḍamm ‘alā Qalb al-Qur’ān in Local Islamic Communities of
Banyumas,” Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu Al-Qur’an dan Hadis 26, no. 2 (2025): 469–97.
Lattu, “Beyond Interreligious Dialogue,” 70–90.
Moh Wahib Aziz et al., “Harmony in Diversity: The Role of Minority Jurisprudence in Realizing Religious
Harmony in Jayapura, Papua,” Justicia Islamica 21, no. 2 (2024): 313–34.

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principle of maṣlaḥah (public interest), which aligns with the maqāṣid al-sharīʿah (objectives of
Islamic law).92 Although the orientation of the Great Mosque of Makale deviates from the
precise astronomical qibla, it is understood as a contextual ijtihād, aimed at preserving religion
(ḥifẓ al-dīn) while simultaneously protecting human life (ḥifẓ al-nafs). By maintaining the
historical symbol of interfaith consensus while adjusting the prayer rows in 2020, the Makale
Muslim community has practiced a form of Islamic law that is both adaptive and responsive
to changing spatial and temporal realities.93 This dialectic demonstrates that Sharīʿah norms
are not confined to the private domain of ritual but are reinterpreted as instruments of social
inclusion.94
Accordingly, the construction of minority fiqh in determining the qibla at the Great
Mosque of Makale reveals three interrelated layers of legal reality. First, the internalization of
local cultural values, particularly the principles of social cohesion and interfaith respect.
Second, the material embodiment of these values through the mosque’s alignment with the
church, symbolizes urban harmony. Third, religious legitimacy achieved through the
reinterpretation of Sharīʿah, emphasizing maṣlaḥah and the maqāṣid al-sharīʿah.95 This dialectic
yields a configuration of Islamic law that is not rigid but continually reconstructed in response
to social needs.96 Thus, the deviation of the qibla in the Great Mosque of Makale is not a
deviation in the sense of religious transgression but rather an articulation of Islamic law
shaped through social negotiation. This phenomenon demonstrates that sacred space
emerges as the outcome of a dynamic interaction among text, culture, and social structure.97
Conclusion
The qibla deviation of the Great Mosque of Makale in Tana Toraja is not merely a technical
issue of Islamic astronomy (ʿilm al-falak) but rather the result of a complex social
compromise. From its establishment in 1934 until 2020, the mosque’s orientation—
approximately ±22° off from the precise qibla—was determined through deliberations in the
tongkonan (the traditional Torajan house) involving both Muslim and Christian leaders. This
decision reflects the minority Muslim community’s strategy to preserve harmony with the
Christian majority while simultaneously creating a visual symbol of urban cohesion through
architectural alignment with the GPdI Bethesda Makale. Several interrelated factors shaped
this deviation: (1) the need to maintain interreligious harmony; (2) aesthetic considerations
in urban spatial planning; (3) the internalization of local wisdom such as solata’ and the
92

93
94
95
96

97

MZ, “Interview with Chairman of the Majelis Ulama Indonesia of Tana Toraja,” August 8, 2024. See:
Nasruddin Yusuf et al., “Sadd al-Dzari’ah’s Strategy in Maintaining Social Integrity and Sharia of Muslim
Minorities amid Religious Plurality in North Sulawesi,” International Journal of Syariah and Law 1, no. 1 (2025):
41–58.
Faiz, “Fiqh Moderation on Qibla Direction Determination,” 83–99.
Jamail et al., “Sustainable Mosque Designs from the Perspectives of Social Inclusion,” 329–35.
Hasani et al., “Kelakat and Cultural Identity in Marriage Rituals: A Maqasid al-Shari’ah Approach in Loloan
Timur Muslim Traditions,” Indonesian Journal of Islamic Law 7, no. 2 (2024): 83–104.
See: Faiz, “Fiqh Moderation on Qibla Direction Determination,” 83–99; Inna Fauziatal Ngazizah et al.,
“Localizing Islamic Law: Marriage Practices and the Pak Ponjen Tradition in Kudus,” El-Mashlahah 15, no.
1 (2025): 59–78.
See: Jamail et al., “Sustainable Mosque Designs from the Perspectives of Social Inclusion,” 329–35; Muhaya
et al., “The Syncretic Architecture of the Menara Kudus Mosque as an Expression of Sufistic Tawḥīd,”
195–220.

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principle of pa’daidi (mutual respect); and (4) an early theological understanding that prayer
orientation toward the general westward direction was sufficient without astronomical
precision. These findings demonstrate that Islamic law in minority settings is not rigid, but
rather adaptive, responsive, and continually evolving through a dialectic between Sharīʿah
norms, local culture, and socio-political realities.
Conceptually, this study expands the understanding of Islamic legal practice in
minority contexts, where Sharīʿah norms are reinterpreted through the framework of maqāṣid
al-sharīʿah (objectives of Islamic law) to safeguard maṣlaḥah (public interest), strengthen social
cohesion, and ensure the community’s existential continuity. The findings are relevant not
only to the development of contemporary fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) but also to interfaith
studies, multicultural urban planning, and socio-legal discourses on how Islamic law is
socially produced through interaction and negotiation. However, this research has
limitations, as it is based on a single case study in Tana Toraja. Therefore, generalizing its
findings to other Muslim minority contexts should be approached with caution. Future
comparative studies—both across Muslim minority regions in Indonesia and within broader
global contexts—will enhance our understanding of how Islamic law is negotiated,
reinterpreted, and articulated within plural social spaces.
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