Article The Role of Women in Islamic Propagation: A Case Study of Tablighi JamaatAos Nyai of Pesantren Al-Fatah.
East Java.
Indonesia Journal of Asian Social Science Research 2020.
Vol.
No.
2: 175-190
http://jassr.
A The Author.
2020 Yon Machmudi* Universitas Indonesia Putih Kusumah Ardhani Universitas Indonesia Abstract This article studies the role of women of the Tablighi Jamaat, a transnational Islamic propagation movement, in the process of Islamic propagation .
aAowa.
in Indonesia.
It aims to analyze the role played by female followers of Tablighi Jamaat in developing daAowah by focusing on the role of nyai .
emale family members of a religious leader of traditional Islamic learning institution .
) in developing masturah daAowah in Pesantren Al-Fatah and Temboro Village.
This study uses a qualitative approach to understand how nyai of Pesantren Al-Fatah were involved in daAowah activities in Temboro.
The required data were collected through observation and interviews.
The findings show that like their spouses who were obliged to go for daAowah in the form of khuruj, female followers of Tablighi Jamaat of Pesantren Temboro were assigned to conduct daAowah through masturah, a form of Islamic propagation which was only targeted on, organized and attended by the women of Tablighi Jamaah in Temboro with strict rules such the obligation of wearing face veils for all participants.
Nyai of Pesantren Al-Fatah initiated, led, and developed masturah so that Tablighi Jamaat has attracted more followers and religious students and Temboro has experienced significant changes in social, religious, and economic aspects.
*Corresponding author:
Yon Machmudi.
Arab Studies.
Faculty of Humanities.
Universitas Indonesia.
Email: machmudi@ui.
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol.
No.
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Key Words Tablighi Jamaat, role of women, daAowah, masturah.
Pesantren Al-Fatah.
Temboro Introduction Pesantren Al-Fatah is a traditional Islamic learning institution that was founded by Kiai Shidiq in 1930 and is located in Temboro.
East Java.
Indonesia.
It experienced a significant change when it was led by Kiai Mahmud Kholid Umar .
In 1983, a group of the Tablighi Jamaat followers from Pakistan visited the Pesantren and since then this visit has transformed it into the biggest center of Tablighi Jamaat in East Java (Az-Zahro 2.
The change from a local pesantren .
raditional Islamic learning institutio.
with a strong local and traditional network into a part of the transnational Islamic movement of Tablighi Jamaat is an interesting aspect of Pesantren Al-Fatah.
The change within Pesantren Al-Fatah is closely related to the role played by its leader who is traditionally called kiai in Java.
As Ziemek .
claims, the important role of kiai .
ale traditional religious leader.
contributes to the vast development of pesantren in Indonesia.
Assisted by male and female teachers called ustadz and ustadzah respectively, a kiai in a pesantren carries out religious and educational activities.
Normally, these teachers were kiaiAos first students who spent their time helping him running and developing his pesantren.
However, the success of pesantren in expanding its role in Islamic education and propagation is not only the result of kiaiAos efforts alone.
The kiaiAos wife, commonly called nyai in Java, helps with various jobs related to the survival and development of pesantren.
The pesantren hosts not only male santri .
eligious student.
but also female ones.
A nyai not only runs managerial aspects of female santri boarding schools but also teaches female santri Islamic doctrines through the reading of classical Islamic books called kitab kuning (Faiqoh 1.
Studies on women of Tablighi Jamaat have been conducted by many researchers.
For example.
Jaffrelot .
in an article entitled AuTransnational Learning Networks Amongst Asian Muslims: An IntroductionAy provides insight into understanding daAowah (Islamic propagatio.
network conducted by Tablighi Jamaat in Southeast Asia.
Nisa .
in her article AuInsights into the Lives of Indonesian Female Tablighi JamaAoaAy examines the role of pesantren in transmitting Machmudi and Ardhani religious knowledge carried by Tablighi Jamaah to its Indonesian followers, in particular to female followers.
She analyses the life experiences of female Tablighis inside and outside pesantren as part of a global imagined Tablighi community.
The existence of female guests and foreign students who are enrolled in pesantren plays a significant role in strengthening their belonging to the transnational network of the global Tablighi JamaAoat.
Another study by Momotaj .
in his dissertation AuNegotiation for Extended Gender Roles in Islam: Women in Tablighi Jamaat in BangladeshAy, analyses the role of women in the Jamaah Tabligh organization, who are represented by masturah jamaah.
Janson .
in an article entitled AuMale Wives and Female Husbands: Reconfiguring Gender in the Tablighi JamaAoat in The Gambia,Ay describes the contribution of the Tablighi Jamaat in providing space for the wives of Tablighi men to carry out various activities outside their houses including doing daAowah activity.
To support their wivesAo activities in public space, the Tablighi Jamaat men in Gambia are willing to do household In the context of the current Covid-19 pandemic, a recent report entitled AuReligious AuSuper-SpreadersAy in Indonesia: Managing the Risk of StigmatizationAy by the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict .
found that Tablighi Jamaat in Indonesia contributes to the spread of Covid-19 due to its membersAo high mobility to do daAowah activity.
Those studies undoubtedly have contributed significantly to the understanding of Tablighi Jamaat women.
However, what is missing from those studies is an analysis of the role of women in the Tablighi Jamaat movement within pesantren milieu.
Many people assume that only male followers of Tablighi Jamaat, who are called karkun, engage in Islamic propagation through khuruj, leaving their homes to do daAowah for several days or months.
But, our field observations, revealed that like their male counterpart, women of Tablighi Jamaat have played an important role in conducting daAowah.
They are involved in daAowah activity through masturah, conducting Islamic propagation at certain places organized by the movement for Tablighi Jamaati women.
Therefore, this article analyses the role of women in Islamic daAowah with a special reference to the case of nyai and their role in developing Pesantren Al-Fatah and Temboro village, and in carrying out daAowah among the women of Tablighi Jamaat.
For this purpose, this study uses a qualitative approach to understand the social phenomenon of Tablighi Jamaah movement at Pesantren Al-Fatah employing social change change because daAowah activity is a process of changing social, cultural, and religious values.
In this case, kyai is an important and influential agent Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol.
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of change in the pesantren.
According to Karl D.
Jackson .
, kyai as a religious leader has traditional authority through his charisma so that he can easily influence his followers.
But, as this study will show, the female family members of kyai also play a significant role in directing womenAos activities in the pesantren as well as masturah program of Tablighi Jamaat We conducted interviews and observations to obtain the required primary data for this study.
Using in-depth interviews, we interviewed boarding school supervisors, managers and teachers at Pesantren AlFatah, and devotees of masturah as well as Temboro village chief.
We also conducted field observations to clarify the collected interview data.
In what follows, this article, firstly, describes Temboro as a center of Tablighi Jamaat in Indonesia.
This is then followed by the elaboration of the influence of the Tablighi Jamaat on the development of Pesantren AlFatah.
Lastly, it discusses the role of women in Pesantren Al-Fatah as a center of Tablighi Jamaat movement.
Temboro Village.
East Java Temboro is a village located 12 kilometers from Magetan district, 14 kilometers from Madiun city, and two kilometers from the capital of the closest sub-district.
It is a sloped area with 517,320 hectares (Temboro Village Government 2.
The population of Temboro villagers in 2018 is 7,873 people with 4,080 male and 3,793 female, and 2,322 households.
Most Temboro people are entrepreneurs and farmers, and the rest are civil servants, laborers, and so on.
According to the population data of Temboro village in 2018, 100% of Temboro villagers are Muslims.
There are 29 mosques and four mushala .
rayer room.
, which are used for daily prayers, congregation.
Quranic recitation, religious lectures, community deliberation, and other activities (Temboro Village Government 2.
In Temboro village, there are four pesantrens, namely Al- Al-Fatah.
Al-Qadir.
Roudhotul Athfal, and AlMuttaqin.
These pesantrens attract local and foreign students as well as groups of travelers to study, visit and stay in Temboro.
Temboro has been known as a religious village as seen in the tradition that the male population wears sarongs and peci (Islamic head coverin.
wherever they go.
Before the arrival of the Tablighi Jamaat to Temboro village, the residents of Temboro village had already strongly embraced Islamic teachings.
The Temboro community acts as a social controller of Machmudi and Ardhani Pesantren Al-Fatah.
For example, if a male and a female santris are caught by the residents because they meet in secret without being accompanied by a third person, their names will be written on a wall in the village aimed as a social punishment for violating the pesantren rules of good conduct (Syafi Therefore, the village of Temboro is widely known as Kampung Madinah (Madinah Villag.
as it resembles the life of people during the Prophet Muhammad in Madinah in the period of early Islam.
Pesantren Al-Fatah is located at a 60-hectare area on K.
Shiddiq Street.
Temboro village.
Karas sub-district.
Magetan district.
East Java It is geographically located in the center of Temboro village and surrounded by a residential neighborhood, rice fields, and sugar cane Because it is located in Temboro which has a tropical climate, the temperature at Pesantren Al-Fatah is hot and dry from morning to afternoon and cold at night.
It is rich in water resources because it is adjacent to a river in Temboro, which is used as the main source of water supply for the Different from most pesantrens whose buildings are usually located in one restricted location.
Pesantren Al-Fatah has some dormitories scattered in some areas in Temboro village.
The dormitory area is divided into two parts, one for male santri and another one for female ones.
Due to the increasing number of santri every year, the pesantren need more dorms to accommodate around 22,000 students.
The location of Al-Fatah is divided into four areas, namely the Central Pondok located on Jalan Sunan Ampel.
Pondok Saridin.
Pondok Utara, and Pondok Trangkil.
Pondok Trangkil is divided into two building areas: Pondok Putih (White Dormitor.
, known as such because it has a white mosque, which is specifically provided for male students who study formal-national school curriculum and diniyyah (Islami.
school, and Pondok Merah (Red Dormitor.
, known as such because it has a red mosque, which is allocated for female students who study tahfidz al-quran (Quranic memorizatio.
and diniyyah school.
The dormitories in Pesantren Al-Fatah serve not only as a residence for the students but also as a place of teaching and learning and as a mosque.
each area of Al-Fatah, there is a housing complex provided for kiai, nyai, ustadz or ustadzah.
Tablighi Jamaat Movement of Pesantren Al-Fatah A group of Tablighi Jamaat members came to Pesantren Al-Fatah in 1983 led by its amir .
Prof.
Abdul Shobur from Pakistan.
The group that consisted of 10 religious scholars was traveling from Banyuwangi to Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol.
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Jakarta.
They stopped by at Al-Fatah for journey supplies.
Kiai Mahmud accepted their arrival happily.
This was when the exchange of ideas and opinions on religious issues began to occur between Tablighi Jamaat and Al-Fatah (Yatini 2.
In 1986, the second group of Tablighi Jamaat members came to Pesantren Al-Fatah.
This group came from Malaysia.
Two years later, the third group of Tablighi Jamaat members from Pakistan came to the pesantren led by its amir.
Amin Ghul.
Then.
Kiai Mahmud ordered his first son.
Kiai Uzairon, to follow the khuruj for three days and went to Nizamudin to learn the principle of daAowah activity of Tablighi JamaAoat (Az-Zahro 2.
After Kiai Uzairon returned from khuruj in 1988, santri, administrators, and teachers of Al-Fatah were obliged to do khuruj.
Kiai Mahmud and Kiai Uzairon applied that dawah strategy because they felt in line with the thoughts of the Tablighi Jamaat movement.
In 1991, a group of Tablighi Jamaat members from Thailand led by Abu Dhar Al-Ghifari came to Al-Fatah bringing the teaching of masturah daAowah into the pesantren (Nafisah 2.
At that time, they also began to oblige female santri and religious teachers to wear veils in Al-Fatah Pesantren.
Female students were taught how to do masturah daAowah starting from the procedure of masturah to what subjects should be taught.
These daAowah methods, khuruj and masturah offered by Tablighi Jamaat, were well received by the pesantren as well as the people of Temboro village (Yatini 2.
In pesantren, there are two categories of women.
First, women who are knowledgeable in religious teachings and carry out religious daAowah Second, wives of kiai, either those who are involved in Islamic propagation or those who do not (Faiqoh 1.
In this article, the first category is discussed, namely women who have knowledge in the field of religion and carry out religious daAowah activities.
Because of her expertise in religious knowledge, a nyai can be an agent of change in her pesantren and the surrounding community.
A kiai has a limited role when it comes to deal with problems of female santri.
Moral ethics and religious principles discourage him to interact freely with female santri so that he needs mediators to overcome their problems.
In this context, a kyai needs an actor, namely his wife called nyai, as a female cleric (Ahmadi 2.
The function of pesantren has changed since its early emergence.
In the early days, pesantren is as a center for Islamic education as well as Islamic propagation.
The pesantrenAos Islamic education is used as a Machmudi and Ardhani provision for its daAowah and daAowah is used as a means for building its Islamic educational system.
So, it can be said that the educational function of pesantrens is to support the Islamic daAowah (Qomar 2.
This is in line with the function of pesantrens at the time of Wali Songo (Nine Muslim Saint.
as a place to produce Islamic religious scholars .
and preachers .
aAo.
(Saridjo 1.
Pesantren Al-Fatah as an Islamic educational institution not only carries out its educational function in providing Islamic education but also its function of preaching Islam to the wider community.
Al-Fatah as a center of Tablighi Jamaat movement believes that faith needs not only belief and saying in words, but also needs to be proven through deeds, one of which is daAowah, propagation of Islamic teachings.
As the QurAoan and the Sunnah say, daAowah is mandatory for both Muslim men and women (Zahid 2.
Therefore, for the Tablighi Jamaat movement, both Muslim men and Muslim women are obliged to do daAowah.
The daAowah obligation for men is called khuruj fi sabilillah .
oing out of home in the way of Alla.
, and the one for women is called masturah.
Nyai of Pesantren Al-Fatah and the DaAowah of Tablighi Jamaat in Temboro Kiai is a central figure in the development of Tablighi Jamaat movement in Pesantren Al-Fatah.
However, nyai should not be ruled out in the spread of this daAowah movement.
In 1986, when the second group of Tablighi Jamaat members came to Al-Fatah, the daughters of Kiai Mahmud, namely Umi Fathimmah Az-Zahroh and Nyai Masrohah, had started wearing niqab or face veils.
The face veil worn by nyai was different from the one that is normally worn today.
Umi Fathimmah provided face veils for religious teachers and santri in Pesantren Al-Fatah.
But, teachers and santri had no obligation to wear a veil.
Nyai only gave lectures on the virtues and benefits of wearing a veil.
She played a role as uswatun hasanah .
xemplary rol.
whose behavior is an exemplary model for her santri.
In 1991, all women in Pesantren Al-Fatah began to be obliged to wear a veil.
But, there were santri who could not accept the obligation to wear a veil and finally decided to leave the pesantren.
Umi Fathimah said:
AuWearing a face veil means I respect my freedom.
I am free to dress the way I do.
I have the freedom to make myself not free for menAos consumptionAy.
The development of masturah daAowah movement in Pesantren Al-Fatah is inseparable from the role played by two nyai, namely Nyai Mashrohah and Umi Fathimah Azzahro, the daughters of Kiai Mahmud Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol.
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They and other Kiai MahmudAos daughters initiated the masturah daAowah in Al-Fatah and spread it to Temboro village and other villages and cities.
Umi Fathim, a nickname of Fathima Azzahro, started to do the masturah khuruj for 40 days in 1991.
This was to find out how the principles of masturah daAowah were applied.
After finished her masturah khuruj, she developed masturah daAowah in Al-Fatah and began to spread it to the community Temboro village.
Now, the house of Umi Fathim is used as a markaz and a transit place before the devotees do masturah daAowah.
Nyai Masrohah, the first daughter of Kiai Mahmud, is also an influential figure in Temboro village.
Her husband.
Syadzali Shiddiq, , served as the village head of Temboro .
Her position as the wife of the village head made it easy to spread the teachings of Tablighi Jamaat.
The activities of women villagers changed gradually, especially in the way they wore clothes.
She explained female villagers the obligation of wearing a veil and niqab.
She attempted to provide a better understanding of face veil to those who looked at veiled women as Aoforeign personsAo.
Temboro village market also had a special characteristic after the spread of masturah daAowah movement.
Many female traders at the market, who were Temboro villagers as well came from outer Temboro, initially did not wear a veil.
In response, nyai and Pesantren Al-Fatah attempted to provide them with a better understanding of the importance of using veils and face veils.
Some villagers joined the Tablighi Jamaat Movement to distribute veils free of charge to market traders.
As a result, now all Temboro market traders wear veils or face veils and apply the Islamic law of buying and selling things (Masrohah 2.
The Tablighi Jamaat movement is an Islamic conservativefundamentalist movement inspired by the reformers of the Salafi movement from Saudi Arabia (Noor 2.
In contrast to other Islamic movements.
Tablighi Jamaat focuses its mission on transforming the Muslim community and bringing Muslims back to the true path of Islam by following Tablighi standard of right practices of Islam.
In spreading the teachings of Islam, the Tablighi Jamaat movement refuses to use the method of daAowah by force and chose not to engage in politics.
Nyai Masrohah and Umi Fathimah took a persuasive approach in their daAowah to Temboro villagers.
There were no violence and coercion in their daAowah so a harmonious relationship was established between the village community and Pesantren Al-Fatah.
Nyai have played important roles for Pesantren Al-Fatah.
As a wife, a nyai played a role in educating her children, taking care of her household.
Machmudi and Ardhani and participating in her householdAos decision-making meetings.
As a dormitory caretaker, a nyai played as parents, educators, and caregivers for her students.
As a community leader, a nyai gave advice or opinions on problems facing Temboro villagers.
As a muballighah .
emale preache.
, a nyai gave religious lectures to her students and Temboro villagers, and guided devotees on how to carry out masturah Islamic propagation.
Masturah: DaAowah Movement among Women of Tablighi Jamaat Etymologically, the word masturah is derived from the Arabic verb satara - yasturu which means Auto coverAy.
Masturah is a noun of satara, which means Aube coveredAy.
In Urdu, the word masturah means AuwomanAy (AzZahro 2.
There were different opinions of the meaning of masturah among Tablighi Jammat women of Pesantren Al-Fatah.
Umi Fathim said that when she went to India and Pakistan, she found that masturah means AuwomanAy.
But.
Tablighi Jamaat members like Elis Nafisah and Yatini said that masturah is a closed Islamic mission because it is carried out in a closed house approved by members, which is not seen from outside and the members inside cannot see outside.
So, we conclude that masturah is an attempt of daAowah among women of Tablighi Jamaat, in which women must be accompanied by their husband or mahram .
, and is conducted at a certain time and place agreed by the members.
Masturah daAowah was initiated by Shaykh Maulana Muhammad Ilyas .
when he was concerned with the condition of Muslims in India at his time.
It emerged at the same time as the obligation of khuruj for male members of Tablighi Jamaat (Az-Zahro 2.
Shaykh Ilyas expected that Muslims should use 10% of their time to do this religious mission.
As described by Manshur .
, requirements for a group that wished to perform masturah daAowah are as follow:
In the three-day masturah, female participants should have attended ijtimaAo or masturah taAolim.
The amir .
of three-day masturah should be a person who has carried out khuruj for 40 days and has been an amir In 15-day masturah, participants should be married persons and have carried out three-day khuruj masturah for at least three times.
The amir .
of this 15-day masturah should be a person who has carried out a 40-day khuruj and experienced the 15-day masturah khuruj.
In 40-day masturah, with neighboring countries as a destination, participants should be male members of Tablighi Jamaat who have been Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol.
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in the group for four months, have done a 15-day khuruj masturah or five 3-day khuruj masturahs and are acknowledged by the shura .
eeting boar.
in Indonesia.
In two-month masturah, with India.
Bangladesh, and Pakistan as countries of destination, participants should have done a 15-day masturah or 40- day masturah, acknowledged by shura in Indonesia, and get approval from Shura Nizamuddin.
India.
Masturah is characterized by its closed nature as it is done by visiting a house of a daAowah participant, which was previously chosen, and a satir, a long cloth that must be installed surrounding the house so that those who are inside cannot see outside and vice versa.
Additionally, the attires worn by the participants must cover their awrah entirely.
If a female Tablighi wears a black veil and abaya for her daily clothing, she must wear attire with niqab that covers her body including face, arms and feet, except eyes, when she is attending a session of masturah (Yatini 2.
Masturah is mainly aimed at re-establishing Islamic values in the participantsAo household so that it can function as a mosque.
Religious values that can be implemented at the household are as follows: .
reestablishing the Fadhail Amal Taklim Assembly .
main religious textbook of Tablighi Jamaa.
every woman has to be able to maintain their Fard Salah by doing it on time, preserve their dzikir all day, and read the Quran in routine.
frequently discuss righteous deeds and the afterlife at home.
living a simple life, and .
encouraging and helping husbands to do the daAowah khuruj fi sabilillah (Az-Zahro 2.
Another requirement of masturah is a female participant must be accompanied by her husband or mahram .
eligious guardian.
such as her dad, brother, or another family member.
Masturah is usually attended by married women, yet unmarried women and teenagers are permitted to get involved in this daAowah activity.
The men who are accompanying their wives in a session of masturah will stay in a mosque near the household where the masturah is being conducted to keep an eye on their wives and their activities.
Khuruj fii sabilillah, which is conducted by male followers of Tablighi Jamaah, is focused on activities aimed at reviving religious practices outside the home such as reviving the function of the mosque as a place of congregational prayer and daAowah activities by visiting Muslims one by one at their houses.
Meanwhile, masturah is aimed at reviving religious practices in the house, so the house functions like a mosque.
Masturah daAowah is different from the common model of daAowah which is open to Machmudi and Ardhani the public because it is carried out in public places by presenting a daAoi .
Masturah activities in Temboro can be described as follow.
Daily TaAolim Daily taAolim is religious learning which is held at home among family members for 30 minutes after the maghrib prayer.
This includes learning the main reference books of Tablighi JamaAoat such as Fadhilah Amal.
Fadhilah Sadaqah, and Muntakhab Hadith, reciting Al-Quran, conducting deliberation of family issues such as determining what to be purchased the next day, religious issues, and others (Nafisah 2.
Weekly TaAolim Weekly taAolim is religious learning held once a week in mahallah, the residential place of a masturah participant.
It is held at the day and time agreed by the participants of mahallah deliberation.
The weekly taAolim is attended by around 20 members.
Masturah organizers control the programs of this weekly taAolim.
Participants do not use loudspeakers, stand, and sit on a chair.
All sit on the floor.
They are not allowed to bring children.
New participants are permitted not to follow tightly the rule of body covering (Yatini 2.
Bayan Masturah Bayan masturah is religious learning usually held on Friday after the Aoashr It provides Islamic lectures that describe the importance of daAowah, faith, and other Islamic teachings.
Bayan masturah is attended by women and girls from Temboro and other places (Nafisah 2.
Masturah Ahad Kliwon (Selapana.
Masturah Ahad Kliwon is one of the routine activities, which is held on Kliwon Sundays at the house of Kiai Ubaidillah located in Trangkil.
Male and female attendants are separated from each other in that male participants attend religious lectures in the Trangkil central mosque and female participants attend the house of Kiai Ubaidillah.
Bayan masturah is delivered by using loudspeakers so that it can be well heard by all women Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol.
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Khuruj Masturah Khuruj masturah is a daAowah activity carried out by a group of Tablighi Jamaat members in a certain area.
The data of the groups of devotees who carry out the khuruj masturah are recorded in the main office of Tablighi Jamaat .
Khuruj masturah is funded through the groupAos own financial support.
Before leaving for khuruj masturah, each group must get approval from markaz.
The obligation that doing daAowah is not only for men but also for women as stated in the Quran (Alu Imran: 104 and110.
Al-Fushshilat:.
is the basis of masturah daAowah movement.
The Impact of Masturah on the Development of Pesantren Al-Fatah and Temboro Village Our studies revealed that masturah daAowah impacted Pesantren Al-Fatah and the community of Temboro.
First, women of Pesantren Al-Fatah were obliged to wear a face veil.
The first kind of veil or niqab was different from that of today.
Umi Fathimah sewed a face-veil herself from a thick piece of cloth and later provided face veils for sale.
Umi Fathimah.
Nyai Masyrohah, and other daughters of Kiai Mahmud showed themselves as exemplary models of face veil to teachers and students at Pesantren AlFatah.
But, in the beginning, women didnAot need to wear a face veil.
These nyai gave lectures about the virtues of wearing a veil to women - female teachers and students- at Pesantren Al-Fatah.
Second, masturah daAowah movement has attracted more santri to study at Pesantren Al-Fatah.
The santri did not only come from Magetan, but also from various regions in Indonesia and even from abroad.
Also, masturah daAowah has provided Temboro villagers with positive impacts in terms of their social, religious, economic, cultural lives.
In terms of social-religious life, masturah daAowah has made Temboro villagers, around 7000 people, more devoted and obedient to Islam.
When adzan .
call to praye.
was announced, they closed their shops and stopped their worldly activities.
Men immediately went to the mosque to pray and women performed prayers in their homes.
Besides, taAolim .
eligious learnin.
was conducted in every house, mosque, and neighborhood.
Majlis taAolim .
eligious learning assembl.
for women was found in each There was even a special taAolim assembly for traders of Temboro market.
The assembly was held on Thursday from 10.
00 to11.
Eastern Indonesian Time at Mr.
BilalAos house behind Temboro market.
When the taAolim assembly started, female traders left their shops and were guarded by their fathers or market security officers to attend to the taAolim.
Machmudi and Ardhani Female traders at Temboro market had to wear AoIslamic clothesAo including face veils.
This development of the Tablighi JamaAoat movement made Temboro called Kampung Madinah (Village of Medin.
In some places, there were green signposts say thayyibah.
Streets in the village use Arabic names and Islamic phrases such as Medina I alley.
Ahmad Shodiq street, and Sunan Ampel road.
Shops and other business places like lodging or pharmacy also use Arabic names and Islamic decoration such as Jeddah Shop that sold robe and abayas, and Al-Mabruk Shop.
The economy of Temboro grew rapidly due to the development of the daAowah business in this village.
Many shops sold fittings for masturah, veils, niqab, abayas, and so on.
The increasing number of santri every year also improved the economy of the local community.
Many masturah routine activities attracted participants from various areas outside Temboro.
Those who were natives to Temboro looked for a place to stay.
There were also food sellers and vendors along the village street.
Motorbike services were in high demand in this village mainly for female participants and attendees because they no longer felt embarrassed to travel to an area with men who were not their mahram.
Other economic businesses also developed such as lodging, clinics, pharmacies, and car rental.
Women in Temboro village were instructed to wear a face veil from an early age.
They normally wore black abaya and a face veil.
Visitors to Temboro were also advised to wear Muslim clothes or at least wear decent Furthermore.
Temboro has transformed into a village of religious Male visitors could attend the regular congregation which was held every Friday night at the Trangkil mosque.
Female visitors could participate in the activities of parenting on Fridays.
Islamic learning sessions were held in almost every corner of Temboro.
Islamic congregations held by Pesantren Al-Fatah were not only attended by laypersons, but also by local government officials and police officers of Magetan regency.
Besides, visitors to Temboro could experience natural tourism by taking a camel ride for IDR 10,000.
Four camels brought from Malang zoo were available for rent.
Visitors also could get on horseback for IDR 5,000.
Water tourism in the form of canoe rental was also provided.
Visitors could go canoeing for IDR 10,000.
Every year, archery and horse riding competitions were held at Pesantren Al-Fatah which attracted enthusiastic visitors from the surrounding community.
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol.
No.
2, 2020
Conclusion This article has shown that Jamaat Tablighi women, who had not been previously involved in any public activities, played an important role in the development of Islamic daAowah activities, particularly in Pesantren Al-Fatah and Temboro village.
This is seen in the role played by nyai -wife and daugthers of Pesantren Al-FatahAos leader .
- in initiating and developing daAowah among women of Tablighi Jamaat movement called It is a form of daAowah activity conducted by and for female followers of Jamaat Tabligh with strict rules such as women participants must be accompanied by their husbands or religious guardians .
Masturah is held in private houses of female followers of Tablighi Jamaat, only offered to and attended by Tablighi Jamaat women so that it is not well known by the wider society.
For Tablighi Jamaat movement.
Islamic faith should be put into practice by Muslim men and women.
This is manifested in masturah in which female followers of Tablighi Jamaat were actively involved in Islamic propagation by and for themselves.
It is comparable to the obligation of daAowah for male followers of Tablighi Jamaat.
As male followers go for daAowah by leaving their families for a certain time known as khuruj, their wives conduct daAowah activities by and for themselves known as While khuruj is aimed at reviving Islamic faith and practice in public space, masturah is designed to revive Islamic faith and practices at home, making houses as mosques for female members of Tablighi Jamaat.
Nyai played an important role as agents of daAowah in developing masturah at Pesantren Al-Fatah and the surrounding community of Temboro.
This has helped the development of Pesantren Al-Fatah as well as the acceptance of Tablighi Jamaat movement among Temboro people.
As a result, all this has transformed Temboro into a village with a stricter religious life and economic benefits due to the rapid development of Islamic daAowah model developed by Pesantren Al-Fatah and its Tablighi Jamaat movement.
References