Article Paths to Resilience and Success:
The Role of Male Support in the Professional Growth of Female Teachers in Afghanistan Journal of Asian Social Science Research 2025.
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https://cassr.
net/jassr/ A The Author.
2025 Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik* University of Oslo.
Norway Marte Blikstad-Balas University of Oslo.
Norway Abstract Education remains a powerful force for societal transformation and Afghanistan provides a complex context in which to examine its impactAiparticularly through the experiences of female teachers.
This study explores the narratives of twelve Afghan women educators from urban and suburban areas in a western province, focusing on the year following the TalibanAos return to power in 2021.
Employing a critical narrative inquiry approach, the research sheds light on the often-overlooked role of male family members in supporting womenAos educational and professional lives.
Grounded in FreireAos critical pedagogy, hooksAos theories of becoming and self-actualization, and BourdieuAos concept of social capital, the study identifies four key themes: .
the role of male support in the professional development of female teachers.
advocacy beyond the classroom.
deep cultural and religious grounding.
resistance and resilience.
Central to the study is the nuanced concept of male support, which participants defined as engaging in meaningful dialogue, affirming womenAos choices, encouraging their societal contributions, or simply listening ParticipantsAiranging in age from their mid-20s to late 60sAi described how male relatives challenged social expectations to protect and promote their educational and professional goals.
While these men often acted as allies, the study also critically examines how such support may inadvertently reinforce patriarchal norms.
These findings Corresponding author:
Dr.
Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik Guest Researcher.
Faculty of Educational Sciences.
University of Oslo.
Norway Email: sadiyah.
fjellrik@outlook.
com, ss2872@nau.
Phone: 47 40479969 Address: yIrryusvingen 9, 404, 2007 Kjeller.
Norway Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol.
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contribute to the growing body of scholarship on education in conflict zones and offer important implications for gender-sensitive education policy, teacher training, and advocacy efforts in Afghanistan and similar Keywords Afghan women, female teachers, social capital theory, male allies, critical narrative inquiry, self-actualization, critical consciousness Introduction On August 15, 2021, the Islamic Republic of AfghanistanAisupported for two decades by the international communityAifell to the Taliban, reversing significant societal progress, particularly for women.
Under the newly established Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, women were once again barred from education, employment, and leadership roles, mirroring the TalibanAos previous regime .
6Ae2.
, during which women were virtually erased from public life.
Despite initial promises that womenAos rights would be respected under Sharia law, three years later, girls and women remain excluded from secondary schools and universities and are largely prohibited from professional and leadership roles.
Only a limited group of womenAiprimarily primary school teachers, healthcare workers, and airport staffAiare permitted to continue working.
The women of Afghanistan are currently facing severe restrictions imposed by the Taliban government, a regime intent on systematically erasing their presence from the social sphere.
Under the oppressive rule of the Taliban.
Afghan women are subjected to profound sociopolitical and psychological pressures that aim to strip them of their rights, autonomy, and identity.
Activists and international observers have increasingly labelled this state of affairs gender apartheid, underscoring the deliberate and institutionalized nature of the discrimination and oppression that Afghan women endure daily.
It is important to acknowledge that the plight of Afghan women is not new.
Historically, regardless of the governing authority.
Afghan women have been subjected to entrenched injustices and Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas systemic oppression, perpetuated by a deeply patriarchal society that has consistently undermined their roles and contributions (Fjellrik Patriarchy has long been a dominant force in Afghan society, relegating women to subordinate positions and restricting their access to education, employment, and political participation.
The two decades prior to the TalibanAos return saw meaningful Afghan women made significant strides in empowerment and societal participation.
With increased access to education, leadership roles, and public life, many women began to claim spaces that had long been denied to them.
Female teachers, activists, politicians, and entrepreneurs emerged as key contributors to AfghanistanAos social and economic development.
However, this hard-won progress is now being systematically dismantled under the Taliban regime, which seeks to push women back to the margins of society and silence the voices and contributions of half the population.
In light of these developments, it is crucial to document and examine the roles and lived experiences of female teachers within the current Afghan The stories of Afghan womenAiparticularly the educators in this studyAicentre not solely on oppression, but on resilience, negotiation, and transformation.
While the dominant narrativeAirightfully soAihighlights Afghan men as key enforcers of patriarchal oppression, it is equally important to examine the role of male allies who have supported and empowered women within these constraints.
Focusing solely on oppression risks overlooking the complexities of gender dynamics and the nuanced ways in which some men act as enablers of womenAos In deeply patriarchal societies like Afghanistan, where male authority dictates social norms, the support of fathers, brothers, and husbands can be a crucial factor in a womanAos access to education, employment, and personal agency (Fjellrik 2.
Recognizing these menAos roles does not diminish the reality of systemic gender-based discrimination, but rather adds depth to the discussion, shedding light on the potential for change from within these structures.
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By highlighting male advocacy, this research challenges a monolithic portrayal of Afghan men and acknowledges the existence of internal resistance to oppressive norms.
It also provides insight into how women navigate restrictive environments by leveraging familial relationships to create opportunities for themselves.
many cases, male support does not equate to complete liberation, but rather negotiated agency within existing constraints.
Understanding this dynamic is essential to shaping policies and interventions that engage male allies as partners in the fight for gender equality, rather than positioning them solely as obstacles.
Furthermore, documenting the role of supportive male figures provides a more comprehensive view of how social change occurs, even under the most repressive regimes.
While legal and institutional barriers may restrict womenAos rights, individual and familial support can serve as an essential counterforce, fostering resilience and longterm transformation.
By bringing these narratives to light, this study contributes to a more holistic understanding of gender relations in Afghanistan and offers a foundation for future efforts to strengthen solidarity between men and women in the pursuit of educational and professional equity.
This paper explores the significance of male support in the narratives of twelve female teachers in one Afghan province who navigated personal and professional growth during the Republic and now face new challenges under the Taliban.
Central to these stories is the role of supportive male figuresAifathers, husbands, brothers, and mentorsAiwho, through acts of solidarity, helped these women strive toward their aspirations.
This study examines the complex and often-overlooked role of male family support in the personal and professional trajectories of Afghan women, specifically female teachers.
By exploring their narratives, the research aims to highlight how male relatives and allies have contributed to womenAos success, while also interrogating the extent to which such support may simultaneously reinforce traditional gender norms.
The study is guided by the following Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas research questions: .
What roles do male family and community members play in supporting the self-actualization and professional growth of Afghan female teachers? and .
How do Afghan female teachers define and interpret male family support in the context of their personal and professional lives? To frame these narratives, this study draws on bell hooks .
Aos concept of becoming, which captures the ongoing processes of selfactualization amid marginalization.
Pierre Bourdieu .
Aos social capital theory, which underscores the importance of networks and relationships in achieving individual and collective goals.
and Paulo Freire .
Aos critical consciousness, which entails questioning the status quo and unjust power dynamics for social transformation.
examining the interplay between these frameworks, the study reveals how male support served as a form of social capital that facilitated these womenAos pursuit of education and professional success while contributing to the perpetuation of gender norms.
Studies on Male Allyship and Gender Dynamics in WomenAos Educational Careers in Afghanistan and Beyond AfghanistanAos educational landscape for women has been shaped by decades of socio-political upheaval, entrenched patriarchal norms, and intermittent foreign intervention (Baiza 2.
Female teachers, in particular, face not only systemic barriers within the education sector but also limitations arising from societal expectations and institutional restrictions (Kirk 2008.
Samady 2.
Scholars have documented how the intersection of patriarchy and insecurity creates a deeply gendered professional environment in which women often rely on male gatekeepersAiwhether family members or institutional authoritiesAifor career advancement (Human Rights Watch 2017.
Jackson 2.
While global attention has largely focused on structural oppression, there is limited research examining the nuanced and potentially transformative role of Afghan men as supporters of womenAos professional trajectories, particularly in the teaching profession.
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Evidence from broader South Asian and Middle Eastern contexts suggests that male involvement in gender equity initiatives can either reinforce patriarchal control or contribute to progressive social change, depending on intent and execution (Cornwall 2000.
Levtov et al.
In Bangladesh, for example, gender-transformative initiatives such as World VisionAos MenCare project demonstrate that men, when positioned as allies rather than saviours, can contribute to womenAos autonomy, reduce domestic violence, and support shared caregiving responsibilities (World Vision 2.
Similarly, the MenEngage Alliance across South AsiaAiincluding Pakistan.
India, and NepalAipromotes feminist-oriented masculinities through advocacy and educational programs (MenEngage Alliance 2.
Findings from the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES 2.
in the Middle East and North Africa, including Egypt.
Lebanon.
Morocco, and Palestine, reveal that while patriarchal attitudes remain widespread, a notable minority of men support womenAos social and economic equalityAiespecially when shaped by equitable caregiving experiences or exposure to progressive male role models (UN Women and Promundo 2.
However, other studies caution that male involvement, if not grounded in critical reflection, may inadvertently reproduce existing gender hierarchies.
Schuler et al.
report that while some Bangladeshi men become supportive of womenAos mobility through NGO engagement or education, others resist due to fears of losing male dominance.
Emerging research from Afghanistan underscores the complexity of male allyship in highly patriarchal and volatile contexts.
Yousaf and Peacock .
highlight how male activists who advocate for womenAos rightsAiespecially within Islamic frameworksAioften face resistance, threats, and even violence from their communities.
Nevertheless, those who engage religious leaders and reference Quranic principles have seen gradual shifts in community attitudes, enabling greater acceptance of womenAos education and professional These findings point to the importance of culturally resonant messaging and relational trust in promoting change.
Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas Critically, male engagement must not be seen as a substitute for womenAos agency but as part of a shared process of transformation grounded in mutual respect.
In both Pakistan and Bangladesh, interventions that frame men as empathetic allies rather than authoritative figures have shown promise in reducing resistance to womenAos mobility and employment.
In AfghanistanAiwhere womenAos participation in public life is often contingent on male approval (Kabeer 2.
Aisuch insights are particularly salient.
Access to teaching positions, professional development, and promotions is frequently mediated by male relatives or supervisors (Kirk, 2.
, illustrating both the limitations and potential leverage points within gendered power structures.
Yet, the reliance on male endorsement to access opportunities reveals a deeper tension.
KandiyotiAos .
concept of Aubargaining with patriarchyAy illustrates how women in restrictive environments must strategically align with dominant power structures to achieve limited autonomy.
While this may yield short-term gains, it rarely disrupts the underlying system.
As Abu-Lughod .
warns, narratives that position men as liberators risk oversimplifying complex local negotiations and undermining womenAo lived agency.
Within this framework, the support of Afghan men should not be interpreted as liberation itself, but as one mechanism within a contested and evolving landscape of power, resistance, and relational This study builds on and extends prior research by shifting the analytical focus from structural constraints to relational dynamicsAi specifically, the roles Afghan men play in enabling or constraining the growth of female teachers.
Unlike much of the existing literature, which centres on international development programs or on womenAos resistance in isolation, this paper explores how male supportAiwhen grounded in care, critical pedagogy, and relational ethicsAimay open alternative pathways for empowerment within patriarchal In doing so, it contributes to the underexplored intersection of gender, education, and allyship in Afghanistan and comparable sociocultural settings.
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Method This study employed a qualitative, interpretive approach to explore the lived experiences of Afghan female teachers and the role of male family support in their personal and professional development.
Data were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, which allowed participants to reflect on and share detailed narratives of their career trajectories, challenges, and opportunities.
This approach emphasized the richness of individual experiences and their interaction with broader structural, social, and cultural factors.
The research was grounded in an interpretivist paradigm, which seeks to understand meaning-making within specific historical and cultural contexts (Crotty 1.
Unlike positivist approaches that assume an objective reality, interpretivism adopts a relativist ontology and an emic epistemology, acknowledging multiple realities and the researcherAos embedded role in knowledge construction (Killam Accordingly, the researcher embraced a subjectivist stance, recognizing that knowledge is co-constructed through dialogue with Data Collection Participants were selected through purposive and snowball sampling.
Following PattonAos .
guidelines for purposive sampling, twelve Afghan women high school teachers from public and private institutionsAiwith a minimum of five yearsAo teaching experienceAi were recruited.
Snowball sampling (Coleman 1958.
Goodman 1.
enabled the expansion of the participant pool through referrals from initial contacts, ensuring participants met criteria related to age .
), teaching tenure, and geographic location within Afghanistan.
Given the challenges of accessing women participants in Afghanistan, especially under Taliban rule, the researcher relied on established personal connections with university peers who had become teachers during the Republic era.
Following approval from the Institutional Review Board at Northern Arizona University, initial outreach was conducted via secure messaging platforms Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas (WhatsApp.
Telegram, and Vibe.
All participants were assured confidentiality and anonymity, with pseudonyms used in reporting .
ee Table .
Interview data were stored on a password-protected device and deleted following transcription and analysis to ensure participant safety.
Table 1.
The ParticipantsAo Demographics Pseudonyms Age Work Experience Subject Non-Teaching Work Experience Amina Mid-30s 12 years Yes Neela 7 years Lala Mid-40s 12 years Romina 12 years Meher Wazhma Late 60s Early 50s 40 years 21 years Fatemah Early 40s 15 years Azra Late 50s 21 years Mariam Early 30s 5 years Husna Freshta Mina Early 30s Early 30s 5 years 6 years 7 years English and English and English and English and Chemistry Religious Social sciences.
Quran Religious Biology.
English Social sciences Social Sciences Yes Yes Yes Yes Interviews were conducted online, with participants choosing their preferred platformAimost selected WhatsApp.
Due to security concerns, verbal consent was obtained at the start of each session in lieu of written consent, which was deemed both impractical and ethically unsafe under current conditions.
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Each participant engaged in at least two interview sessions, with the initial discussion guiding subsequent conversations.
Interviews were semi-structured (Brinkmann and Kvale 2.
, allowing for flexibility while maintaining thematic consistency.
Sessions were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and supplemented with researcher notes to enhance contextual interpretation.
Interview questions focused on participantsAo personal and professional journeys, their motivations for entering the teaching profession, and their perceptions of their societal roles.
Topics included their teaching philosophies, the influence of key individuals .
articularly male family member.
, external challenges, and the evolving impact of political events such as the TalibanAos return to Participants also shared their perspectives on the current state of education, the restrictions imposed on women, and their aspirations for the future.
Data Analysis The data for this article are drawn from the first authorAos doctoral dissertation, which examined the broader experiences of Afghan female teachers.
A recurring theme across interviews was the significance of male support in their professional developmentAia topic that remains underexplored in current scholarship.
Thematic analysis was conducted on the interview transcripts to identify common patterns and recurring motifs, particularly concerning the role of male family members as enablers or barriers to womenAos This article focuses specifically on this theme, exploring how male support functions both as a facilitator of womenAos professional advancement and, at times, as a mechanism that reinforces patriarchal The analysis critically examines the dual nature of male advocacyAiits potential to foster empowerment within restrictive systems, and its limitations in challenging those systemsAo structural foundations.
Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas Afghan Women: A Brief History of Progress and Setbacks The history of women in Afghanistan is marked by cycles of progress and regression, shaped by shifting political regimes, cultural norms, and interpretations of religion.
Efforts to empower women began in earnest during the reign of King Amanullah .
9Ae1.
, who was heavily influenced by TurkeyAos Atatyrk (Baiza 2.
Amanullah introduced constitutional reforms, expanded access to womenAos education, and championed gender equality.
His wife.
Queen Soraya, became a symbol of these reformsAipublicly unveiling, founding AfghanistanAos first womenAos magazine, and advocating for modern womenAos attire.
However, these rapid changes triggered a strong backlash from conservative tribal leaders, ultimately leading to AmanullahAos exile in 1929 and a rollback of progressive policies.
A gradual revival of womenAos rights emerged during the mid20th century, particularly under King Zahir Shah .
3Ae1.
Women increasingly accessed education and entered the workforce, especially in urban centres.
Soviet development aid helped support this transformation, enabling women to work in fields such as healthcare and teaching (Emadi 2.
The 1964 constitution marked a further step forward, granting women the right to vote and run for Still, deep-seated patriarchal attitudes persisted, especially in rural regions where traditional gender roles remained dominant (Ghobar 2.
Another significant wave of reform occurred under the Sovietbacked government after 1978.
Scholars such as Sokhanwar et al.
argue that this era, following AmanullahAos reforms, was the second most pivotal for Afghan women.
During this period, women made up 70% of teachers, 40% of doctors, and 50% of students in the countryAos major universities (Baiza 2.
Some historians suggest that women even outnumbered men in certain professional and academic sectors, in part because many men had joined anticommunist militias or were engaged in combat against Soviet forces.
However, these dramatic shifts sparked strong resistance from conservative factions, contributing to the rise of the Mujahideen.
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When the Mujahideen seized power in 1992, womenAos rights once again deteriorated.
The situation worsened drastically under the Taliban regime .
6Ae2.
, which imposed one of the most repressive systems for women in modern history.
Women were entirely removed from public lifeAibarred from attending school, working, or even leaving their homes without a male escort.
They were forced to wear the burqa and prohibited from speaking in public.
Any infractions were met with harsh punishments, reflecting the TalibanAos strict and punitive interpretation of Sharia law.
After the U.
-led invasion in 2001 toppled the Taliban.
Afghan womenAiespecially those in urban areasAiexperienced notable progress.
Over the next two decades, access to education and employment improved, and women began to re-enter political, social, and economic spheres.
By 2019, women held 27% of seats in the Afghan parliament and occupied key leadership positions across various sectors (Allen and Felbab-Brown 2.
Nonetheless, this progress was uneven and often failed to reach rural areas, where traditional gender norms continued to dominate daily life.
TalibanAos rapid return to power in August 2021 marked a profound regression in womenAos rights.
Despite initial promises to respect womenAos rights within an Islamic framework, the regime quickly imposed restrictions: girlsAo secondary schools were shut down, women were banned from most forms of employment, and their presence in public life was severely curtailed.
These measures reversed two decades of hard-won gains and further entrenched gender-based exclusion.
While Afghanistan has long been a patriarchal society, the TalibanAos rule has intensified the systemic marginalization of women.
Yet, the story of Afghan women is not solely one of oppressionAi it is also one of resilience, courage, and agency.
Despite severe restrictions, many women continue to find ways to resist and adapt, drawing strength from networks of support within their families and Their persistence underscores a deep-rooted desire for Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas dignity, education, and freedom that has endured through decades of Stories of Male Support in Afghan WomenAos Educational and Professional Journeys In-depth interviews with twelve Afghan female teachers revealed narratives of perseverance, resilience, and deep dedication to education despite persistent societal and personal obstacles.
central and recurring theme across their stories was the pivotal role played by supportive male figuresAifathers, brothers, husbands, and unclesAiwhose encouragement, protection, and practical help significantly shaped their educational and professional paths.
For many participants, these male allies were foundational to their success.
Supportive fathers and husbands provided emotional reassurance, logistical help, and a sense of safety that enabled the women to pursue their goals confidently.
These men created enabling environments where women could thriveAibalancing domestic responsibilities and careers, often against the tide of conservative social expectations.
Conversely, in cases where this support was absentAidue to death, indifference, or oppositionAithe women faced greater They shouldered disproportionate responsibilities, navigated hostile environments alone, and contended with the risk of social stigma or family conflict.
Yet, even in these situations, many displayed extraordinary resilience, learning to advocate for themselves and, in some instances, eventually transforming the attitudes of unsupportive male family members.
Mariam, a teacher, recalled the irreplaceable support of her late When I had my father.
I was walking on cloudsAI knew that if I fall, he will help me stand back on my feet.
I knew that I would succeed no matter what I do because he is there with me.
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put it in my backpack before he dropped me off at schoolA After I lost him, it occurred to me that I am completely alone now, that if I fall.
I have to pick myself up, and I have to learn to stand up for myself and persevere regardless of the challenges and hardships of life.
That is exactly what I did.
I fell.
I picked myself up.
I failed, and I tried harder the next time.
There came a time when I did not have notebooks to write in, and I did not ask my brothers because I feared they will say not to go to school, so I managed somehow by recycling the old notebooks I had.
stayed awake till the early morning hours and studied without any support or motivation from anyone in my familyAI also had responsibilities at home.
I cooked, cleaned, and washed clothesA Eventually.
I even won my brotherAos approval, who became a major supporter after seeing me succeed despite the This experience highlights MariamAos resilience and determination in the face of adversity.
Despite lacking financial and emotional support, she found ways to continue her education, demonstrating self-reliance and perseverance.
Her reluctance to ask her brothers for help reflects the societal barriers that often discourage womenAos However, through hard work and persistence, she not only overcame these challenges but also changed perceptions within her own family.
Her success ultimately earned her brotherAos support, illustrating how individual perseverance can gradually shift societal norms and challenge traditional gender roles.
Mina and Husna were two of the teachers interviewed for this study who had lost their fathers while they were still in school.
Although their mothers became their main sources of support Ai something they both acknowledged wholeheartedly Ai they did not deny that life had become more difficult without the presence of a male father figure.
Husna explained that when her father was alive, she had no worries, and her focus was entirely on her studies and However, after he passed away, she suddenly had to grow up Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas quickly to support her mother and siblings.
Similarly.
Mina shared that she began working alongside her mother to help provide for the family.
She said: AuI think if my father were alive.
I would have studied more.
I would have pursued a masterAos degree in my field.
However.
I had to start working multiple jobs to support my mother Ay Romina, another teacher and co-founder of a womenAos nonprofit organization, attributed all her success to her husband.
She stated: AuI was still in high school when I got married, and since we live in a small village outside Herat City, my husband had to drop me off at school every single day and pick me up in the afternoonA After I got admitted to a university, he did the same for four additional years without complaining once.
He has always been there for me, and I could not have done anything without him.
It is quite hard in our society to be able to do anything without the support of a male Ay In the interview.
LalaAianother co-founder of the same nonprofit as RominaAishared that her father, a judge and professor of economics and law at a public university, made education a nonnegotiable priority in their household.
She explained that everyone in the family was expected to study and read extensively.
During the first Taliban regime in the 1990s, her father even hired a tutor to ensure their education continued at home.
After marriage.
Lala said her husband supported her decision to work.
While she occasionally had to persuade him on certain issues, she emphasized that he never imposed his decisions on her.
MeherAia chemistry teacher with over four decades of experience under various Afghan regimesAirecalled her school years as a time filled with love, care, and encouragement from both However, she emphasized the pivotal role her father played in motivating and supporting her to pursue education and a career.
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continues to teach and lives with her nephews, who, she noted, treat her like their own mother.
Fatemah shared how her eldest brotherAiwho later passed away in IranAihad been her strongest advocate, often clashing with other family members to defend her right to study and work.
AuHe was my only support system,Ay she said.
Auand the only one who always listened to me and fought for me.
Ay Similarly.
Mariam described how her brothers, who had initially opposed her education, eventually became her greatest supporters after witnessing her graduate at the top of her high school class.
Reflecting on this shift, she said: AuToday, my brother is a role model for me because he changed his mindset.
When others tried to create problems for me, he stood by my side and told me to keep going and never care about what others say.
Ay During the interview.
Azra shared that she was married at the age of 13.
Her in-laws opposed her education and even began to threaten her, leading to two miscarriages within a year.
Despite the immense challenges, her husband stood by her side and supported her decisions.
With his unwavering encouragement.
Azra was able to complete school and pursue a college degree in education.
She expressed that everything she has achieved in her life is because of her husbandAos support.
Amina also reflected on her journey, explaining that she was one of the first girls among her relatives and friends whose family allowed her to attend college.
Although her father and brothers were initially hesitant, they eventually decided to place their trust in her and supported her ambitions.
Amina attributes much of her success to them, as well as to one of her maternal uncles, whom she considers her role model due to his constant encouragement and belief in her She said:
My uncle is my role model and someone whose advice I seek even more than my own father.
He is an avid supporter of girlsAo and womenAos active participation in society.
Even Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas though his own daughter struggled in school growing up, he supported and motivated her so much that she graduated with honors in economics.
Today, she works for a very reputable Amina went on to recall one of the most memorable days of her lifeAithe day she took the national university entrance exam.
It was a freezing, snow-covered day, and she struggled to find transportation to the examination centre.
With no other options, she called her Despite the harsh weather, he arrived with his old bike and made sure she reached her destination safely.
She remains deeply grateful for his kindness and sacrifice on that pivotal day and often reflects on how she would not have the career she has today without his support.
The teachersAo stories highlight the dual realities of Afghan women navigating conservative societal structures: on one hand, the empowering force of male family support, and on the other, the burdensome weight of its absence.
These male alliesAifathers, brothers, husbands, and unclesAiserved as bridges to opportunity, defenders of dreams, and, in some cases, catalysts for broader cultural shifts.
Yet, where support was missing.
Afghan women demonstrated remarkable self-reliance, often forging new paths alone and ultimately reshaping the narratives of what women can achieve in Afghan society.
A Theoretical Analysis of Male Support in Afghan WomenAos Lives This section provides a critical theoretical analysis of male support in the lives of Afghan female teachers, drawing on the frameworks of Pierre Bourdieu, bell hooks, and Paulo Freire.
BourdieuAos concept of social capital illuminates how male relatives can serve as gatekeepers to resources, opportunities, and social legitimacy.
bell hooks conceptualizes male support as part of a collective journey toward self-actualization and mutual transformation.
Meanwhile.
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emphasis on dialogue and the co-creation of critical consciousness highlights the relational and emancipatory potential of supportive male engagement.
Taken together, these perspectives underscore the multifaceted and transformative role of male supportAioperating simultaneously within structures of empowerment and constraint.
Bourdieu: Men as Social Capital BourdieuAos concept of social capital highlights the significance of networks and relationships in shaping individual opportunities and pathways to social mobility.
In the Afghan context, where patriarchal structures remain deeply entrenched, men frequently control access to key forms of capitalAieconomic, social, and cultural.
From BourdieuAos perspective, men, as gatekeepers of these resources, can either reinforce the status quo or serve as allies in advancing womenAos empowerment.
While most of the men in this study played a significant role in the personal and professional success of the twelve female teachers, only some acted as genuine allies who actively facilitated their empowerment.
AminaAos story offers a clear example of male allyship.
Although she did not need her uncleAos permission to attend university or study alongside male classmates, she did require the approval of her Her uncle intervened on her behalf, negotiating with her parents to allow her to pursue higher education.
In contrast, several participants depended on their husbandsAo or brothersAo consent to continue their education or enter the workforce.
These women consistently expressed deep gratitude to the men who eventually granted their approval.
However, this gratitude often obscures a more troubling reality:
the persistence of a power structure in which women must seek male permission to make decisions about their own lives.
While the participants felt fortunate to receive support that many others lacked, they frequently overlooked the systemic inequality that makes such permission necessary in the first place.
Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas Bourdieu .
6, .
defines social capital as Authe aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognitionAy.
For Afghan women, such networks often depend on male relatives or community leaders who can mediate their access to education, employment, and public life.
This dynamic emerged clearly in the narratives of the female teachers, who repeatedly emphasized the necessity of male approval at nearly every stage of their professional journey.
Whether attending school, pursuing a career, or simply participating in social gatherings, each step involved a process of dialogue, negotiation, and ultimately, the need to obtain permission from a male family member.
Notably, in many cases, the women received the approval they Yet, the necessity of undergoing this process underscored the persistence of gender norms that regulate womenAos autonomy.
Even when approval was likely or predictable, the requirement to ask reaffirmed the underlying power imbalance by positioning women as dependent on male sanction.
While male relatives can use their social capital to challenge restrictive norms and expand womenAos opportunities.
Bourdieu would remind us that such changes must go beyond individual acts of support.
They must confront the deeper symbolic power embedded in patriarchal systems in order to bring about lasting and meaningful transformation.
bell hooks: Men as Partners in Journey Toward Becoming The concepts of becoming and self-actualization refer to the continuous process of realizing oneAos potential, forming a coherent sense of self, and striving for personal fulfilment (Maslow 1.
For Afghan female teachers, this journey has been marked not only by resilience and determination but also by the pervasive influence of gendered power structures.
In many of their households, life decisionsAiwhether related to education, employment, or even social engagementAihave been, and often still are, heavily shaped or controlled by male relatives.
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Yet, despite these constraints, the teachers exemplify the process of becoming.
Each effort to pursue education, build a career, or nurture the next generation represents a meaningful act of selfactualizationAieven when these achievements occur within the limitations imposed by family or societal expectations.
Their ability to move forward, often quietly but persistently, reflects a subtle yet powerful resistance to a system that seeks to curtail their agency.
The process of becoming for Afghan female teachers is fraught with challenges.
Constantly having to negotiate decisions can delay or dilute their aspirations, tying their identities and achievements to the approval of others.
This highlights the tension between personal potential and the collective norms they must navigate.
Yet, even within these constraints, many find ways to assert a sense of self.
Their roles as educators offer not only financial independence but also the power to influence and inspire.
By teaching, they challenge societal perceptions of womenAos capabilities and gradually expand the boundaries of female autonomy.
In a context dominated by male decision-making, self-actualization becomes both an act of resistance and a reflection of their inner strength.
Their journeys are marked by compromise and courage, as they strive to reconcile personal dreams with societal expectations.
As bell hooks .
reminds us, becoming is not always about escaping limitationsAiit is often about growing and thriving in spite of them.
bell hooks emphasizes the importance of involving men in feminist struggles, arguing that dismantling patriarchy benefits She writes: AuThe first act of violence that patriarchy demands of males is not violence toward women.
Instead, patriarchy demands of all males that they engage in acts of psychic selfmutilationAy .
ooks 2004, .
In the Afghan context, this suggests that men who support womenAos growth are also freeing themselves from the rigid expectations of masculinity imposed by patriarchy.
hooksAos concept of love as a transformative force is especially She defines love as a commitment to nurturing growth and creating spaces rooted in mutual respect and care .
Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas Afghan men who challenge societal norms by supporting womenAos education and professional goals embody this ethic of care.
By acting as partners rather than oppressors, they help create environments where women can flourishAiwhile also redefining their own roles in However, hooks reminds us that men must do this work not as saviours, but as allies who see their liberation as intertwined with that of women.
Freire: Men as Co-creators of Critical Consciousness Paulo FreireAos concept of conscientizayyo .
ritical consciousnes.
underscores the role of education and dialogue in achieving liberation.
For Freire .
, oppression is sustained by a Auculture of silenceAy that prevents marginalized groups from recognizing and challenging their conditions.
Empowering Afghan women, therefore, requires more than access to resourcesAiit demands the development of critical awareness about their rights, roles, and potential.
Men, as influential figures in many womenAos lives, can play a pivotal role in fostering this consciousness.
Freire emphasizes dialogue as a transformative processAione that must be horizontal, grounded in mutual respect, and cantered on the co-creation of knowledge.
In the Afghan context, men who engage in genuine dialogue with womenAiwhether as fathers, brothers, teachers, or colleaguesAican help dismantle oppressive norms and cultivate critical thinking.
Freire .
0, .
writes: AuLiberation is a praxis: the action and reflection of men and women upon their world to transform itAy.
When men reflect on their roles and act as allies in challenging patriarchy, they participate in a collective journey toward emancipation.
The Convergence The ideas of Bourdieu, bell hooks, and Freire converge in emphasizing that menAos support for womenAos empowerment must go beyond symbolic gestures.
Structural change (Bourdie.
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relational transformation .
, and critical pedagogy (Freir.
are interdependent and mutually reinforcing.
In Afghanistan, where tradition and patriarchy shape daily life, meaningful male involvement requires navigating both institutional barriers and personal relationships.
From BourdieuAos perspective, men can leverage their social capital to challenge symbolic violence and promote equitable hooks calls on men to embrace feminist values and recognize that dismantling patriarchy also liberates them.
Freire encourages men to engage as co-learners and co-educators, fostering critical consciousness and reimagining gender roles through dialogue and Male Allyship and Female TeachersAo Agency The central themes that emerged from this study is the importance of male support within the family.
Every teacher interviewed identified a male relativeAiwhether a father, husband, or brotherAiwho played a pivotal role in their journey, often providing essential support when others were resistant to their choices.
For some, this support was given unconditionally.
for others, it was the result of persistent advocacy and negotiation.
For instance, the four teachers who co-founded the womenAos non-profit faced initial opposition from their families, especially concerning their work with a non-governmental organization (NGO).
NeelaAos husband, while supportive of her teaching career, objected to her involvement with the NGO.
AuIn our society, especially in Herat, working at an NGO is not considered a dignified job for a woman because it involves working with men,Ay she explained.
This illustrates the constraints imposed by traditional gender norms.
However, through ongoing dialogue.
Neela convinced her husband to support her.
Today, she describes him as her strongest ally: AuNo matter what decisions I take.
I know he is there standing next to me.
Ay Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas Similarly.
Romina.
Amina, and Lala gradually gained their familiesAo support through sustained conversations.
Their efforts exemplify BourdieuAos concept of social capitalAinetworks and relationships that provide resources and enable action (Bourdieu In these cases, the approval of male relatives functioned as critical social capital that allowed the women to pursue their goals despite societal and familial constraints.
Moreover, the teachersAo journeys align with hooksAos reflections on becoming, which highlight the transformative power of dialogue and agency.
argues that Autransformation requires an engagement with self and community,Ay underscoring the importance of challenging oppressive structures through active communication and relational dynamics.
The teachersAo persistent dialogues with their families allowed them to reshape traditional narratives, demonstrating the integral role of communication in achieving liberation and Through these experiences, it becomes evident that dialogue and relational negotiation are critical to navigating the intersection of personal agency and structural limitations.
Freire .
asserts, engaging in meaningful dialogue where all perspectives are valued and understood is essential for fostering positive change and achieving liberation from oppression.
Freire emphasizes that true transformation requires not only the liberation of the oppressed but also the liberation of the oppressors from their entrenched ideologies and oppressive mindsets.
This dual liberation ensures that change is sustainable and impactful.
AminaAos story illustrates how dialogue can transform Although her family initially allowed her to join the NGO with reluctance, their views shifted as they witnessed the impact of her work.
Over time, she earned their full trust and support through persistent communication.
Similarly.
Romina shared that her husband, once sceptical, eventually recognized the value of the NGOAos projects.
As he came to understand the importance of her work, his attitude changedAihe not only supported her but also expressed pride in her contributions and their broader social impact.
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These experiences reflect FreireAos view of dialogue as a path to mutual understanding and transformation.
Through open communication, both the oppressed and the oppressors can awaken to the values of justice and equality.
This growth also aligns with bell hooksAos concept of becoming, which emphasizes the ongoing, relational process of personal and social transformation.
As hooks .
Auliberation is a continuous processAy that requires active engagement with oneself, others, and existing power structures.
BourdieuAos notion of social capital further illuminates these The trust and support Amina and Romina built within their families functioned as a form of social capital, enabling them to overcome resistance and pursue their goals (Bourdieu 1.
Their persistence in fostering understanding within their personal networks underscores the vital role of relational negotiation in enabling both individual and collective change.
These narratives reveal how trust, dialogue, and shifting perspectives can catalyse transformation.
They show that change often begins within personal relationships and can ripple outward to challenge and reshape broader societal norms.
These findings carry several implications for policy and practice in conflict-affected contexts like Afghanistan.
First, engaging male family members as potential alliesAiwhile continuing to centre womenAos voicesAiis essential for the success of education and empowerment programs.
Second, teacher training initiatives must account for the social and familial negotiations women face outside the classroom, which directly shape their professional lives.
Finally, interventions must move beyond simplistic binaries of oppression versus resistance, recognizing instead the complex, relational dynamics of agency in patriarchal settings.
By acknowledging the everyday acts of negotiation, resistance, and support described by these women, future policies and programs can more effectively align with lived realities and foster sustainable, community-based Sadiyah Ehsan Fjellrik and Marte Blikstad-Balas Conclusion The experiences of the twelve Afghan female teachers in this study reveal the intricate relationship between personal agency, familial dynamics, and structural limitations in contexts marked by systemic A key element in their journeys was the often-overlooked support of male family members, whose roles evolved through ongoing dialogue, the building of trust, and sustained relational These men became pivotal enablers of the womenAos educational and professional pursuits, challenging the conventional framing of male figures solely as barriers within patriarchal systems.
Drawing on FreireAos notion of dialogic liberation, hooksAos concept of becoming, and BourdieuAos theory of social capital, the study illustrates how transformative change often originates within the private sphere of the family.
Through persistent engagement and communication, the women were able to influence male relatives and subtly reshape gender norms from within.
These findings contest reductive narratives about Afghan gender relations and highlight the importance of relational agency in highly restrictive environments.
While male allyship served as a vital support mechanism, the broader aspiration remains the cultivation of a society where womenAos empowerment arises from structural equity rather than conditional This research contributes to feminist discourse on education in conflict zones and underscores the need to further explore how gendered agency is co-constructed within families navigating political repression.
Acknowledgment The authors extend their heartfelt gratitude to the twelve Afghan women teachers who courageously shared their stories and insights during a time of profound uncertainty following the TalibanAos return to power.
Their willingness to participateAidespite immense social, psychological, and political challengesAireflects not only their resilience and commitment to education but also their unwavering hope for a more just and equitable future.
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Declaration of conflicting interests The authors declare that there are no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, or publication of this article.
Funding The authors did not receive any financial support for this research.
References