al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125
ISSN: 1907-591X.
E-ISSN: 2442-3084
DOI: https://doi.
org/10.
19105/al-lhkam.
Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo Merariq Tradition: An AoUrf Perspective Fawaizul Umam Universitas Islam Negeri Kiai Haji Achmad Siddiq.
Jember.
Indonesia email: fawaiz@uinkhas.
Mohammad Ali Al Humaidy Institut Agama Islam Negeri Madura.
Pamekasan.
Indonesia email: malhum@iainmadura.
Moh.
Asyiq Amrulloh Universitas Islam Negeri Mataram.
Mataram.
Indonesia email: mohasyiq71@uinmataram.
Article history: Received: October 06, 2023.
Accepted: October 11, 2023.
Published: June 15, 2024 Abstract:
This article discusses dialectical teachings between Islam and local culture among Wetu Telu Muslims, a local community in Lombok, which is often accused of developing a prototype of Islamic teachings mixed with deviant, heterodox, and heretical The discussion focuses on one form of their traditions that reflects the dialectics, namely the merariq in wedding By applying a qualitative approach, this study specifically portrayed relevant views of Wetu Telu Muslims which are relatively different from that of orthodox Muslims in Lombok.
Based on the results of participatory observation and unstructured in-depth interviews, the study findings reveal that the traditions of the Wetu Telu Muslims, especially in merariq, reflect a dialectical teaching between Islam and local culture so that it can be named as an Islamic tradition.
It is also clear that Wetu Telu's teachings are extremely tolerant to the local culture and this is proven, among others, through their wedding Author correspondence email: fawaiz@uinkhas.
Available online at: http://ejournal.
id/index.
php/alihkam/ Copyright .
2024 by Al-Ihkam.
Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo From the AoUrf perspective, merariq wedding tradition is legitimate for recognition as an Islamic culture or Islamic legal practice even though some aspects of the tradition differ from the general principles of Islamic orthodoxy in Indonesia.
Keywords:
Islam.
Local Culture.
Dialectics.
Merariq.
AoUrf Introduction One of the Islamic expressions in Lombok showing a vibrant interrelation with local culture is presented by local Muslims called Wetu Telu.
The term closely relates to the Wetu Telu teachings relying on the spirit AuthreeAy in cosmological beliefs, namely theological doctrines, system of reproduction, and system of law.
1 This community is now centered in Bayan, a subdistrict in the North Lombok district of West Nusa Tenggara Province.
Indonesia.
2 The Bayan area itself is a place of the first arrival of Islam to Lombok Island in the 13th century.
The Javanese preachers led by Sunan Prapen landed in the north coast of Lombok which later they named AuBayanAy.
4 It is commonly believed that at that time, the Sunan and Bayan leaders agreed that they would embrace Islam on the condition that they were still allowed to carry out their customs.
5 Therefore, many outsiders consider the Islamic beliefs and expressions of the Wetu Telu Muslims to be imperfect because they have mixed up Islamic teachings with elements of local culture.
This idea of AuimperfectionAy has stigmatized them as nominal MuslimsAi who do not practice the Islamic law AucorrectlyAy.
The Aunominal 1 Fawaizul Umam.
Membangun Resistensi.
Merawat Tradisi: Modal Sosial Komunitas Wetu Telu (Mataram: Lembaga Kajian Islam dan Masyarakat, 2.
, 8.
2 Ahmad Salehudin.
AuThe Sasak People of Lombok: Indigenous Communities at the Crossroads of Globalization,Ay Al-Albab 8, no.
: 281Ae97, https://doi.
org/10.
24260/alalbab.
3 Sven Cederroth.
The Spell of the Ancestors and the Power of Mekkah: A Sasak Community on Lombok (Sweden: ACTA Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 1.
, 81.
4 Jamaludin.
AuSalut as a Gate For the Coming of Islam in Lombok:
Archaeological Analysis of the Ancient Mosque in North Lombok,Ay Heritage of Nusantara: International Journal of Religious Literature and Heritage 7, no.
: 46Ae78, https://doi.
org/10.
31291/hn.
5 Cederroth.
The Spell of the Ancestors and the Power of Mekkah: A Sasak Community on Lombok, 32.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Fawaizul Umam, et al.
MuslimsAy is GeertzAos term for abangan, one of three variants of Javanese Islam besides santri and priyayi.
A number of studies have confirmed that theological stigma against the Wetu Telu still occurs within Sasak communities today, as Budiwanti,7 Avonius,8 and Suprapto9 had stated.
These heretical claims bolstered the elites of orthodox Sasak Muslims to launch da'wah islAmiyah at the heart of the Wetu TeluAos culture in Bayan.
The claims had also been used often by tuan guru10 with their effort to AuenlightenAy the Wetu Telu Muslims through systematic preaching .
aAowa.
that remains strong to this day.
11 These have made them increasingly marginalized culturally in almost all cultural areas in Lombok.
This research studies one of Wetu TeluAos traditions with the AoUrf perspective, an Islamic legal maxim .
AAoidah fiqhiyya.
that postulates tradition as a consideration in determining the law.
13 It is relevant to use as a perspective because the Wetu TeluAos tradition reflects the dialectic of Islam and local culture.
In this context, dialectics is theoretically defined as the process of opposition between two opposites,14 namely between religion (Isla.
and local culture which then produces a new tradition named Wetu Telu.
Specifically, this definition refers to the Hegelian perspective based on the dialectical 6 Clifford Geertz.
The Religion of Java (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1.
7 Erni Budiwanti.
Islam Sasak: Wetu Telu versus Waktu Lima (Yogyakarta: LKyS, 8 Leena Avonius.
AuReforming Adat: Indonesian Indigenous People in the Era of Reformasi,Ay The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 4, no.
: 123Ae42, https://doi.
org/https://doi.
org/10.
1080/14442210310001706417.
9 Suprapto.
AuSasak Muslims and Interreligious Harmony: Ethnographic Study of the Perang Topat Festival in Lombok - Indonesia,Ay Journal of Indonesian Islam 11, no.
: 77Ae98, https://doi.
org/10.
15642/JIIS.
10 Fahrurrozi.
AuTuan Guru and Social Change in Lombok.
Indonesia,Ay Indonesia Malay World .
117Ae34, https://doi.
org/https://doi.
org/10.
1080/13639811.
11 Erni Budiwanti.
AuThe Role of Wali.
Ancient Mosques and Sacred Tombs in the Dynamics of Islamisation in Lombok,Ay Heritage of Nusantara: International Journal of Religious Literature Heritage .
17Ae46, https://doi.
org/https://doi.
org/10.
31291/hn.
12 Ahmad Fathan Aniq.
AuLombok Islam in the Eyes of Anthropologists,Ay Alqalam 28, no.
: 197, https://doi.
org/10.
32678/alqalam.
13 Al asab AllAh.
Ul Al-TashrAo Al-IslAm (Egypt: DAr al-MaAoArif, 1.
, 311.
Dictionary.
AuDialectic,Ay Merriam-Webster.
Com.
May https://w.
merriam-webster.
com/dictionary/dialectic.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo trilogy,15 namely thesis (Isla.
, antithesis .
ocal cultur.
, and synthesis (Wetu Telu traditio.
With the 'Urf perspective, this study offers a dissenting view of the Wetu Telu MuslimsAo tradition.
It proposes a thesis that Wetu Telu traditions are expressions of the enriched Indonesian Islam.
The traditions celebrate a dialectic between Islam and local culture and therefore Wetu Telu is a legitimate Islamic tradition even though it differs from mainstream Islam.
To strengthen the thesis, this study focuses on one of the Wetu Telu traditions, namely the merariq wedding tradition, because it most visibly reflects the dialectical intertwining of Islam and local culture.
To be systematic, this article begins with a description of the merariq and its dialectics then discusses it from the AoUrf perspective ended with the conclusion.
Methods This study is based on qualitative field research.
Its design used a case study, precisely on social community studies.
It specifically chose Bayan as a locus of study where the presence of Wetu TeluAos traditions remains strong.
16 All data is collected through participatory observation, literature review, and unstructured interviews.
Participatory observation was used to understand the merariq wedding tradition.
it was specifically carried out during two wedding events in January and April 2022 respectively.
Meanwhile, the literature review was to collect data regarding their history and sociocultural dynamics and also to enrich AoUrf perspective through a critical review of the classical fiqh treasures.
Meanwhile, snowball interviews started with key informants selected based on their significant role in establishing the cultural institutions of Wetu Telu in Bayan.
They are the Wetu TeluAos leaders, such as pemangku .
he highest customary leade.
, penghulu .
itualsAo spiritual leade.
, pembekel .
he coordinating customary officia.
, perumbaq .
he guardians of the ancestral graveyard and sacred fores.
, pembangar .
he customary official of ritual for planting season and house buildin.
, toaq lokaq .
he customary elder.
, 15 Peter Singer.
Hegel: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2.
, 99Ae103.
16 Zaenudin Mansyur.
AuSelf-Esteem and Fixed Price in Islamic Law (A Critical Study of the Pesuke Tradition among the Nobles of the Sasak Tribe of Lombo.
,Ay AlIhkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial 16, no.
: 180Ae206, https://doi.
org/10.
19105/AL-LHKAM.
V16I1.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Fawaizul Umam, et al.
he customary cleri.
, lebe or mudim .
ustomary leaders for rituals.
guardian of the ancient mosqu.
, head of the village, and keliang dusun .
ead of sub-villag.
After the validation, all interview and observation results are described critically and then analyzed and interpreted using the 'Urf All descriptions of the stages of merariq are interpreted as dialectical manifestations between Islam and local culture.
The 'Urf is used as a perspective to give fiqhiyah legitimacy to this dialectic and then concluded as an anthropological necessity whenever religion (Isla.
comes into contact with local culture.
Result and Discussion Merariq Tradition In Bayan, religion and culture are mutually reinforcing and inseparable from each otherAos.
17 The systems, patterns, and ethos of culture have influenced symbols, patterns, and content of religiosity and vice versa.
18 This confirms the notion that there is no religion arising from a cultural vacuum.
Every religion always arises from a dialectic between religion and the local culture of the place of origin.
Wetu Telu's tradition, in this talk, is one of the proofs of how dialectics In the wedding tradition of Sasak Muslims in general, there are three procedural ways: .
rranged marriag.
, .
mepadik lamar .
roposed marriag.
, and .
merariq or selarian .
However, in the Wetu Telu Muslim tradition, only the merariq serves as the main socio-cultural institution in implementing marriage customs.
RSH, a young leader of Bayan, emphasized why they only recognize merariq as the only marriage procedure:20 AuYes, that's right.
only merariq is traditionally recognized here (Baya.
According to our elders, this marriage is also about honor and self-esteem.
We highly honor girls, they 17 Muhammad Ahyar.
AuIslam Bayan: An Analysis of Religious Behavior on Gama and Luir Gama Traditional Ceremonies in Lombok Ntb,Ay International Journal of Social Science 2, no.
: 2377Ae90, https://doi.
org/10.
53625/ijss.
18 RSH.
Interview.
May 2022.
19 Al Dueck et al.
AuWestern Cultural Psychology of Religion: Alternatives to Ideology,Ay Pastoral Psychology .
397Ae425, https://doi.
org/10.
1007/s11089-016-0731-3.
20 RSH.
Interview.
May 2022.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo are precious.
If there is a man who wants to marry her, he must fight by stealing from us, not come asking for her .
For us, merariq is a symbol of a man's courage to take on the responsibility of starting a household.
The man also has to prepare a proper offering to the woman's family, it's a customary consequence for having run away with our daughtersA.
Ay Merariq or merariang in the Wetu Telu tradition is a marriage step carried out by kidnapping or taking away a woman to the family home of a man who wants to marry her.
The marriage stages can be seen in Figure 1.
Stage 1 Stage 3 Stage 2 Stage 5 Stage 4 Stage 7 Stage 6 Stage 9 Stage 8 Stage 11 Stage 10 Figure 1.
Marriage Stages in Wetu Telu Traditional Marriage It can be seen from Figure 1 that marriage stages in Wetu Telu communities consist of 11 stages.
First, the man visits the woman's house .
with the aim of getting to know each other and agreeing to get married.
If the two agree, they then set a time and plan to kidnap the woman from her house and then hide her at a house of the manAos The process of kidnapping .
must be carried out at night between of Maghrib and Isha prayers times .
15 p.
If it is done outside this time, the man will be subject to customary sanctions.
On a predetermined night and with a wellarranged strategy, the man approaches the womanAos house while giving signals, such as whistling, clapping, or other signals, as a sign that he is ready to take the woman away.
Then, the woman secretly meets the man and runs away together leaving the house to a designated hiding place .
, namely the house of the manAos family, relatives, or friends.
In penyeboqan, the woman is hidden for a while until the selabar process .
he groom's family visits the bride's family home to affirm the commitment to marriag.
As for the 21 RSH.
Interview.
May 2022.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Fawaizul Umam, et al.
woman's family, after confirming that their daughter has been AukidnappedAy for marriage, they wait for notification .
from the AukidnapperAosAy family.
Sejati or mesejati is a notification to the womanAos family.
This is the first customary action that the manAos family must take after their son takes away someone's daughter by sending a messenger .
The message is delivered to the woman's parents or family through a head of the village .
where the woman and her parents or family live.
This must be done no later than three days after if the period exceeds three days, the man will be subject to customary sanctions.
23 After receiving sejati, the keliang immediately informs the womanAos parents.
After that, the coupleAos families hold a traditional meeting called selabar or pemuput selabar.
This meeting is usually carried out three days after sejati.
This is a deliberative forum .
to discuss and agree on the amount of ajikrama or sajikrama, namely offerings from the manAos family to the womanAos family that have been determined by This is a customary requirement for the implementation of the next stage up to the Aoaqd al-nikAh.
The number of ajikrama is adjusted to the socio-cultural status of the bride.
If she comes from aristocratic circles, the ajikrama set is usually high so it is often burdensome for the groomAos family.
Ajikrama can also be called a marriage fine that must be paid by the groom for AukidnappingAy someone's daughter to marry.
he must be sentenced to pay a fine because he is deemed to have violated the honor of the community where the brideAos family lives.
The selabar event is held at the home of the womanAos parents or closest family at the berugaq sekenem .
meeting place to welcome special guest.
which is witnessed and mediated by traditional leaders, such as keliang, toaq lokaq, and pemangku.
Ajikrama is a customary fine, not a dowry.
If the dowry is intended and is the full right of the bride, ajikrama is intended for many It is not only for the brideAos family but also for her mother as a redeemer of breast milk, needs of tampah wirang, also for village treasuries, mosque treasuries, educational institutions, as well as security officers and witnesses who take part in the gundem.
In addition, 22 RSH.
Interview.
23 AR.
Bayan adat elder.
Interview.
April 2022.
24 AR.
Bayan adat elder.
Interview.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo although the dowry and ajikrama can both be postponed according to the agreement, the ajikrama can be paid from the joint assets of the bride and groom, while the dowry is only the husbandAos obligation and is paid from his own assets.
At the selabar forum, representatives of the brideAos families submit a list of offering items that the groomAos families had to fulfill as customary fine .
25 In this forum, the groomAos representatives usually try to reduce the amount of ajikrama, while the brideAos family tries to maintain the proposal or even increase it.
In this process, protracted bargaining often takes place so that sometimes an event of this selabar is not completed in one meeting.
Frequently, multiple meetings must be held considering that for the brideAos big family, the height of the ajikrama automatically increases their cultural prestige so they try to survive with the demands of the amount of 26 When the amount of ajikrama is agreed upon by both parties, the goal of pemuput selabar has been achieved.
The next stage is sorong serah ceremony.
It is a stage of handing over ajikrama from the groomAos family to the brideAos family.
This handover ceremony is represented by the pembayun of the groomAos family and accepted by the pembayun of the brideAos family.
This ceremony is then followed by the nyongkolan, namely the ceremony of taking the bride and groom to visit the brideAos parentsAo house which is usually attended by extended family, relatives, friends, and all of the adat communities to form a mass procession accompanied by the beat of gendang beleq .
ig drum.
a traditional Lombok musi.
The nyongkolan is considered finished when the group of gendang beleq musicians have been served drinks.
In the Wetu Telu wedding tradition, nyongkolan is an announcement to the public that the bride and groom are married.
After arriving at the brideAos house, the couples are placed in the middle of a row of dulang .
ood containers in the form of cakes and Both are asked to feed each other as a symbolic form of love and loyalty .
amukti ketresna.
After that, both of them are invited to change their clothes through the bedudus event, namely being bathed in water with various flowers with the aim of making them successful in 25 AR.
Bayan adat elder.
Interview.
26 JB and MHO, two young leaders of Wetu Telu.
Interview.
March 2022.
RNM,
April 2022.
27 RNM.
Interview.
April 2022.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Fawaizul Umam, et al.
a new life.
After that, the bride and groom return home to the groomAos family house with the entire group accompanied by the gendang beleq.
After the nyongkolan, the bride and groom carry out the tobat kakas ceremony.
It takes place in the groomAos house and is led by an inaq belian .
The most important procession of the marriage blessing ritual is bedak keramas which is symbolically intended as a form of repentance for the bride and groom.
In the process, the inaq belian bathes and shampoos the heads of both with turmeric mixture, grated coconut or coconut milk, and kencur rice .
edak lenge.
which was previously recited by the kiai.
After being smeared with the mixture, both of them are invited to clean themselves and then prepare to start the Aoaqd al-nikAh process.
The entire series of merariq traditions culminates with the ngawinang ceremony (Aoaqd al-nikA.
It is led directly by the head of the Religious Affairs Office (Kantor Urusan Agama.
KUA).
With the completion of the Aoaqd al-nikAu, the bride and groom legally become wife and husband, both according to customary law.
Islamic law, and state law.
30 After that, it is usually continued with holding tampah wirang .
edding party.
walmat al-Aour.
, a form of gratitude for the marriage as well as an announcement to the public that the bride and groom have legally become wife and husband.
A kiai stated:31 AuFinally, tampah wirang.
If this party is done it means the marriage is perfect, and all the procedures of merariq have been fulfilled.
They have officially become husband and Their relationship is now legal according to custom, religion, and the state.
Adherence to these three rules is a principle for us, to be obeyed by all Wetu Telu people here in Bayan.
Ay 28 JB and MHO.
Interview.
March 2022.
29 RNM.
Interview.
April 2022.
30 Interview with informants.
March-April 2022.
31 RNM.
Interview.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo Dialectical Forms Beyond Merariq There are various forms of dialectics between Islam and local culture reflected in the merariq tradition of Wetu Telu Muslims.
These forms are seen mainly in five aspects of its implementation.
First, the ritual implementation of the ngawinang or Aoaqd al-nikAu.
Among all the stages of the merariq tradition, the ngawinang stage reflects the most noticeable form of dialectic.
In this case, the nuances of Islamic procedures are more dominant, starting with the reading of the marriage sermon .
hubah al-nikA.
followed by al-jAb wa al-qabl .
onsent and acceptance in marriag.
The sermon is usually read in Arabic, while the jAb wa qabl use the Javanese-Sasaknese, a typical Bayan language.
Second, the use of certain symbols or media as well as symbolic expressions in all stages, such as the use of beleq drums during the nyongkolan procession which is interpreted as a medium for announcing the existence of a marriage .
AolAn al-nikA.
, the bedak keramas ritual which combines traditional mantras .
pell, a form of words used as a magical incantatio.
and prayers to God as well as glorification of ancestral spirits, the submission of ajikrama as an expression of devotion and gratitude to the bride's parents and the community, and 33 That use of symbols not only confirms the dialectic of Islam and local culture but also reflects the unity in an equal relationship symbolized by the important role of religious and traditional leaders at every stage.
a pemangku said:34 AuAdat .
is the world, religion is the hereafter.
Both are important and must be practiced together.
If we want to be happy in the afterlife, then practice the religion.
If we want to be happy in the world, then enliven the adat.
If we want to be happy in the world and the afterlife, practice Ay Third, the approval of traditional leaders or customary In the merariq, a marriage decision is not only based on Islamic values such as the consent of the guardian .
al nikA.
and the 32 RNM and MHO.
Interview.
April 2022.
33 Based on observations in February and May 2022.
34 MHO.
Interview.
April 2024.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
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agreement of both parties but also considers aspects of local culture such as the approval of traditional leaders.
The customary fines and the handing over of part of the ajikrama to the customary community confirm that the marriage of a community member is a celebration of the happiness of all community members.
Fourth, the obligation of dowry .
l-mah.
and ajikrama from the groom to the bride.
The obligation of dowry reflects Islamic teachings on Aoaqd al-nikAu, while the giving of ajikrama is a customary obligation that the groom's family must give to the bride's family.
If the dowry is specific to the bride, the ajikrama is for the bride's family and the customary community.
Fulfillment of both validates the marriage, both religiously and customarily.
Fifth, the blessing of the bride and groom with mantras and In the merariq, the process of blessing with prayers and mantras is particularly visible during the events of bedudus, tobat kakas, and bedak Mantras are recited by an inaq belian, while prayers are recited by kiai.
37 The process aims to ask God and the ancestors for blessings for the bride and groomAos happiness.
This blessing process reflects that religion and custom are lived as a living tradition in Wetu Telu Through these various forms of dialectics, the merariq reflects a complex interaction between Islamic teachings and local culture.
Based on observations, cultural elements appear to be much stronger in the Wetu Telu's wedding tradition than in the orthodox Sasak MuslimsAo.
The uniqueness also confirms the fact that not only Islam culturally enriches the Wetu Telu teachings, but also Hinduism brought by the Kingdom Karangasem Bali during its period of control on Lombok Island.
38 Several stages of the merariq such as bedak keramas are rituals and stages of marriage among Balinese Hindus, while Islamic teachings appear, for instance, in fulfilling the conditions and pillars of marriage such as the jAb wa qabl process.
35 RGD.
Interview.
May 2024.
36 MHO.
Interview.
April 2024.
37 Observations.
February and May 2022.
38 Hans Hygerdal.
Hindu Rulers.
Muslim Subjects: Lombok and Bali in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo Merariq in the AoUrf Perspective From the AoUrf perspective, the merariq is valid to be called part of the Islamic traditions because its rules .
AAoida.
emphasize the possibility and permissibility of local traditions being taken into consideration in deriving Islamic law .
stinbA al-aukA.
, for example, al-AoAdah muuakkamah .
raditions can be taken into consideration in determining the la.
and al-thAbit bi al-Aourf kA al-thAbit bin al-na mA lam yukhAlif sharAoan .
ruling based on tradition is the same as a ruling based on SharaA.
39 These rules are epistemological reasons for the use of tradition as a reference in deriving judgments so that the Islamic legal products are friendly to local traditions.
The AoUrf is based on Qs.
al-AAorAf .
: 199 says.
AuBe forgiving and order people to do what is ma'rf, and turn away from ignorant Ay Al-maAorf is something that is considered good by society so it is always practiced.
It is al-Aourf .
,40 something that is considered good by society and recognized by sharaAo in line with a uadth attributed to AoAbdullAh ibn Mas'ud that something that is considered good by Muslims is also seen as good by AllAh.
41 Based on the uadth, merariq is something that is considered rationally good by the Wetu Telu Muslims and is consciously practiced by them continuously and then institutionalized into customs.
Thus, it is legally recognized by Islamic Law, although it has differences from the wedding tradition of mainstream Muslims.
The point is that the traditions accommodated by Islam are good traditions that are in line with the Shariah.
42 In this context, the merariq is a form of good local tradition (AoAdah Aliua.
because all of its stages are generally not contrary to the Shariah.
Ibn Qayyim, a medieval Islamic jurist .
, paid great attention to local traditions in establishing Islamic legal provisions.
reminded that if someone asks for a fatwa .
egal opinio.
, the person must be asked about the traditions that apply in his region and society.
Meanwhile, people who are fixated on the meaning of texts that are 39 AoAbd al-WahhAb KhalAf.
AoIlm Ul Al-Fiqh (Cairo: DAr al-adth, 2.
, 99.
40 Ab al-Fayd Muuammad bin YAsin bin IsA Al-FAdAn.
Al-FawAAoid Al-Janiyyah .
p: al-BidAyah, n.
), 225.
41 JalAl al-Dn Al-Suy.
Al-AshbAh Wa Al-NaeAAoir (Bairut: DAr al-Kutub alAoIlmiyyah, 2.
, 141Ae42.
42 ubu MaumaAn.
Falsafat Al-TashrAo F Al-IslAm (Beirut: Maktabah alKashshAf, 1.
, 212.
43 JB.
Interview.
January 2024.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Fawaizul Umam, et al.
contrary to customs, time, place, and human affairs are heretical and 44 In fact, changes in Islamic law depend on changes in time, place, customs, and human characteristics.
45 In the case of Wetu Telu, the merariq that differs from the marriage tradition among mainstream Muslims is a logical consequence of the difference between their cultural context and that of other Muslims.
Cultural behavior cannot be separated from Islamic legal theory relating to custom and changes in Islamic law.
46 Within that context, the Wetu TeluAos cultural behavior has been institutionalized as a custom such as that of merariq.
In the merariq, they adhere to general provisions of Islamic law regarding marriage.
It is just that in the process, they have rules which come from traditional agreements.
In other words, the merariq tradition can be recognized as a tradition (Aour.
and becomes a consideration for determining Islamic law on marriage.
It is a part of the Islamic tradition, even though there are a number of differences with the wedding practices of orthodox Muslims.
This is in line with the meaning of Aourf.
it is something that people are used to doing and, in its development, it has become a popular habit among them.
With these rules, of course, not all habits or traditions can be categorized as the AoUrf.
Only traditions that have become social provisions .
l-istiqrA.
, continuation .
l-istimrA.
from the previous generation, and do not deviate from rational propriety can be accepted as al-Aourf al-auu.
48 These three conditions are generally fulfilled in the 44 Ibn Qayyim Al-Jawziyyah.
IAolAm Al-MuwaqqiAon Aoan Rabb Al-AlAmn (Bairut:
DAr IuyA al-TurAth al-AoArabiy, 1.
, 90Ae100.
45 Al-Jawziyyah.
IAolAm Al-MuwaqqiAon Aoan Rabb Al-AlAmn.
46 AoAbd al-Karm ZaydAn.
Al-Madkhal Li DirAsat Al-SharAoah Al-IslAmiyyah (Baghdad: Maktabah al-Quds, 1.
, 107.
47 Abd al-WahhAb KhalAf.
MaAdir Al-TashrAo Al-IslAm FmA LA Na Fh (Kuwait:
DAr al-Qalam, 1.
, 828.
Wahbah Al-Zuuayl.
Ul Al-Fiqh Al-IslAm (Baghdad: DAr alFikr, n.
), 145.
Zainuddin.
Jusalim Sammak, and Salle.
AuAkkattere: Syncretism of Patuntung Beliefs and Sharia on Pilgrimage of the Ammatoa Kajang Community,Ay AHKAM :
Jurnal Ilmu Syariah .
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Fatahuddin Aziz Siregar et al.
AuMerantau in the Ethnic Tradition of Minangkabau: Local Custom without Sharia Basis?,Ay Samarah 6, no.
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org/10.
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48 Aumad Fahm Ab Sunnah.
Al-AoUrf Wa Al-AoAdah F RaAoy Al-FuqahAAo (Cairo: AlAzhar, 1.
, 8.
Nor Hasan et al.
AuTradition.
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Sulfan Wandi Sulfan Wandi.
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, 2024: 104-125 Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo merariq tradition, both in practice and meaning.
it confirms that Islam is present in every dimension of the locality without destroying the local traditions and vice versa.
As long as local traditions do not conflict diametrically with the Islamic basic principles and are still in harmony with theological and ethical principles, they can be accepted as part of the Islamic expressions.
For example, the issue of the clothes worn by women in the wedding ceremony.
The clothes are kebaya without head covering.
Islamic law requires covering the Aoawrah, but the limits of women's 'awrah are not explicitly specified in the na.
The madhhab .
chools of la.
scholars differ in their opinions about the limits of womenAos Aoawrah.
49 Their consideration in determining the limits of women's Aoaurah is khawf al-fitnah .
oncerns about the emergence of fitnah, danger, and evi.
50 With this consideration, the limits of women's Aoawrah can be determined by cultural values developing in society.
The kebayas without head covering worn by women in the merariq procession are based on cultural values that do not categorize hair as an Aoawrah that must be covered and therefore there is no concern about fitnah Aoawrah in that community.
Another example is the memulang stage of the merariq.
Islamic law prohibits men from seclusion .
eing alon.
with women without a mauram .
person who is forbidden to marry because of descent, breastfeeding, and marital relation.
Likewise, a woman is prohibited from traveling without being accompanied by her mauram.
52 This provision is intended to protect women and ensure that women are in comfortable and safe conditions.
However, the memulang cannot be considered an act that is contrary to Islamic law because, in its procession, the man is not alone.
He also involved his family and Hukum Keluarga Hukum Islam .
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org/10.
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Moh Zahid.
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49 Wahbah Al-Zuuayl.
Al-Fiqh Al-IslAm Wa Adillatuh (Bairut: DAr al-Fikr, 1.
, 583Ae93.
Muwaffaq al-Dn Ab Muuammad Abd AllAh bin Aumad bin Muuammad bin QudAmah.
Al-Mughn (Riyadh: DAr Alam al-Kutub, 1.
, 326Ae28.
50 Husein Muhammad.
Fiqh Perempuan: Refleksi Kiai Atas Tafsir Wacana Agama dan Gender.
(Yogyakarta: IRCiSod, 2.
, 143Ae44.
51 MHO.
Interview.
April 2024.
52 Ab al-usayn Muslim bn.
Al-ajjAj, auu Muslim (Bandung: Shirkat alMaAoArif li al-ThabAo wa al-Nashr, n.
), 563.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
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Apart from that, the woman is taken away to the manAos family's house, not somewhere unsafe for women.
Next is nyongkolan procession in the merariq that reflects the preservation of local culture wrapped in religious teachings.
Its specialty lies in the procession of sending off the bride and groom which is enlivened by the sound of the gendang beleq.
This procession practices Islamic teaching which recommends iAolAn al-nikAu.
54 The scholars of fiqh .
uqahAA.
stated that iAolAn al-nikAu is recommended in Islamic law based on the ProphetAos uadth.
AuAnnounce the marriage and beat the tambourine.
Ay55 In fact, the MAlik Madhhab requires iAolAn alnikAu.
In the 'Urf perspective, the series of processions and ritual aspects of merariq are filled with symbols that actually strengthen the building of the tradition of Islamic marriage.
For example, bedak keramas procession symbolizes cleansing the bodies and souls of the bride and groom from dirt, disease, and sins they have committed.
During the procession, the ingredients used for bathing and shampooing the bride and groomAos hair are recited mantras.
The recitation of mantras gives a signal of sacredness.
57 it is carried out so that the bride and groom are truly clean and ready to make Aoaqd al-nikAu.
From the AoUrf perspective, merariq is a manifestation of a long dialectical process between Islam and local culture.
This confirms the fact that a dialectical process between Islam and local culture is inevitable at once.
itAos a symbiotic process that mutually enriches each 53 RSH and LNR.
Interview.
May 2022.
54 Muuammad bin Aumad bin Muuammad bin Rushd.
BidAyat Al-Mujtahid Wa NihAyat Al-Muqtaid (Semarang: Maktabah Usaha Keluarga, n.
), 13.
55 Wahbah Al-Zuuayl.
Al-Fiqh Al-IslAm Wa Adillatuh (Bairut: DAr al-Fikr, 1.
Ab Muuammad al-usain bin MasAod Al-Bagaw.
Sharu Al-Sunnah (Bairut: DAr al-Fikr, 2.
, 313.
56 MAlik bin Anas.
Al-Mudawwanah Al-KubrA (Cairo: DAr al-adth, 2.
, 314.
Rosdalina Bukido et al.
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V22I2.
Arifki Budia Warman et al.
AuStrengthening Family Resilience Through Local Wisdom: Pulang Ka Bako Type of Marriage in Minangkabau,Ay Al-Istinbath: Jurnal Hukum Islam 8, no.
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57 JB.
Interview.
January 2024.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo other so that Islam is constructed in the multi-faceted model,58 such as Malay Islam.
Chinese Islam.
Madurese Islam.
Javanese Islam.
Sasaks Islam, and Wetu Telu Islam.
Those models of Islamic expression can be read appropriately with Talal AsadAos anthropological theory.
He theorized a variety of Islam as the result of a discursive tradition.
60 According to him.
Islam always encourages Muslims to seek true religious models and goals in practicing Islamic teachings.
In every different space and time.
Muslims always try to legitimize their religious practices with the main authoritative references .
l-QurAoAn and al-adt.
61 These religious practices are the basis for the formation of discursive Islamic traditions so that the Islamic traditions in the world always display the heterogeneous Islams.
Asad viewed tradition as something that is dynamic because it is always required to respond to contemporary issues.
Thus.
Islam as a discursive tradition is always able to adapt to contemporary demands without having to lose its authenticity and continuity with the past.
This allows Islamic reasoning to always provide opportunities for negotiation between past Islamic practices as a reference and present or future demands as a projection.
63 With Asad's view, the merariq tradition is anthropologically valid to be called part of the Islamic 58 Eldar Barten.
In Muslim Diversity: Local Islam in Global Context (Richmond:
Curzon Press, 1.
59 Suprapto.
Dialektika Islam dan Budaya Nusantara: Dari Negosiasi.
Adaptasi Hingga Komodifikasi (Jakarta: Prenada Media Group, 2.
Suhaimi.
Agustri Purwandi, and Akhmad Farid Mawardi Sufyan.
AuBinsabin dan Tongngebban as Madurese Local Wisdom: An Anthropology of Islamic Law Analyses,Ay Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial 16, no.
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V16I1.
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Jusalim Sammak, and Salle.
AuPatuntung: The Encounter of Local Culture and Islamic Sharia in the Ammatoa Aajang Community,Ay Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial 18, no.
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60 Saba Mahmood and Jean-michel Landry.
AuAnthropology of Islam Journal,Ay Journal Ethnographic Theory .
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61 Mahmood and Landry.
62 Abdul Hamid El-Zein.
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In short, the Wetu Telu Muslims have developed complex religious practices based on local cultures.
64 This indicates that Islam is actually not an inanimate object so it always has relevance to every local 65 If Islam is treated as a final product of religiosity or an inanimate entity, many other Islamic models will not be tolerated.
This essentialist view has ignored the fact that Islam and local cultures are often negotiating with each other to create something to be shared 66 On the contrary.
Asad's view of Islam as a discursive tradition will be able to lead Muslims with different cultural backgrounds to find the AuauthenticityAy of their respective Islamic Through a mutually interactive relationship, local culture will provide more wisdom to Islam and vice versa.
Conclusion Merariq is one of Lombok's Sasak community wedding traditions but the only socio-cultural institution of marriage customs among the other two.
It makes very much sense, therefore, to find it wrapped by traditional naming, values, and physical procession.
Furthermore, it reflects a number of dialectical forms between Islamic teachings and local culture although apparently, it seems to dominantly represent the cultural aspects rather than the religious ones, making it a target of bad stigma or accusation as deviant Islam or In fact, as this research reveals, there are at least five aspects of dialectical forms beyond the practice of merariq.
This research furthermore found some aspects of merariq qualified to requirements of al-'urf al-auu so that it could be legitimately considered as a part of 64 Maimun.
AuIslam Nusantara in Islamic Law Epistemology Perspective,Ay AlIhkam: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 11, no.
: 392, https://doi.
org/10.
19105/alihkam.
65 Abdurrohman Kasdi.
AuIslamic Dialectics and Culture in Establishing Islam Nusantara Paradigm: Variety Model of Islam Nusantara for Indonesia,Ay Addin 12, no.
: 299, https://doi.
org/10.
21043/addin.
66 Najib Kailani.
Articulations of Islam and Muslim Subjectivity: Fundamental Debates in the Anthropology of Islam (Taiwan: Centre for Multicultural Studies, 2.
Hamda Sulfinadia et al.
AuImplementation of Aqiqah in the Bulan Maulid in Nagari Padang Laweh West Sumatra PerspectiveAoUrf,Ay Al-Istinbath: Jurnal Hukum Islam 8, no.
: 465Ae84, https://doi.
org/10.
29240/jhi.
Nofiardi.
AuThe AoUrf Perspective of Maanta Bareh Pasaran: Reinforcing the Kinship System through a Local Wisdom in Nagari Balingka,Ay Al-Istinbath: Jurnal Hukum Islam 7, no.
: 75Ae92, https://doi.
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Zahid.
AuSharia and Local Wisdom in Indonesia: A Criticism of JAhiliyyah Law Misinterpretation.
Ay al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 19 .
, 2024: 104-125 Dialectics Between Islam and Local Culture in Wetu Telu Lombok MuslimsAo Islamic law practice apart from traditional or Hindus nuance deemed to be found within.
However, a few parts of merariq slightly imply deviation or differences with mainstream or orthodox Islamic practice that are out of this current research focus, namely about taking away the future bride from her family right before the wedding.
Those aspects are prone to further misleading information or misunderstanding and it requires more focused research to redefine the scope and stages of merariq, particularly considering its sustainability until today in one hand and controversial assumptions around it.
Acknowledgments We would like to express our gratitude to the key informants of Wetu Telu Muslims.
We are very grateful to Siti Nurjanah for the copy editing and also our gratitude to Bisri Affandi for his insightful input has significantly improved this paper.
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