JURNAL KAJIAN BALI
Hlm. 01­—

Journal of Bali Studies

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p-ISSN 2088-4443 # e-ISSN 2580-0698 Volume 15, Number 01, April 2025

Tantric Elements in Balinese Hindu Rituals
Ida Bagus Putu Suamba*
Politeknik Negeri Bali, Indonesia
DOI: https://doi.org/10.24843/JKB.2025.v15.i01.p16

Abstract: Ritual forms an integral part of Balinese life; however, most Balinese do not
realize that the ritual they practice is a blend of Vedic and Tantric elements expressed
in local culture. This research aims to highlight the Tantric aspects of Balinese religion,
which are usually mislabeled as mere Vedic rituals. A qualitative methodology was
employed to analyze textual traditions and ritual practices. Data was collected,
categorized, and analyzed to address the main elements of Tantrayāna worship and
how they are present in Balinese ones. Ubiquitous ritual elements such as maṇḍala,
yantra, pañca makāra, akṣara and scales based on the human body are from the Tantra
tradition. This article explores these individually, along with the generic structure of
Balinese Hindu rituals.
Keywords: Vedic; tantric; Hindu ritual; akṣara; yantra; Bali

1. Introduction
alinese rituals always take into consideration factors such as time, place,
substance (dravya), procedures, and the conduit of the priest who performs
them. The presence of such elaborate elements, along with their preparation
and systems, are actually based on philosophical principles known as tattva.
This underlying tattva principle is unknown to the commoner. As, Karja and
Feldman (2024) remarked, “the relevance of tantric concepts moving together
smoothly with theo-aesthetic, aesthetic transcendence, and self-discovery;
which resonate deeply in today’s artworks…” This approach mirrors tantric
art principles, aiming to make that is visually striking and spiritually deep
guide by the divine inner creativity force, taksu” (2024, p. 343). Mystical and
esoteric elements are deeply embedded in these rituals, which unite people
in a religious spirit due to their necessity in Balinese public life. Although the
term ‘tantra’ is unfamiliar to most Balinese, Tantric elements are present in
their rituals, making it difficult to categorize them as purely Tantric or Vedic.

B

*

Corresponding author’s email: bagusputusuamba@pnb.ac.id
Submitted: 14 January 2025; Accepted: 5 April 2025; Published: April 2025
Copyright © 2025 by the author (s). This article is published by Jurnal Kajian Bali (Journal of Bali Studies),
University of Udayana, Bali, Indonesia, under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

http://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kajianbali

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Instead, they represent an amalgamation of Indian traditions that have arrived
in Indonesia. As a result, Bali’s ritual tradition is heterogeneous, inclusive, and
unique, guided profoundly by Śaivism. Sartini (2017, p. 118) states that all of
these rituals carry symbolic meanings and embody local wisdom in the form of
cultural values, which are adhered to and followed as guiding principles.
The influence of Tantrayāna in Indonesia became widespread due to its
inclusive and adaptable nature. It incorporates existing indigenous traditions
while also transcending them, elevating them to a finer or higher level of
consciousness. The concepts of orthodoxy and heterodoxy blend over time,
influencing various traditional practices that continue to shape religious and
cultural life today. As a result, understanding Tantra—or any similar term used
to describe this phenomenon—becomes challenging when removed from the
cultural and philosophical contexts in which it has developed.
Tantra, in various forms, reached this archipelago through the waves of
Indian influence beginning in the first millennium. Its imprint appears across
diverse traditions, pervading both Vedic and non-Vedic streams, including
Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism, contributing to the formation of a new tradition
expressed through local culture. Studies specifically focusing on Tantric rituals
remain limited, if not scarce. However, interest in deeper research has gradually
emerged over the past few decades.
The aim of this article is to explore elements of Tantrayāna in the five
kinds of ritual (pañca mahā yajñā) that pervade the public sphere of Balinese
religion, and to look at subtle ideas or principles of Tantra in them. This analysis
will not focus on one ritual, but rather generic elements of Tantrayāna in them.
2. Literature Review
Previous research in Balinese rituals did rightfully identify its Tantric
foundations, however it lacked a discussion on the Tantric tradition involved.
Even though Tantrayāna as a separate school is proven in archeological and
epigraphic findings, most researchers merge these Tantric ideas into the larger
Vedic, Puranic or Śaivite juggernauts. Suamba (2019) has traced these findings
to provide a better timeline of Tantra in the country. This might be caused by the
fact that the practitioners themselves are not aware that the rituals they perform
have, to some extent, been influenced or shaped by Tantric thought. Reicle (ed.)
(2010), for example, touched on some elements of the rituals with their display
of colorful pictures. This phenomenon has been acknowledged by researchers
as early as the beginning of the 19th century, and scholarly interest in this field
has gradually increased—an observation also noted by Hatley (p. 2).

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Tantric Elements in Balinese Hindu Rituals

The textual tradition appears uninterested in explicitly using Tantric
terminology, despite being deeply infused with Tantric ideas. However,
references to “tantras” and related terms do appear, including a prose (kakavin)
manuscript titled Smara Tantra and a tutur text called Smara Réka. In this context,
the essence of these traditions holds greater significance than their outward
expressions. Engaging with their deeper meaning requires effort to interpret the
symbolism embedded in words and ritual offerings (bantên). One must avoid
becoming trapped in formal terminology while overlooking the subtle Tantric
ideas that permeate the tradition.
Hooykaas (1966) and recently Stephen (2005, pp. 116-117) studied Tantric
elements in the practices of Śaiva priest worship in Bali known as sūrya-sévana.
Some Indonesian scholars have also attempted to identify such elements.
Surasmi wrote Jejak Tatrayāna di Bali (Imprints of Tatrayāna in Bali) (2007). Budi
Utama with Lokalisasi Tantra di Bali (Localized Tantric Practices of Bali) (2001),
elucidated the multifaceted nature of tantra, transcending mere associations to
sexual practices. Ngurah Nala wrote Aksara Bali dalam Usada (Balinese Script
in Traditional Healing) (2006) which explores the use of akṣara in Balinese
healing practices. Ruta and Karja wrote Balinese Hindu Philosophy in Mandala
Painting (2023) which discusses the artwork of I Dewa Nyoman Batuan who
incorporate the dualistic philosophy of opposites (rwabhinéda), with a strong
Tantric nuance. Young scholars have explored forgotten treasures of Tantra, like
Putu Yudiantara who published his book entitled Ilmu Tantra Bali (2019) and
Ketut Sandika with Tantra: Ilmu Kuno Nusantara (2019).
The existence and role of akṣara, sacred letters and sounds are
acknowledged. It is likely every ritual involves akṣara, especially the bījākṣara and
praṇava mantras, usually inscribed on wood, clay, structures, the ground, and
even on the human body. Suamba (2019) noticed some scholars who dedicated
to the study akṣara in Balinese ritual traditions: Suamba (2004), Sweta (2012),
Agastia (1996, 1997, 1998, 2003, 2004, 2012, 2014), and Fox and Hornbacher
(2016) who studied scripts in relation to the materials used in practice.
Reichle’s (2010) edited volume, Bali: Arts, Ritual, Performance, explores
Balinese ritual in depth. The contributors observe and discuss Tantric elements
within offerings (bantên), such as yantra. The book also examines comparative
aspects of Tantric traditions across India, South Asia, and Southeast Asia.
These writings have shed light on how Tantra has not only arrived and
been practiced in this archipelago but has also influenced Balinese rituals in
various forms. A more detailed study is necessary to understand how Tantra
extends beyond textual traditions to shape ritual practices.

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3. Methods and Theory
3.1 Method
This philosophical study employs a qualitative approach to examine
Tantric elements in Balinese Hindu rituals, focusing on the philosophy of
religion as expressed through ritual practices. It analyzes relevant tutur (ritual
texts) and kalpa śāstra texts alongside direct field observations to gather sufficient
data for analysis.
Field research included the observation of major public rituals, such as the
Karya Agung Nangun Ayu, performed on August 30, 2011, at Pura Dalem Agung
Tampuagan, Tembuku, Bangli; the Karya Agung Mêmungkah Ngêntêg Linggih
and Pêdudusan Agung at Pura Puseh Katyagan, Kamasan, Klungkung, on March
20, 2024; and the Tavur Pañca Bali Krama as part of the Karya Mapêdudusan Agung,
held on February 7, 2025, at Pura Gunung Lebah Campuhan, Ubud, Bali. The
researcher closely observed these rituals in detail, gaining direct experiential
insight into elements that may be Tantric in nature.
Data collection involved interviews with key ritual participants, including
wiku yajamana, viku tapini, and sarati/tukang bantên, who are responsible for
preparing sacred offerings. Additional interviews were conducted with priests,
pêmangku, scholars, and ritual practitioners involved in organizing the yajñā,
regardless of its scale.
Secondary data were drawn from photographs and visual documentation
of rituals, palm-leaf manuscripts (lontar), books, and journal articles. These
materials were systematically gathered, compiled, categorized, and interpreted
to address the core research questions. Focus group discussions were also
conducted to deepen the understanding of the subject matter.
3.2 Theory
Tantric traditions sometimes oppose the orthodoxy of Vedic traditions.
The Karma Kanda, the ritualistic path as ordained in the śrauta literature of the
Vedic saṁhitās, are not concerned with obtaining magical prowess. The Tantra
traditions, however, also involves rituals, but also involve déva, substance, akṣara,
mantra, pañca makāras [which consists of intoxicated drink (mada), meat (māṁsa),
fish (matsya), cereals (mudrā), and sexual intercourse (maithuna)], maṇḍala, yantra,
nyasa, and yoga (Woodroffe, 2008). The last is absent from the formulation of the
three frames (tri kêrangka) of Balinese religion—tattva (philosophy/theology),
śīla (ethics), and upacāra (rituals)—despite yoga being deeply embedded within
all three. The present researcher refers to this integration as tri yoga (Suamba,
2016, p. 75), while Keniten, drawing from the Atharva Veda (XII, 1.1), describes
them as tri pṛthivīm dhārayanti (2021, pp. 16-18).
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Tantric Elements in Balinese Hindu Rituals

Owing to these facts, rituals in Balinese tradition cannot be classified
as purely Vedic or Tantric, rather the combination of the two expressed in the
Balinese culture. This, is what Hatley (2020) remarks as, “paradoxically, tantric
traditions are not always recognized as such, for their success was such that the
boundaries between orthodoxy/orthopraxy and Tantra are blurred over time,
especially in ritual” (p.2); a meeting of nigama and āgama traditions when we
look at various thoughts that compose this tradition. This classification has
been discussed by Gupta (1979, p. 124); he classified it into three categories, viz.
vaidiki, tantriki, and miśra, the last being a synthesized form. This phenomenon
likely occurs in the Balinese ritual tradition, where the contribution of local
culture plays a significant role.
It is evident that, for a Balinese, ritual is an integral part of Balinese
Hinduism. This implies that it is not solely a path of knowledge (jñāna kanda),
ritual (karma kanda), or meditation/ contemplation (upāsana kanda) as described
in the Vedas, but rather a meeting point that has been encapsulated within
indigenous culture. As described by Prajnanananda (2006, p. 4), “path of action
is extremely elaborate and systematic. It involves many ritualistic practices that
help a seeker to achieve inner purification. The path of knowledge is the last part
of Vedas that highlights the philosophical and intellectual understanding of life
itself and the goals are to be achieved through self-inquiry and meditation”.
Despite its vividness and grandeur, Balinese people do not commonly realize
that the rituals they practice contain elements of Tantra. They often perceive
these rituals as purely Vedic, Śaiva, or Śaiva-Buddhist. However, within
these practices, some local terms, such as pangiva, panêngên, and kavisésan, are
associated with Tantra, particularly with left-hand practices.
Commenting on the liberal nature of Tantrayāna, Jones and Ryan (2007, p.
436) state, “to be sure, many ‘tantric’ elements infuse ordinary ritualistic, templeoriented Hinduism. But the key to identifying tantrism are the distinctive rituals
and practices that form a complex, usually taught to small groups of adepts by
a special guru for a personal rite.” Despite practicing ritual, Balinese people
do not feel estranged or isolated from the community for engaging in esoteric
practices, especially those related to ke-adhyatmikan or kawisésan, which are not
public in nature. Public rituals, such as the five kinds of ritual (pañca mahā yajñā)
described in textual traditions (e.g., the manuscripts Déva Tattva, Tapéni Yajñā,
Bhama Kṛtih, Sundarigama, and Yama Purwa Tattva), are not associated with the
negative stigma of Tantra, as may be seen in India or elsewhere. These rituals
represent the outer form of upakāra, while the core lies in its deeper structure of
tattva, the metaphysics or theology, the knowledge of realities. In other words,
rituals are performed with a metaphysical basis; they are an extension of
metaphysical principles across three dimensions. As quoted by Davis (2000, p.
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35), “Knowledge devoid of activity is not the preeminent means of attainment,
nor is activity devoid of understanding the preeminent means. Therefore,
successful attainment of liberation arises only through both of them together,
just as a bird does not fly without two wings (SPbh, pp. 311-14).” In Balinese
tradition, the concept of rvabhinéda, two different opposite principles, positions
the self as the balancing force, striving toward liberation (mokṣa) as the summum
bonum of life. Texts on dharma kapatian or kalêpasan illuminate the release of the
self from bondage.
4. Result and Discussion
4.1 Balinese Ritual
The structure of the Balinese Hindu religion is known as tri kérangka
āgama or tri yoga (Suamba, 2016, p. 17), the unity of knowledge, ethics and ritual,
the latter being the outer layer of the tradition. For most, yoga is understood
in the form of saḍangga yoga, the six-limbed practice of inward spiritually for
self-transformation through performing yama and niyama, withdrawing the
senses from their objects, meditation, and contemplation to reach the bliss and
union with the Ultimate Self. The researcher, however, has chosen to call it yoga
since the purpose of each section is to unite self with the Supreme Self. Thus,
for commoners, ritual can be their path of self-realization. According to Gupta
(1979, p.120), “Tantric sādhana (religious practices) consists of two parts: ritual
worship (pūjā) and meditation (yoga). Both are of equal importance to every
Tantrika”. In Bali, however, yoga is not emphasized.
The innermost tattva portion of the tri kérangka āgama is the reasoning
behind the śāsana/śīla and upacāra. Hence, the three are interdependent
and related. The three pillars form a whole unit as a religion for which the
Indonesian word “agama” is used, a term used in the country in place of dharma.
This is similar to the Sanskrit term “āgama”, much like the āgama literature of
the South Indian Śaiva Siddhānta tradition, containing the kriyā pāda (ritual
portion). In Bali, every ritual action can be traced back to the tattva found in the
tutur literature. The ritual corpus, known as kalpa śāstra, contain the plutuk or
indik manual texts used to prepare bantên (offerings) and the like. This can be
equated with paddhati (ritual manual) within the āgama śāstra of South Indian
Śaiva Siddhānta. Likewise, there is the variga for astronomy and hasta kosala
kosali and hasta bhūmi for architecture.
Ritual and ethics may undergo changes or adaptations in practice.
This is due to the principle of deśa (locality), kāla (time), and patra (situation/
condition) which regulate the application of Balinese Hinduism. The tattva
essence, however, is unchangeable (Figure 1).
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Tantric Elements in Balinese Hindu Rituals

Figure 1. The structure of Balinese religion (see, Suamba, 2016, p. 17).
The rituals of this tradition are generally classified into five kinds: deva-,
pitr, manusa-, ṛṣi-, and bhūta -yajñā. Gods, ancestors, humans, sages, and nature
respectively. These are rooted in Vedas. The Vedic elements can be found in pūjā
pangastava, mantras chanted by the priest to worship the Vedic gods, like Agni,
Vāruṇa, Indra, Saraswatī, etc. The Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa is also found in
Bali. Despite the large number of ritual texts known as kalpa śāstra (such as Déva
Tattva, Yajñā Prakṛti, Bhama Kṛtih, Yama Tattva, Sundarigama, etc.), the Vedic griha
sūtra or śrauta sūtra are not to be found.
Rituals can be categorized into three types based on the scale of
offerings: kanistha (small), madhya (medium), and uttama (large). A devotee may
choose among these based on their means, time, sincerity, and the availability
of materials. However, the influence of local culture makes these rituals
both unique and inclusive, while the presence of Vedic traditions remains
recognizable. In the historical Brahmanic religion, as upheld by mīmāṁsā
darśana, the primary goal of performing yajñā is to attain heaven (svarga). In
the Balinese tradition, however, rituals serve not only as a means to svarga but
also as a path toward liberation (mokṣa), reflecting an integrated approach that
harmonizes knowledge, action, and yoga.
In preparing and arranging the bantên (Photo 1), a female ritual specialist
called wiku tapini assisted by her sarati, bantên makers, prepare the offerings as
laid in the plutuk or indik texts. These texts are the Raré Angon, Déva Tattva, Déva
Śāsana (or Krama Pūra), Tapéni Yajñā, etc. She always consults with the yajamana
priest, the leader of the ritual, in preparing the bantên. This is to match the bantên
with the mantra chanted by the priest.

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Photo 1. Bantên deva-devī reprensents puruṣa and prakṛti (Source: IBP. Suamba,
2024).
4.2 Maṇḍala
When performing any ritual, the first step is to establish a suitable space,
known as a maṇḍala. While most Balinese may not be familiar with this term,
they commonly use words such as karang, palêmahan, and gênah, all of which
refer to a designated land area with clear boundaries (vatês). In traditional
Balinese villages, the vatês palêmahan déśa (village boundary) can be understood
as a larger expression of the maṇḍala concept. Within this space, both daily life
and ritual activities take place.
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Tantric Elements in Balinese Hindu Rituals

A maṇḍala serves as the sacred ground for ritual (pūjā) and often takes
a concentric form, as seen in the tavur kasanga ritual, a bhūta yajñā ceremony.
Before a ritual begins, a priest performs nyukat karang or nyukat gênah, which
essentially marks and sanctifies the maṇḍala. The central point of the maṇḍala is
first determined, and from there, directions are extended along the east-west
and north-south axes (dik), as well as the southeast-northwest and southwestnortheast axes (vidik). This process is described in the Hasta Bhūmi manuscript.
A ritual cannot take place without a clearly defined maṇḍala, which is
ultimately a sacred space (deśa). The boundaries of the maṇḍala are physically
marked, often with lines drawn using white lime powder, as seen in tavur
rituals. Within this enclosed space, offerings (bantên), which function as
yantras, are arranged according to ritual manuals. Since bantên are considered
manifestations of the divine, as mentioned in the Deva Tattva text, the maṇḍala
itself must be free from spiritual impurity (lêtêh).
In Balinese texts, a padma maṇḍala is based on the metaphysical union
of two fundamental cosmic forces: puruṣa (consciousness) and prakṛti (material
reality). Their interaction is believed to be the foundation of all creations.
According to the Wṛhaspati Tattva, when Parama Śiwa, in the state of Sadā Śiva,
begins His divine activity, He does so through His inherent power, known as
cadu śakti. Lord Sadā Śiva expresses His power in the form of mantra, and when
He manifests through these sacred sounds, His dwelling is called padma (lotus).
A maṇḍala is a spatial representation of this padma, embodying divine energy.
When a deity is placed at the center of a maṇḍala, its spiritual radiance extends
outward in all directions, symbolizing the spread of divine light and presence
across the sacred space.
A maṇḍala is often associated with yantra. Rao states:
“… The maṇḍala is the natural extension of the central light point (bindu).
… The constituent areas of the maṇḍala are grouped around the central
point and have thus a certain symmetry of arrangement, suggesting
harmony, and balance (Rao, 1988, p.16).
In Balinese ritual practice, the center of a maṇḍala is crucial because it
serves as the starting point for arranging the bantên according to the directions
of dik (cardinal directions) and vidik (intercardinal directions). In the concept of
nine protective deities (dévata nava sangha), the center of the maṇḍala represents
the cosmic realm, presided over by Lord Śiva as the supreme deity. A clear
example of this maṇḍala structure can be seen in the Besakih temple complex on
the slopes of Mount Agung.
The use of maṇḍala, whether in small or large spaces, is meant to establish
and maintain spiritual purity (suddha), which is essential not only for rituals
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but also for daily life. One of the key rituals performed within a maṇḍala is
macaru or tavur, a type of bhūta yajñā. In this ritual, negative forces or spirits
(bhūtas) from the nine directions are summoned and given offerings (caru),
which typically consist of animal flesh, blood, rice, specific ritual ingredients,
intoxicating drinks, water, flowers, and leaves (Photo 2). These offerings are
believed to satisfy the bhūtas, transforming their nature from chaotic and
harmful to peaceful and harmonious, ensuring they do not disturb human life
or the surrounding environment.

Photo 2. Bantên tavur used in the Karya Mêpêdudusan Agung, Mêpêsêlang,
Tawur Pañca Bali Krama, lan Mêpêdanan of Pura Gunung Lêbah, Ubud, Bali
held 7th February 2025 (Source: IBP. Suamba, 2025).

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4.3 Yantra
The term “yantra” is typically Tantric. It has many meanings and its
physical manifestation is expressed variously in its culture where Tantrism
grows. Battacharyya (1990, p. 172) states:
“…yantra as a symbol of deity. It is generally in the form of a diagram
or geometrical pattern serving as a chart for revealing the characteristics
of the deity. Yantra is variously interpreted as instrument, the body and
abode of a deity, amulet, mental faculties, pure consciousness, doctrinal
intricacies, microcosm of human body and so on. Yantra are drawn or
engraved on cloths, paper, leaves, stones and metals”.
Another definition of Tantra is provided by Kiss, who states that “Yantras
may have various applications such as being ‘implements during a worship
ritual’ or ‘during a practitioner’s regular Tantric worship of a deity,’ and can
be used for desire-oriented rites (kāmya), often worn as amulets for protection”
(Bühnemann 2003, p. 32 in Kiss, 2014, p. 205). A closer examination of the term
“yantra” reveals multiple interpretations depending on the tradition prevalent
in different regions, however they generally refer to a geometric pattern.
Yantras are present in Balinese Hinduism through the bantên, also known
as “vevantênan,” which refers to the offerings used in various ritual practices.
For example, in the preparation of the bantên dakṣiṇā or dakṣiṇā pêjati, different
materials and shapes are employed, including square, triangle, and circle,
often in combination, reflecting the yantric influence on the ritual structures
and forms. The bantên itself takes the shape of a geometric yantra. Circles
(tamas), squares (cê(m)pér), and triangles (ituk-ituk) are combined together in
aesthetically pleasing ways. Similarly, religious structures are also fashioned
with the yantra pattern in mind. We have the padmāsana shrine, a combination of
a triangle (anantāsana) as the base, a square (singhasana) in the middle part, and
a circle (padmāsana) crowning the upper section.
Bantên as a yantra symbolizes both the deity and the world (bhuwana), as
described in the Déwa Tattva and Yajñā Prakṛti manuscripts, sahananing bêbantên
pinaka raganta, tuwi pinaka warna rupaning ida bhaṭara, pinaka anda bhuwana (every
bantên is taken as the body of the deity, as the complexion and performance of
the deity, and also represents the macrocosm). For example, the bantên deva-devī
(Photo 1), usually placed in a temporary bamboo shrine (sanggar sūrya/ sanggar
tavang) during the déva-yajñā ritual, manifests gods and goddesses. Similarly,
the bantên sarad symbolizes the universe (bhuwana).
These bantên are structured into three parts, known as tri angga ning yajñā:
uttama angga represents the head (huluning yajñā), such as the bantên placed in
the sanggar tawang shrine; madhya angga represents the body (as angganing yajñā),
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like the bantên placed in front (ayun); and kanistha angga represents the legs (as
sukuning yajñā), as seen in the tavur or caru. A bantên specialist is responsible for
selecting the substances, composing the bantên, and arranging it in the proper
place.
In contrast to the Indian tradition, yantra in Balinese interpretation is
understood as a three-dimensional bantên, made from a variety of materials
(dravya), which may also include sacred letters (akṣara) inscribed at specific
points during a ritual. These rituals follow a structure based on the formation
of the three parts of the human body (tri angga), the head (hulu), body (madhya),
and feet (sor). The materials used in these rituals are categorized according to
the five elemental principles, the pañca mahā bhūta; (1) Pṛthivī (earth or solidity):
Cakes, flowers, cereals, leaves, wood, bamboo, incense sticks, cloth, metal,
stone, coins, etc.; (2) Apaḥ (liquid): Plain water (tīrtha), liquor (arah, tuak, brêm,
fermented rice), and other liquids; (3) Téja (heat): Fire-related materials; (5) Vāyu
(wind), and (5) Akaśa (space/void). Some parts of the bantên are accompanied
with a rêrajahan, a drawing of a particular figure/image along with its respective
akṣara and modré patterns. Ulap-ulap, for example, is considered a rêrajahan and
used in the purification ritual of a new building.
Bantên, like yantras, are believed to create spiritual powers or siddhi.
According to Wenta (2023, p. 8), “a siddha, literally ‘an accomplished one,’ is
first and foremost someone who possesses supernatural powers (siddhis) that
allow him to gain control over the laws of nature.” Various forms of bantên,
when made and offered properly following the correct procedures, can
generate siddhi, or spiritual power. For example, bantên caru or tavur in bhūta
yajñā, when correctly prepared and offered, can produce positive power to
neutralize negative influences caused by imbalances in both the microcosm and
macrocosm. Therefore, those who prepare the bantên should keep his/her mind,
word, and action pure as any spiritual impurity (lêtêh) attached to the bantên,
makes it unfit for offering.
This idea is in line with Rao (1988, p. 11), who states, “The protective
power that is supposed to be possessed by a yantra lies in the shape of the
design; The shape, consisting of one or more geometric forms interwoven to
constitute a whole pattern, is believed to represent the spirit or spirits that one
seeks to communicate with, in order to derive strength and succor.” In Balinese
tradition, the power of any bantên can only be activated when the respective
priest invokes the appropriate mantra.
Rao (1988, p. 11) further states:
“the forms involving points, lines, triangles and squares represent
energies in various modes. The point (bindu) is the focal aspects
of energy.…When the spirit is also symbolized by a seed-syllable
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(bījākṣara), this imperishable seed-syllable is inscribed on the point.
The point is surrounded by successive enclosure, viz. a triangle,
two triangles, intersecting, a circle, and so on. These forms indicate
outward manifestation of the spirit so as to exert its influence in the
desired manner... These lines of triangle are described as the aspects or
attendants of the Spirit”.
4.4 Pañca Makāra
One of the distinguished features of the left-hand Tantra (vāmācāra) is
performing five actions (pañca makāra) as the spiritual discipline (sādhana). The
existence and use of pañca ma’s in bantên can be explained as follows:
1. Madya/mada (intoxicants): In the bhūta yajñā ritual, intoxicating drinks
like arak, tuak, and brêm are used to pacify bhūta kālas (negative spirits) that cause
imbalance in the macrocosm and microcosm or disrupt human life. These drinks,
along with plain water, are referred to as tabuh/tatabuhan and are sprinkled over
the sêgêh/caru/tavur. Additionally, fermented rice (tapé) or cassava is sometimes
used as a medium in bantêns, such as bantên catur, placed in the sanggar tavang
or sanggar agung shrines during the déva yajñā ritual.
2. Māṁsa (flesh): In ritual practice, animals are used based on their habitat,
which can be categorized into three groups. The first group includes animals
that live in water, such as those in both sea and freshwater environments. The
second group consists of animals that inhabit land, including both domestic pets
and wild creatures found in plains and mountains. The third group is made up
of winged animals capable of flight, while those with wings but unable to fly
are classified as land animals. Various manuscripts, such as Dangdang Bungalan,
Dharma Kauripan, Bhama Kṛtih, Pêrémbon Bêbantên, Eka Daśa Rudra, Sodosiwikarana,
Têgêsing Sarwa Bantên, and Tutur Tattwa Sang Hyang Ganitri, provide guidance
on the use of these animals in rituals.
3. Matsya (fish): The use of dry fish (gêrang) and various types of fish is
common in rituals. In making the bantên catur for deva yajñā, nine types of fish
are used: 1. tênggiri, 2. kakap, 3. sudamala, 4. gulama, 5. bandêng (milkfish), 6.
pakung (small shrimp), 7. baning, and 8. kuiya.
4. Mudrā (seeds/grains, hand gesture): The use of seeds in rituals varies
according to the level or type of yajñā. For a simple offering called soda, the
mudrā elements include rice, beans, komak, coconut, pangi, tingkih (candlenut),
and others. In preparing dakṣiṇā pêjati, symbolizing the Lord and the world,
a variety of grains are used, such as rice, tingkih, pangi, coconut, egg, and a
coin. Similarly, for the upakāra known as bantên catur, various seeds are used,
including joléh, kêkara, komak (in different colors), cêlagi, waluh, inja lilit, maja
kané, maja kêling, padma fruit, saga, phala, and others. The wiku tapini understands
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these objects and how to arrange them (nanding) in preparing a bantên. In the Raré
Angon manuscript, nine types of young coconut fruit (klungah) are mentioned,
which are used in the pêdudusan ritual of déva yajñā (Photo 3).
5. Maithuna (sexual intercourse): In a bantên, porosan silih-asih is used as a
symbol of maithuna, composed of betel leaves, areca nuts, lime powder (pamor),
and other elements. These symbols represent the union of the male (puruṣa)
and female (pradhāna). Although not literal, this is a symbolic representation, as
seen in cakra pūjā, and in the worship of Śiva and Śakti. It should be noted that
the presence of the symbols is also seen in the indigenous cultures of Indonesia.

Photo 3. Klungah nyuh gading (yellow young coconut fruit) used in pitṛ yajñā
(Source: IBP Suamba, 2024).

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4.5 Akṣara
The Tutur Aji Sarasvatī manuscript discusses the origin of the sacred
akṣara letters and its development into various letters both in the microcosm
and macrocosm. The use of akṣara is significant in rituals as well as in the
human body from a mystical perspective. Some parts of a bantên / yantra are
inscribed with these letters at specific points. In the ritual of pitṛ yajñā, the use
of akṣara can be seen in the pangavak/avak-avakan, a thin slate of wood drawn
with a human body representing the dead, where sacred letters are inscribed
in respective parts of the body. The letters known as daśākṣara, the ten sacred
letters, are commonly used to represent different manifestations of Lord Śiva.
The concept of dévata nava sangha is symbolized with a letter at the respective
position, for example, sa for the east, ba for the south, a for the north, ī for the
central, etc. The daśākṣara consists of the pañca akṣara and the pañca brahma. The
pañca akṣara of na-ma-śi-va-ya is common accross Śaiva sects. The forms of akṣara,
especially the bījākṣara, are used, sometimes with an unpronounced symbolized
letter (modré). For proper pronunciation, there is a manual called krakah modré.
The form of modré is often like calligraphy. Not only presented visually, akṣara
is also chanted during the priest’s yoga.
Stephen (2014, pp. 208-209) worked on the topic of akṣara, especially
daśākṣara in their relation to yoga as perceived in Bali. Her study was based on
the textual traditions in Bali. The author concludes that:
“The daśākṣara are a phenomenon that not merely challenges but refutes
such assumptions, being so deeply rooted in Balinese ritual life in
practice, and in Balinese textual traditions, that is impossible for them
to be recent importations. Ironically, Western scholars, and following
them many Balinese intellectuals, have yet to realize that the daśākṣara
practices are indeed yoga that the old Balinese tutur texts are full of
accounts of saḍanga yoga”.
What is interesting to note is that the practice of yoga in Balinese tradition
involves the use of akṣara, in addition to various forms of ritual. This unique
approach combines ritual, yoga, knowledge, and akṣara, setting it apart from
other practices. However, the author views this through the lens of Tantra.
Hornbacher (2016, p. 90) studied the role of akṣara and its effectiveness when
inscribed on different media within Balinese rituals (Photo 4). She suggested
that:
“Despite this marginalization, akṣara are widely regarded as
indispensable ritual elements, a topic on which reform Hinduism
has had little to say. Thus, in speculative and ritual use, akṣara cannot
be replaced by any other script system, because their visual shape is
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more important than their phonetic value. Put another way, akṣara
might be replaced by Roman letters if their exclusive purpose were the
representation of speech”.
The shapes of sound manifestation are categorized into three types: akṣara
vréhastra, svalalita, and modré. Modré, with its calligraphy-like form, cannot be
replaced by Roman scripts. Its design evokes purity, sacredness, and mystic
qualities. The use of modré in rituals is integral; an akṣara in the form of modré
cannot generate power without undergoing a purification process, which
involves its use in bantên and the chanting of mantra.
						

Photo 4. Akṣara ang (top) and akṣara aḥ (below) representing akṣara rva bhinéda
scribed in payuk pengêntas and in racadana tīrtha pangêntas in cremation (ngabén)
(Source: Lontar collection of Grya Akah Klungkung).
4.6 The Importance of Body
Self-transformation in the journey of the soul can only occur in the human
body, which must be kept healthy and fit for this purpose. This process is not
simple, as it involves a battle between righteousness (dharma) and unrighteousness
(adharma). Stephenson (2023, p. 2) notes that in Kashmir Shaivism, the body
and senses play crucial roles. Unlike some Yogic traditions that disparage and
discipline the body, Kashmir Shaivism emphasizes cultivating and utilizing the
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body and senses in advanced meditation and ritual. One should strive for the
victory of dharma, as it leads to safety and eternal happiness. Tantra sādhana
encourages seekers to look inward to discover the essence of life. Thus, the
human body and its organs must be understood and meditated upon to embody
divinity. In this practice, akṣara is vital for the ascension of life.
A specific inner organ, along with the bījākṣara of a deity, becomes the
abode of the divine. The process of expanding akṣara from ékākṣara (praṇava
omkāra) to higher levels, including ṣaḍ daśākṣara, and then contracting it back to
ékākṣara, happens within the human body. According to the Tutur Kunti Sraya
Putus manuscript, various deities with their associated akṣara reside in specific
organs, such as Īśvara (Sang) in the heart, Brahma (Bang) in the liver, Mahādéva
(Tang) in the spleen, and so on. These akṣaras also have external representations
at various temples, such as Īśvara at Lêmpuyang temple in the east, and Brahma
at Andakasa temple in the south, among others.
The human body is viewed as a complex laboratory for experimenting
or researching to uncover the truth of reality. This perspective holds that the
entire world, both the macrocosm and microcosm, is nothing but sacred letters
(akṣara), a manifestation of divine sound (nāda/nāda brahman). These concepts
are reflected in Balinese rituals, each with its own modes of manifestation.
5. Conclusion
The Balinese Hindu religion is based on three interconnected principles:
tri kérangka āgama or tri yoga, which include metaphysics (tattva), ethics (śīla),
and ritual (upacāra). These principles aim to unite (yoga) the self with the
Supreme Self. The rituals of Balinese Hinduism combine Vedic and non-Vedic
elements, particularly Tantric traditions. They include aspects like maṇḍala,
yantra (in bantên), pañca makāras, akṣara, mantra, and the human body, all of
which form a spiritual discipline (sādhanā) aimed at acquiring siddhi. Rituals
in Balinese Hinduism can vary in scale—small (kanistha), medium (madhya), or
large (uttama)—depending on the ability and sincerity of the practitioners. They
incorporate elements of pañca mahā bhūta, which are reflected in local culture,
giving these rituals a distinctive and strong Tantric influence.
Knowledge and ritual in Balinese tradition are inseparable, akin to a bird
needing both wings to fly. Rituals are extensions of knowledge (jñāna) found
in tutur/tattva texts. While Tantrayāna, particularly its maithuna aspect, is not
openly embraced, symbolic adaptations are used. Tantrism subtly influences
rituals, despite some terminologies being unfamiliar to the general public.

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Acknowledgements
This is revised version of the conference paper “Elements of Tantrism
in the Balinese Rituals” presented in the Tantric Text Practices as Intersection:
Between Magical Knowledge and Self-Liberation, 28th-29th October 2022 held
in CATS Heidelberg University, Germany. I would like to extend my gratitude
to Prof Annette Hornbacher for inviting me and giving me the opportunity to
present my paper on the Conference of Tantrism held on 28th-29th October 2022
in the CATS of Heidelberg University, Germany. The same is also to priests,
viku tapini, sarati bantên, pêmangku, and scholars who have helped me providing
information during collecting the data. Without their helps this paper would
not be in its present form.
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Author Profile
Ida Bagus Putu Suamba is a professor in the field of philosophy/ethics in the
Business Administration Department, Politeknik Negeri Bali. He earned his
Ph.D. in Philosophy from the University of Pune, India in 2012. In 1991, he joined
the Politeknik Negeri Bali as a lecturer. From 2012 to 2023, he was a member of
the “Text Material Culture” research team at The Collaborative Research Centre
933, University of Heidelberg, Germany. Email: bagusputusuamba@pnb.ac.id

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