Journalism in the Age of Digital Autocracy: A Comparative ASEAN Perspective Aim Sinpeng1 and Youngjoon Koh2 1Discipline of Government and International Relations.
The University of Sydney.
Australia 2Sydney Southeast Asia Centre.
The University of Sydney.
Australia How to Cite: Sinpeng.
& Koh.
Journalism in the Age of Digital Autocracy:
A Comparative ASEAN Perspective.
Journal of ASEAN Studies, 10.
, 247Oe262.
https:/doi.
org/10.
21512/jas.
Abstract Cyber authoritarianism is on the rise globally.
Governments around the world are seeking innovative ways to monitor, surveil, censor and persecute government critics, activists and journalists.
Southeast Asia is an especially hostile environment for journalism online: its governments have regularly investigated, arrested and convicted ordinary citizens for their online activities.
The region also remains one of the most dangerous places for journalists in the world.
This raises the question of if and how news organisations survive and thrive in this increasingly repressive The study draws on original survey and interview datasets of 52 digital news organisations in Indonesia.
Malaysia.
Philippines and Thailand conducted as part of the 2021 Inflection Point International project on digital media entrepreneurship in Latin America.
Southeast Asia and Africa.
We argue that digital news organisations in Southeast Asia continue to report and investigate politically and socially sensitive issues despite the high risks for state repression.
They are motivated by their belief in providing public good and supporting civic The findings in this study provide concrete empirical evidence that digital authoritarianism does not exert downward pressure on critical journalism.
Keywords: digital news organisation, cyber repression, authoritarianism, sustainability, press freedom.
ASEAN Journal of ASEAN Studies.
Vol.
No.
, pp.
247Oe262 ISSN 2338-1361 print / ISSN 2338-1353 electronic Received: 08th November 2022/ Revised: 15th December 2022/ Accepted: 22nd December 2022 Introduction When Maria Ressa.
Nobel Peace Prize Laureate and CEO of Rappler, was convicted of a cyber libel charge concerning an article about alleged corruption by government officials, few in the Philippines were surprised.
Rappler, an independent online news organization, has been subject to state repression, intimidation, and harassment of its journalists since former president Rodrigo Duterte came to power in 2016.
The declining press freedom and growing cyber authoritarianism in the Philippines is not unique in the region.
Member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have witnessed an overall decline in internet freedom and growing online censorship for the past decade (Shahbaz.
Funk, & Vesteinsson, 2.
Journalists in Myanmar and Thailand have been detained and imprisoned for pursuing politically sensitive topics perceived as a threat to their regimes.
The Philippines remains one of the deadliest places on earth for journalists for the fifth year in a row (Au2021 World Press FreedomAy, 2.
Across Southeast Asia, internet crackdowns and arrests were made based on journalistic activities deemed by those in power to harm national security and promote disharmony among the public.
Parallel to this trend of growing online censorship and repression is an explosion of digital media organizations.
As internet and social media connectivity rise past 50% penetration rates across ASEAN, news consumption via mobile phones through social media apps and digital news platforms has sharply risen.
In the last survey conducted in the Philippines relating to the consumption of news related to the 2022 national election, consuming news online via phone apps became the second most popular method of news consumption after television (AuTruth Watch runs interceptAy, 2.
Similarly, recent estimates have shown that the vast majority of Southeast Asians Ae more than 70% - consume news via social media (Statista, 2.
It is not surprising considering Southeast Asia is one of the worldAos most social media active populations.
Young people in ASEAN reportedly spend an average of 10 hours a day online, 3 hours longer than the global average (Kemp, 2.
There are reasons to be hopeful for digital media news organizations to thrive.
ASEANAos population spends much time online and prefers to consume news via social media or news apps.
On the other hand, the region has experienced growing cyber repression, internet censorship, and crackdowns on journalists Ae all of which raise the costs for digital news organizations to The research is one of the first in ASEAN to investigate the business sustainability and political viability of digital news organizations in the region.
We only consider Aodigital nativeAo news organizations, which are news establishments that have been online from their Its core questions concern the extent to which digital news organizations survive and thrive in an increasingly repressive online environment.
How do digital media organizations respond to growing cyber repression in ASEAN? Since the advent of digital media technologies that encourage information flow, online news companies have vastly Social media, regardless of the coverage at a global or national level, hold public attention to politically sensitive news.
As many countries witnessed the political ripple effect of cyberspace, strict regulations governing breaking news and freedom of expression the Journalism in the Age government implement are very much subjective to debate (Sinpeng, 2020.
Hill & Sen, 2.
Member States of ASEAN, in which some influential media conglomerates and start-ups are taking baby steps in the direction of a digitized society, particularly have many rules and regulations for press coverage.
In existing literature analyzing media coverage worldwide, it is evident that freedom of expression is influential in news operations and journalism in the digital age.
A sharp rise in Internet users also attaches great importance to online freedom of Previous studies help us make sense of a digitized map showing freedom of expression, press, and Internet use (Abbott, 2011.
OECD, 2.
However, less attention has been paid to examining the cyber repression and the coverage of politically sensitive news.
Given the growing cyber repression and censorship on journalism, we expect the reporting of politically sensitive news to decline and a greater focus on soft news.
The question that needs to be addressed is how digital news organizations cope with cyberauthoritarianism.
In this context, this article tests the hypothesis that in authoritarian regimes that exercise both physical and digital forms of repression, digital news companies are less likely to pursue politically sensitive topics because of threats of punishment from the state.
The research also anticipates that digital news organizations that are financially struggling would refrain from reporting on issues that could elicit government repression.
To test these hypotheses, we examine how digital news organizations in Indonesia.
Malaysia, and Thailand decide which content to pursue and the financial and political consequences of those Implications based on the analysis of the study will provide original empirical contributions to the understanding of journalism in ASEAN and, specifically, the extent to which digital news organizations sustain themselves in increasingly challenging economic and political environments.
The research consists of four sections.
By examining existing literature on the internet freedom, censorship, and journalism in the countries mentioned, the research looks at digital authoritarianism in member states of ASEAN.
The next section will discuss data, methodology, and its findings.
Lastly, the research elaborates the implications of the findings and its contribution to the study of journalism and internet politics.
Digital Authoritarianism in ASEAN There is growing digital authoritarianism worldwide.
Some countries or regions, like Southeast Asia, have experienced a marked decline in online freedom.
Existing research has shown that a hostile political environment makes it financially and politically challenging for media organizations to operate.
It is particularly the case for digital news organizations because restrictions on online press freedom are worst affected by cyber-authoritarianism.
Under an authoritarian regime that imposes strict censorship of digital media, political issues, including anti-government slogans or widespread criticism of the present governmentAos handling of national concerns, have hardly received comprehensive coverage in the press.
The censorship laws and regulations turn the clock back forty years.
Across Southeast Asian countries (Thailand, the Philippines.
Indonesia, and Malaysi.
, key censorship issues are Journal of ASEAN Studies AoInternet user arrested or imprisonedAo.
Aopro-government commentatorsAo, and Aowebsite blockedAo (Table .
Digital authoritarianism in Southeast Asia, defined as Aopro-government regulations governing digital media coveragesAo, must be set in hostile politics (Masduki, 2.
Since the 2014 military coup, a growing concern has been about how the expansion of censorship could hinder the freedom of expression and press in Thailand.
The interim government had employed Authe Computer Crime Act and the long-standing lyse majesty under 112 of the Thai Criminal CodeAy to order a crackdown on opposition to the military regime online (Anansaringkarn & Neo, 2.
AoCharge against individuals after the 2014 coupAo, quoted in Anansaringkarn & NeoAos study .
, shows that the censorship operates in favor of the military regime 1.
Cyber repression still exists in the contemporary Philippines 2 and at present it is a threat against rights and freedoms guaranteed by the constitution.
Since the enactment of AoRepublic Act No.
(RA) 10175Ao and Aothe Cybercrime Prevention ActAo under the former President Benigno Aquino i provoked an angry response from media freedom advocates (Robie & Abcede, 2.
, hostile political environment has raised some doubts about the freedom of expression in the Internet.
Because of the high levels of cyber repression (Feidstein, 2.
, the former President Rodrigo DuterteAos government raised some doubts about their ability to guarantee the freedom of speech online.
Although war on crime during his six-year tenure as the President had been visible and dramatic at the first sight, digital repression had been central to growing concerns, ranging from censorships to government intervention in cyberspace 3.
Malaysians rarely represents their concerns to the authoritie 4 although cyber repression is evident in the state.
Since the mid-1990s.
Malaysians have had access to the Internet.
explanations for social media in Malaysia, the governmental decree, known as Aothe Sedition Act and Internal Security ActAo, imposed strict censorship of print media rather than digital coverages (Weiss, 2.
Nonetheless, it should be noted that the government was expecting to gain control of the Internet by using general media and liberal laws (Azizuddin, 2009, cited in Weiss, 2.
In the case of news site AoMalayiakini, there is convincing evidence of a link between digital authoritarianism and the threats to opposition opinions 5 .
In this sense, censorships are in place for controlling the press.
It is doubtful whether the freedom of the Internet in Indonesia is possible.
On the surface, basic human rights, including freedom of expression have been guaranteed by the existing constitution (Lubis, 2.
As Yilmaz et al.
note, however.
AuInternet bill mandates online service providers to remove on block content on their platforms when requested by the governmentAy.
Data and Methodology The research is based on data from Aothe Inflection Point InternationalAo that conducted interviews with the leaders of 52 media organizations in Southeast Asian countries, including Journalism in the Age 15 in Thailand, 15 in Indonesia, 14 in the Philippines, and 8 in Malaysia 6.
The Inflection Point International follows the selection criteria AoSembraMedia usesAo to select media organisations for each country.
Their partner funders consisting of Luminate.
CIMA, and Splice Media .
regional alla.
double-checked initial media lists for Thailand, the Philippines.
Indonesia, and Malaysia.
Based on the same interview questionnaire including more than 500 questions, researchers conducted a video or telephone interview with media leaders.
They used not only AoPythonAo to process data electronically but also Google Spreadsheets to conduct calculations and general comparisons.
Table 1 Key Censorship Issues Countries Key internet controls Thailand
Ao19
Ao20
Ao21
The Philippines Ao22
Ao19
Ao20
Ao21
Indonesia
Ao22
Social media platform blocked Internet shutdown
Pro-government commentators New censorship law
New surveillance law
Internet user arrested or imprisoned Internet user physically assaulted Technical attacks Status
Ao20
Website blocked Ao19
N/F
N/F
N/F
N/F
Ao21
Ao22
P/F
P/F
P/F
P/F
Malaysia
P/F
Ao19
Ao20
Ao21
Ao22
P/F
P/F
P/F
P/F
P/F
P/F
P/F
*Source: Internet control during Freedom on the NetAos coverage period of June 2018 to May 2019.
June 2019 to May 2020.
June 2020 to May 2021, and June 2021 to May 2022 (Retrieved from https://freedomhouse.
org/report/freedom-net/2021/key-internet-control.
*Note: Auto track the different ways in which governments seek to dominate the digital sphere.
Freedom House monitors their application of nine key internet controls.
The resulting data reveals trends in the expansion and diversification of these constraints on internet freedomAy.
: Key censorship issue regardless of survey periods.
This article uses interactive graphics to discover the digital media landscape provided by the Inflection Point InternationalAo.
The key questions that the research concentrates on are:
What topic do digital new organizations cover.
What revenue sources support highimpact journalism? The research examines the percentage of responses to the two questions to clarify sensitive issues in each country and digital mediaAos revenue sources.
As the proportion of topics including online news seem to be affected by AoBusiness maturity tiersAo, the research Journal of ASEAN Studies looks at whether the financial footing is influential in the coverages.
This will help make sense of a variation in the response to digital authoritarianism.
The research also uses Aohot-button issues 7Ao from the perspective of Southeast Asians, votersAo concerns at the national level, and Aobusiness models 8Ao to examine politically sensitive news topics.
Employing a comparative approach to sensitive issues included in digital news in Thailand, the Philippines.
Indonesia, and Malaysia, the research looks into similarities and differences responding to cyber repressions, and analyses digital authoritarianismAos any real influence over online news organization.
News Operations under Cyber-Authoritarianism The previous points about digital authoritarianism allows us to raise many questions, which are important to understand how digital media companies respond to hostile political By analysing the Inflection Point InternationalAos database, this section presents and discusses types of topics included in online news.
To make sense out of Southeast Asian experiences with media coverages, the section examines digital news organizations in Thailand, the Philippines.
Indonesia, and Malaysia.
Thailand Although news topics have long been diverse, there is a tendency among digital news organizations to cover sensitive issues.
Surveying 15 digital media companies.
Aohuman rightAo and AopoliticsAo are considered core dimensions of online news.
Considering these organizationsAo annual revenues, the key issues they address have quite different emphases (Table .
Tier 1 has no difference in topics reported in the digital media.
Their editors have offered to lend weight to all issues, including human rightAo.
AopoliticsAo.
AogenderAo.
AohealthAo.
AoenvironmentAo.
Aoculture and entertainmentAo AoeducationAo.
AoLBGTQ Ao.
AolawAo.
Aobusiness and economicsAo.
Aopolice or crimeAo.
AomediaAo.
AotechnologyAo, and AoscienceAo.
In Tier 4, similarly, digital new organizations captured the attention of matters of great import such as Aohuman rightsAo.
AopoliticsAo.
AogenderAo.
AohealthAo, culture and entertainmentAo.
AoeducationAo.
AoLBGTQ Ao, and AomediaAo.
In Tier 3, on the contrary, much attention has been paid to Aohuman rightsAo.
AopoliticsAo, and AoenvironmentAo.
In Tier 2, digital news organizations stress the importance of AoenvironmentAo.
Two different features are empirically observable.
Firstly, digital authoritarianism hardly affects coverages of politically sensitive topics included in hot-button issues.
Regardless of profit or non-profit organizations (Appendix .
, these topics are uppermost in editorsAo minds.
Secondly, the middle-income groups, including Tier 2 and 3, are passive observers of politically sensitive events.
In Tier 1 and 4, hot-button issues consisting Aohuman rightsAo.
AopoliticsAo.
AogenderAo.
AohealthAo, and AoenvironmentAo are the most significant importance to In Tier 3.
Aohuman rightAo.
AopoliticsAo, and AoenvironmentAo are politically sensitive issues.
In Tier 2, there is insufficient attention to hot-button issues.
All in all, many regulations and Journalism in the Age rules caused by cyber authoritarianism rarely restrict media news organisationsAo capacity to cover hot button issues.
Table 2 Topic Analysis - Thailand Types of Revenue All tiers Tier 1 Tier 2 Tier 3 Tier 4 No Revenue Issues Human rights Politics Gender/WomenAos Issues Health Environment Culture & Entertainment Education LBGTQ Law Business & Economics Police/Crime Media Technology Science Sports Others *Source: The Inflection Point International .
: The most sensitive issue.
The Philippines Despite news topics that provoke a storm of demonstration against the government, digital news organizations pay much attention to some issues such as Aohuman rightsAo.
AopoliticsAo.
Aobusiness and economicsAo, and AomediaAo.
In interviews with leaders of 14 digital media organizations, it should be noted that AopoliticsAo is the most sensitive news topic.
Focusing on companiesAo annual revenues, there are limited resources that explain very much a subject for debate (See Table .
In Tier 1, digital news organizations decide to focus on AopoliticsAo, and Aobusiness and economicsAo while, in Tier 2, putting more effort into covering Aohuman rightsAo and AomediaAo.
Considering Tier 3 and 4, it is hard to imagine that the freedom of the national Journal of ASEAN Studies press is fully functional in Filipino democracy.
Digital media companies may reevaluate coverages of sensitive issues.
Related to a topic analysis, two different features are empirically observable.
Firstly, in a political situation where an authoritarian regime replaced a democratic government, digital media hardly report on politically sensitive events mentioned in hot-button issues.
In Tier 1, in effect, editorsAo all interests are centered on AopoliticsAo among five different types of topics.
Tier 2.
Aohuman rightsAo included in the media coverage is a message sent to Filipinos concerning an authoritarian regime.
Secondly, digital authoritarianism directly influences online news Regardless of profit or non-profit organizations (Appendix .
, digital media played a passive role in the coverage of politically sensitive issues.
Table 3 Topic Analysis - Philippines Types of Revenue All tiers Tier 1 Tier 2 Tier 3 Tier 4 No Revenue Issues Human rights Politics Gender/WomenAos Issues Health Environment Culture & Entertainment Education LBGTQ Law Business & Economics Police/Crime Media Technology Science Sports Others *Source: The Inflection Point International .
: The most sensitive issue.
Indonesia Digital news organizations are characterized by a politicization of practical problems.
Even though there is not a shred of evidence that sensitive issues are reported in high-income digital media (Tier 4 in Table .
, cyberspace offers a window of opportunity for turning attention to the most sensitive events.
By conducting interviews with leaders of 15 media organizations, the growing interest in AowomenAos issuesAo is evident in the most sensitive issue.
Considering these companiesAo annual revenues, there are significant differences in results of Journalism in the Age a topic analysis (Table .
In Tier 1, great emphasis is placed on Aohuman rightsAo.
Aogender or womenAos issuesAo, and AoLBGTQ Ao.
In Tier 2, news editors place a high value on the coverage of problems such as AopoliticsAo, gender or womenAos issuesAo.
AohealthAo.
AoenvironmentAo.
Aoculture and entertainmentAo, and AoeducationAo.
In Tier 3, they add Aohuman rightsAo.
AolawAo.
Aobusiness and economicsAo.
AomediaAo.
AoscienceAo to the most sensitive issues.
Two different features are empirically observable.
Firstly, regardless of a digital authoritarianism, non-profit organizations are active in reporting on sensitive events.
implies that important changes in media environment would affect digital news operations running for profit.
Secondly, nonetheless, as hot-button issues, politically sensitive problems, are reported in digital press, media news are less likely to arise from regulations and rules in a given political situation.
Table 4 Topic Analysis - Indonesia Types of Revenue All tiers Tier 1 Tier 2 Tier 3 Tier 4 No Revenue Issues Human rights Politics Gender/WomenAos Issues Health Environment Culture & Entertainment Education LBGTQ Law Business & Economics Police/Crime Media Technology Science Sports Others *Source: The Inflection Point International .
: The most sensitive issue.
Malaysia Digital media organizations in Malaysia have progressively introduced the most sensitive issues although high-income groups play a major role in cyberspace (Tier 3 and Tier 4 in Table .
In interviews with leaders of 8 digital news companies.
AoenvironmentAo draw much attention from interviewees.
Considering these organizationsAo annual revenues, the important point in news reports is that, regardless of profit or non-profit companies, they Journal of ASEAN Studies make an effort to publicize environmental issues.
The whole analysis of news operations in digital media is clearly influenced by a given political situation.
Without a doubt, cyberspace is now controlled by an authoritarian regime.
In Tier 1 and Tier 2, there is nothing in new reports on hot-button issues.
In Tier 3 and Tier 4, on the contrary, news editors keep up the coverage of sensitive issues such as Aohuman rightsAo.
AopoliticsAo.
Aogender or womenAos issuesAo, and AoenvironmentAo.
As they get to discuss problems that are crucial for Malaysians, these news organizations play a key role in democratic deliberation in times of a digital authoritarianism.
Table 5 Topic Analysis - Malaysia Types of Revenue All tiers Tier 1 Tier 2 Tier 3 Tier 4 No Revenue Issues Human rights Politics Gender/WomenAos Issues Health Environment Culture & Entertainment Education LBGTQ Law Business & Economics Police/Crime Media Technology Science Sports Others *Source: The Inflection Point International .
: The most sensitive issue.
Discussion and Conclusions Findings and analysis have shown that digital news organizations in ASEAN are committed to pursuing politically sensitive topics despite hostile media and economic and political environments.
All news organizations interviewed experienced at least one form of government repression Ae the most common of which was government monitoring and Many organizations received many cyber attacks on their websites, particularly following the publication of politically sensitive news.
At times the editors were asked not to pursue investigative journalism on topics such as government corruption.
otherwise, they would face some form of consequences.
These types of government intimidation, both direct and indirect, raised the cost of pursuing critical journalism.
Journalism in the Age Given the highly competitive and profit-driven market of digital businesses, there were ample reasons for these organizations to stay away from reporting on critical and controversial issues.
Analysis and findings drawn from the Inflection Point 2021 study demonstrate the opposite: digital news organizations understand the high cost of covering politically sensitive issues but continue to do.
Their primary motivations for such decisions are ideological: they see themselves as changemakers in society and essential vehicles for civic As such, they reduce the overall AocostAo of publishing politically sensitive issues by increasing their revenue in other areas of business, such as content creation, which allows them to absorb the costs and risks posed by critical journalism.
Journalists in these digital news organizations also pushed the boundaries of Although editors and journalists alike reported having understood where the AulineAy was in terms of what was appropriate for reporting, they also took advantage of the vagueness of censorship.
Given that much of the press censorship in these countries has often blurry lines, some presses have sought to be bold with borderline politically controversial If there was no state response to their borderline reporting, they interpreted this as permission to push further for coverage of more politically sensitive topics.
Another important way politically sensitive issues gain coverage without raising political risks for news organizations is to focus on a non-controversial topic in politically sensitive areas of a country.
EchoAos series on love in the deep south of Thailand is a case in The deep south, which has been a site of insurgencies for decades, is a highly politically sensitive area of the country.
However, by discussing the topic of love among young people in the area.
Echo could highlight the deep south's population without raising the alarm with the Thai authorities, especially the military.
What the consumers have learned is not just about the lives of ordinary people in the deep south .
hich most Thais do not understan.
Echo was able to show that there is a commonality among groups of the population that have conflicted with one another for a long time.
The implications of research analysis are threefold.
First, the research provides concrete empirical analysis that rising digital authoritarianism does not necessarily exert downward pressure on critical and investigative journalism among digital news organizations in ASEAN.
Despite increasing crackdowns on the press and continued persecution of journalists on politically motivated charges, coverage of politically sensitive news has not declined.
The finding contributes empirically and theoretically to research that examines the relationship between journalism and democracy by demonstrating how rising digital authoritarianism does not equate to declining critical journalism.
Second, the findings suggest that digital news organizations see their coverage of sensitive topics as a type of public service.
they provide critical and investigative journalism to serve the public interests.
They view their journalism as part of a broader movement that drives civic engagement and push towards progressive social and political change.
This insight provides the rationale for continued coverage of politically sensitive issues in otherwise repressive regimes.
the value of journalism is beyond material base.
Journal of ASEAN Studies Third, to absorb the potential loss of revenue and/or increased cost of investigative journalism, many digital media organizations rely on revenue generating models that draw on incomes from non-governmental sources, such as philanthropic grants, consulting, content creation for third parties and merchandise sales.
These strategies have served to shield these organizations from the potential negative consequences of pursuing sensitive news coverage.
About The Authors Aim Sinpeng is Senior Lecturer in the Discipline of Government and InternationalRelations at the University of Sydney.
She is currently a Discovery Early Career Research Award Fellow at the Australian Research Council.
She is the author of Opposing Democracy in the Digital Age: The Yellow Shirts in Thailand .
published with the University of Michigan Press, which won the Best Early Career Book Prize from the Asian Studies Association of Australia in 2022.
YoungJoon Koh completed his PhD thesis in the discipline of government and international relations at the University of Sydney with a thesis entitled AuProgrammatic Populism and Electoral Success in Thailand and the Philippines .
He is a research affiliate of the Sydney Southeast Asia Centre at the University of Sydney.
His research interests include electoral populism, national elections, digital politics, and democracy with a special focus on Southeast Asia .
yj887766@daum.
References