Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan Vol.
32 No.
DOI: 10.
21580/ws.
Mahasantri and Rational Choice:
Shift of Obedience to the Kiai Nur Anis Rochmawati,1O Casmini Casmini,2 Nor Kholis,3 Ilyas Fahmi Ramadlani3 Department of Religious Studies.
Faculty of Ushuluddin and Islamic Thought.
Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta.
Yogyakarta.
Indonesia.
Department of Islamic Guidance and Counseling.
Faculty of Da'wah and Communication.
Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta.
Yogyakarta.
Indonesia, 3Department of Interdisciplinary Islamic Studies.
Postgraduate Program.
Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta.
Yogyakarta.
Indonesia Abstract The traditional perception of a one-way, sacred communication between santri and kiai is no longer the accurate portrayal of their relationship in the pesantren.
Through participant observation in two pesantren in Surabaya and Yogyakarta, this ethnographic study aims to reveal the shift in santri's obedience to the Kiai after they become mahasantri.
Rational choice theory emphasizing rational thinking, is employed in this study to examine the three dimensions of mahasantri obedience, including perception, embodiment, and response to the Kiai's fatwa.
The findings discovered that in social and political aspects, mahasantri no longer fully obeyed the Kiai, compared to when they were students.
Obedience to the Kiai certainly still exists.
However, with rational awareness, mahasantri begin to determine their boundaries.
This article highlights the growing negotiation of religious authority among educated santri in modern pesantren environments.
___
Persepsi tradisional tentang komunikasi satu arah yang sakral antara santri dan kiai tidak lagi mencerminkan hubungan mereka di Melalui observasi partisipatif di dua pesantren di Surabaya dan Yogyakarta, studi etnografis ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap pergeseran ketaatan santri terhadap Kiai setelah mereka menjadi Teori pilihan rasional yang menekankan pemikiran rasional, digunakan dalam studi ini untuk menganalisis tiga dimensi ketaatan mahasantri, yaitu persepsi, implementasi, dan respons _______________ O Corresponding Author: Nur Anis Rochmawati .
uranis189@gmail.
Faculty of Ushuluddin and Islamic Thought.
Universitas Islam Negri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta.
Jl.
Marsda Adisucipto No.
Yogyakarta 55281.
Indonesia.
A 2024 by the Authors, published by Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan ISSN 0852-7172 .
2461-064X .
- https://journal.
id/index.
php/walisongo Submitted: 2024-09-16.
Revised Version: 2024-10-18.
Accepted: 2024-11-16.
Published: 2024-11-30 N.
ROCHMAWATI ET AL.
terhadap fatwa kiai.
Temuan menunjukkan bahwa dalam aspek sosial dan politik, mahasantri tidak lagi sepenuhnya patuh kepada kiai dibandingkan saat mereka masih menjadi siswa.
Ketaatan terhadap Kiai tentu masih ada.
Namun, dengan kesadaran rasional, mahasantri mulai menentukan batas-batas mereka.
Artikel ini menyoroti negosiasi yang semakin meningkat terhadap otoritas agama di kalangan santri terdidik dalam lingkungan pesantren modern.
Keywords: communication.
Introduction As one of the elements in the pesantren tradition whose position is lower than the kiai, santri are always portrayed as people who are full of obedience, sincerity, and high respect for the kiai (Abdillah & Maskuri, 2.
The ideal image of an obedient santri generally adheres to specific standards, such as not walking or sitting in front of the kiai, not starting a conversation without permission, not talking excessively near him, and not asking questions when Most importantly, santri are expected to follow and practice all ordered actions as long as they do not conflict with religious teachings .
l-Zarnj.
Obedience, which Baron and Byrne define as Aua manifestation of a person's behavior due to social influence from figures who have authority,Ay is indeed essential in the pesantren tradition (Baron & Byrne, 2.
Greg Fealy states that the relationship between the kiai and the students is very complex, even exceeding the relationship between a child and his parents (Fealy, 2.
The kiaiAos authority in the pesantren is absolute (Muttaqin, 2.
Submission to the kiai is the main rule and characterizes the cultural behavior of pesantren in Indonesia (Madjid, 1.
The santriAos obedience to the kiai reflects a sense of reverence and is believed to bring blessings to them (Anam et al.
, 2.
The figure of the kiaiAiwith all the blessings and sacredness he possessesAiplaces him as the most influential figure and the highest authority in the pesantren.
a more serious context, the kiai is considered a determinant of studentsAo futureAiwhether they will be successful or not (Syarif & Gaffar, 2019a.
On the other hand, mahasantri, as a group that receives two sources of knowledge at onceAithe tradition of tawAsuAo in pesantren and the critical Vol.
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tradition of the universityAiexperience a shift in their thinking and attitude towards obedience to the kiai.
This shift leads to conditional obedience, where mahasantri no longer accepts everything from the kiai as absolute Instead, they begin to understand what is worth following and what needs to be criticized or even rejected (Warsah & Idi Warsah, 2.
Rationality, which is often emphasized by universities and assumes that individuals have rational goals and seek to achieve them in the most effective and efficient way (Amadae, n.
), provides a new understanding for mahasantri that obedience does not mean total surrender.
This rationality forms a critical attitude to examine pragmatic aspects and not make the kiai's fatwa the primary reference.
Based on this, this study aims to explore the trust of santri in kiai, building on previous studies that examined the shift in the relationship between santri and kiaiAifrom paternalistic to more functionalAias a result of the presence of modernity (Zakiah & Faturochman, 2.
This study highlights the shift in the relationship between santri and kiai from absolute obedience to conditional obedience, which is significantly influenced by rational choices made possible through the critical climate in higher education.
With this background, this study seeks to answer the question: What is the shift in santri obedience to kiai in the context of pesantren modern? This study is a type of field research in ethnography that discusses mahasantriAos obedience to kiai.
A study on social influence is a crucial topic in social psychology, examining how a person's thoughts, feelings, beliefs, and behavior are influenced by the presence of others (Takooshian, 1.
The data collection process was carried out through participant observation, where, during the research period, the researcher was part of the mahasantri in the cities of Surabaya and Yogyakarta so that he could witness and experience firsthand how the mahasantriAos obedience to the kiai was demonstrated through several embodiments and responses to fatwas issued by the kiai.
strengthen data, researchers conducted in-depth interviews with 12 student informants in pesantren in Surabaya and Yogyakarta to examine the reasons behind the shift in the meaning of obedience.
To create more natural results.
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interviews were conducted informally through casual conversations.
The selection of informants was based on each individual's background, where they were santri who had experienced the pesantren climate for a long time, since middle school or high school.
Demographically, the informants in this study are described as Table 1.
Santri and Absolute Obedience: General Principles Obedience to kiai is a reflection of the ethics that santri must have.
Martin van Bruinessen said, respect, reverence, and absolute obedience to the kiai are of the first values instilled in every santri (Bruinessen, 1.
In the world of pesantren, quite a few moral doctrines have been established.
Generally, what is used is the book Ta'lim Muta'alim by al-Zarnuji, which incidentally contains the manners of being a santri.
In this book, for example, it is stated that the condition for obtaining practical knowledge is to do two things: respect the teacher and the book (Al-Zarnj, 1.
Table 1 Informant Demographics Name Zabran .
Akbar .
Izza .
Risa .
Alin .
Nanda .
Fira .
Mala .
Alfi .
Ula .
Arin .
Ihsan .
Gender Time as a Student (Year.
Pesantren Surabaya Surabaya Surabaya Surabaya Surabaya Surabaya Surabaya Yogyakarta Yogyakarta Yogyakarta Yogyakarta Yogyakarta Vol.
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Being an obedient santri is often described by the attitude of accepting the kiai's statement without the courage to ask again, speaking when asked, and carrying out orders without the courage to refuse (Syarif, 2.
In terms of attitude, for example, it is described as santri walking sitting .
when they want to face the kiai.
The santri looked down and stopped when they passed the kiai, then resumed walking when the distance between them increased (Aini, 2.
All forms of obedience are carried out because of the expected element of 'blessing'.
The figure of a kiai is considered a human being whose level of piety cannot be doubted, so there is an assumption that being kind to them will automatically receive blessings from Allah (Syarif & Gaffar.
The santri generally believe that, although they are often perceived as unintelligent in the pesantren, if they receive blessings, they will usually be able to become AufiguresAy in society.
Likewise, even though they are smart in the pesantren, if they do not receive AublessingsAy or even receive AuwrathAy, then it is believed that they will have difficulties in society (Nihwan & Paisun, 2.
Furthermore, obedience is rooted in a patron-client relationship (Faraz et , 2.
A term often used to describe the relationship between kiai and santri, where generally the kiaiAias patronsAiare those on whom the santri depend (Zakiah & Faturochman, 2.
Kiai is a central figure whose daily attitude has a significant influence on the personality of the santri.
Kiai has a vital role in guiding santri in religious knowledge and morals.
This obedience is not only to maintain discipline, but also as a form of respect and recognition of the knowledge and experience of the kiai.
By following the advice and direction of the kiai, santri can deepen their knowledge and improve their quality (Muhakamurrohman, 1.
Santri views kiai as honorable people beyond their respect for their parents.
It is motivated by the belief that kiai has contributed much to providing guidance and moral education (Chasanah.
This concept is motivated by the two-way relationship between kiai and santri, namely an ethical and theological relationship.
An ethical relationship fosters ethics, and a theological relationship cultivates a desire to serve and obtain blessings from the kiai (Wibowo, 2.
The obedience of santri is usually based on al-Kahfi: 66.
This verse tells the story of the process of Prophet Musa arriving at Prophet Khidhir, where as a Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan N.
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Prophet Musa was required to obey his teacher based on the belief that what the teacher had decided had gone through careful consideration, not only methodologically, but also intuitively, not only rationally, but also theologically.
The santriAos obedience to the kiai is also an actualization of the meaning of alNisA: 59, which is focused on obedience to uli al-amr, which in the context of pesantren can be interpreted as kiai.
Surah al-Nisa:59 provides a theological and practical basis for santri to actualize their obedience to the kiai.
strengthens the position of the kiai as an authority figure who must be respected and obeyed by santri.
In addition, the hadith narrated by Abu Daud number 3157 also plays a role in encouraging obedience.
This hadith encourages santri to obey the kiai as a teacher and role model in the context of In general, this hadith teaches that obedience to the ulama is part of obedience to Allah and His Messenger, making it highly relevant in the educational environment of pesantren.
Mahasantri Obedience Kiai, according to Mahasantri One of the mahasantri said that his understanding of the figure of the kiai was formed long before he entered the pesantren, where he had learned this doctrine from his family.
AuMy family is quite religious and considers Kiai to be perfect figures.
I easily absorbed this view by working like a doctrine.
Moreover, like doctrines, we find it difficult to escape from them because of a cognitive dissonance bias:
if we live in an environment that believes in a myth, we tend to assume the myth is real.
If we grow up in an Islamic environment, it is difficult for us to escape Islamic beliefs.
For followers of other religions.
Islam is irrational because it worships the Kaaba stone.
For Islam, other religions are irrational because, for example, they worship Diego Maradona.
To atheists, all religion makes no sense.
Moreover, religious adherents do not easily abandon their core beliefs.
This difficulty in leaving can be called cognitive Well, beliefs about kiai also work, such as cognitive dissonance.
The family's trust persisted until he entered an Islamic boarding school.
When studying, it is easy to respect the kiai as much as possibleAy .
nterview with Zabra.
This sentence illustrates how religious beliefs instilled since childhood can shape a person's thinking.
My religious family considers the Kiai a perfect Vol.
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figure, and this view is absorbed in a way similar to doctrine.
This shows that beliefs taught in the family environment can be powerful and complex to An environment that believes in certain myths makes individuals consider these myths as reality.
In this context, growing up in an Islamic environment creates a strong emotional attachment and identity, which makes it difficult to let go of these beliefs.
When there are views from adherents of other religions who see Islam as irrational, or vice versa.
Muslims who view other religions in the same way, a defensive attitude arises that strengthens existing beliefs.
The difficulty in overcoming these ingrained beliefs reflects cognitive dissonance.
The discomfort felt when a conflict arises between beliefs held and facts that emerge causes individuals to seek ways to maintain these beliefs, often by rationalizing or ignoring conflicting Beliefs about kiai also play a role in this context, where family traditions continue into the pesantren.
There, respect for kiai becomes natural and easy to do, because these values are reinforced in the same educational It creates a cycle where confidence is maintained and the discomfort of potential doubt is minimized.
He also said that the actual understanding of such a perfect kiai figure is not knowledge generated based on personal experience, but has been formed over a long time and passed down from generation to generation.
AuOur view of Kiai is an ancient perspective of a figure who must be respected in this manner because he is the heir of the prophet.
At a certain point, this view glorifies an idealized figure: a holy figure who is never If the Kiai makes a mistake, perhaps it only seems wrong because the saints often do wrong things, and we are forced to believe they are just rightAy .
nterview with Zabra.
This sentence illustrates how cognitive dissonance influences perceptions of kiai.
First, the view that kiai are figures who must be respected because they are considered the heirs of the prophets shows the existence of strong traditions and values embedded in society.
It creates a frame of reference in which kiai are seen as figures who are respected and idealized.
This glorification produces dissonance when the kiai's actions are considered When kiai makes mistakes, discomfort arises because it contradicts Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan N.
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the idealistic view that they are never wrong.
To overcome this dissonance, individuals tend to rationalize the mistake, believing that the mistake only appears to be that way.
It creates a cycle in which the belief about kiai as a holy figure is maintained, despite evidence to the contrary.
From this, we can conclude that Zabran wants to see that the view, which considers the kiai as a holy figure and never wrong, can lead to a refusal to admit their mistakes or shortcomings.
In addition, deep-rooted dogma, where individuals are compelled to maintain beliefs despite evidence to the contrary, can hinder critical thinking and foster the acceptance of narratives that are not always rational, thereby overlooking more complex realities.
Thus, a critical attitude towards authority and tradition is necessary, and the acceptance of human imperfection must be encouraged, including in respected figures such as a kiai.
Body Attitude (Embodimen.
In terms of body posture .
, many of the mahasantri no longer exhibit a 'munduk-munduk' attitude when communicating, or even 'ndengkul' as they used to do when walking in front of their kiai.
AuIn the past, when the kiai responded, they bowed because they were afraid, embarrassed, etc.
However, now it is more relaxed .
nterview with Nand.
AuBefore every time you met a kiai you had to give way, standing politely while bowing your headAy .
nterview with Akba.
An attitude of respect is usually manifested by simply walking politely.
In addition, they stated that Aunow they are more courageous in expressing their opinions.
Ay When talking to the kiai, the mahasantri not only started to look at the kiai's face but even dared to express their opinions.
It is evident in the teaching and learning process, where students no longer accept what the kiai conveys in the same manner.
Through the question-and-answer method, they will generally provide alternative views or even offer criticism if they feel something is inappropriate.
AuBecause by being a student, you are taught to have the courage to speak up when you feel something is inappropriateAy .
nterview with Mal.
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Within the framework of Pierre Bourdieu's bodily hexis theory, changes in the body posture of mahasantri in interacting with the kiai reflect shifts in power relations and social structures.
In the past, the 'munduk-munduk' and 'ndengkul' attitudes symbolized deep respect and fear of the kiai's authority.
This attitude is a form of embodiment that expresses social hierarchy and cultural norms that require submission to authority figures.
However, with a more relaxed attitude and the courage to express opinions, we can see a transformation in the habitus of the mahasantri.
They now not only dare to look at the kiai's face, but also actively participate in discussions, which shows that they are starting to internalize more egalitarian values.
The question-and-answer method applied in learning strengthens this dynamic, where mahasantri no longer receive knowledge passively, but play an active role as agents in the process.
This change reflects a shift in the social and cultural capital possessed by the mahasantri.
With their status as mahasantri, they gain the legitimacy to Aospeak upAo and explore critical thinking, which may have previously been unacceptable.
It suggests that bodily hexis is not just a physical behavior, but also reflects changes in social relations and This new attitude indicates that the mahasantri are increasingly adopting a more independent and confident position, while challenging the traditional norms that bind them to a position of submission.
Response to Fatwa Activities in college provide new perspectives for mahasantri.
This education not only introduces academic knowledge, but also encourages them to think critically and independently.
Thus, mahasantri began to question the authority of the kiai and no longer accepted teachings In the past, before entering college, santri would voluntarily agree to everything from the kiai, including all the rules in the pesantren.
However, this is different for male santri, who have been accustomed to the freedom to think and act.
AuIn the past, if the kiai told me to do anything.
I was thrilled.
I got the Now, it feels like a burdenAy.
nterview with Zabra.
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The mahasantri also began to reason about what they needed and what they should pursue:
AuMy daily task is only to help the kiai, with trust in blessings.
Maybe that is an innocent belief, but I am starting to feel stupid and want to be smart.
How can you be smart if your daily activities turn your back on knowledge? Moreover, since I understood that my interests differed from the kiaiAos.
I looked for a way to leave the hut.
In this effort to leave.
I have increasingly come to realize that devotion is sometimes used for nothing.
Some teachers are sometimes rigorous in giving various kinds of doctrine so that students serve unthinkinglyAy .
nterview with Zabra.
From here, we can see the self-awareness and rationalization of the mahasantri, which allows others, including the kiai, to utilize their devotion.
There is a shift from an attitude that relies entirely on the kiai's blessings to a more rational approach to personal needs and goals.
They do not want to feel stupid because they follow without considering what is best for themselves.
Regarding the Kiai's orders or fatwa, they are no longer absolute and must be followed by mahasantri.
AySometimes, some of the things that the kiai say are at odds with my beliefs.
Moreover, since becoming a student.
I no longer want to obey the kiai.
Sometimes I do not even believe what the kiai saysAo .
nterview with Ihsa.
AyOf course.
I respect them.
They are knowledgeable people.
However, when my goal is blocked.
I must avoid itAy .
nterview with Zabra.
When the Kiai's teachings conflict with their personal beliefs, the mahasantri feel entitled to reject them.
It suggests that they prioritize their personal beliefs and values over authority.
This attitude reflects the transition from imitation to critical evaluation of the teachings received.
Not a few mahasantri reject the matchmaking system from their kiai because it does not meet the standard criteria for the candidate they want.
Marriage is a lifelong commitment for him, so it must be a truly considered and well-thought-out decision.
Even though they believe that the candidate chosen by their kiai will be good, they feel that 'they know themselves better than anyone else' .
nterview with Alf.
In other cases, for example, during general elections.
Even though the kiai advised choosing a particular candidate, the mahasantri did not immediately choose that one.
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to find out and read each candidate's track record first and make a choice accordingly .
nterview with Mal.
These changes reflect a shift in social structures and power relations, in which mahasantri began to take a more autonomous and critical position towards the authorities they had previously fully respected.
Rational Choice: Shifting Roots As students who live in pesantren and are active students at universities, mahasantri receive two sources of knowledge: learning patterns in pesantren that emphasize doctrinal traditions and universities that emphasize critical Learning activities for almost 24 hours, which take place in an integrated manner in pesantren, emphasize increasing 'ubdiyyah .
and moral obedience .
In pesantren, the morality of obedience is absolute (Abdillah & Maskuri, 2.
Even santri are always told that Aupoliteness is of higher value than intelligence.
Ay Meanwhile, in the Consideration of law no.
12 of 2012 concerning Higher Education states that Auhigher education is part of the national education system which has a strategic role in educating the nation's life and advancing scienceAy.
Becoming a rational thinker is a goal that every university strives for.
Mahasantri's open access to information and insight can make choices about everything based on doctrine and reason .
Rational choice is a type of thinking based on the assumption that individuals choose actions that best suit their preferences.
As James S.
Coleman said, which George Ritzer and Douglas J.
Goodman quoted, individual actions lead to a These goals are actions determined by values or preferences .
rational choice, actors .
n this case, individual.
are the key to achieving and maximizing their interests.
It is done by making a choice that is considered to bring results to achieve those interests.
In the learning system of higher education, receiving and giving criticism is a common practice, as this critical tradition is essential for maintaining the university's identity (Ritzer & Goodman, 2.
The critical climate accompanying mahasantri's daily lives has resulted in a culture of questioning or discovering everything from its Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan N.
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Obedience Shift: From Absolute to Conditional As central figures in pesantren, kiai play a crucial role in shaping the development of santri (Turmudi, 2.
The patron-client relationship that develops between the kiai and the santri at a later stage has the impact of a hierarchy of status dependency and respect, leading to a cult of the individual, where the santri are indirectly required to trust the kiai entirely (Setiawan.
The higher the desire of the mahasantri to follow the kiai's orders, the stronger the students' degree of attachment.
Santri who have difficulty freeing themselves from the power of kiai authority can hinder their independence, especially in terms of emotional and value independence.
As stated by Zainuddin Syarif, those who are in a bond of obedience to specific authority figures will experience the feeling that they are at the mercy of other people (Syarif, 2.
Likewise, with santri, their absolute .
obedience to the kiai will form a paradigm that they do not need to make decisions about their own lives because they will follow what has been determined by their authority In these conditions, santri have limited opportunities to make choices and take responsibility for them independently.
As a result, santri will find it challenging to develop their sense of independence (Syarif, 2.
The transition from santri to mahasantri is not just a change in educational level.
The consequences of change accompany it, in this case, especially the form of obedience to the kiai as knowledge becomes wider, with religious awareness that is not just a doctrinal compulsion but relies on an understanding of religious teachings (Sudrajat, 2.
Patronage between Kiai and Mahasantri does not fully occur.
The mahasantriAos attitude of respect towards the kiai is no longer in a very sacred form, such as 'mundukmunduk', 'ndengkul', not even daring to look at the kiai's face when In the past, before entering university.
Santri would voluntarily agree to everything that came from the kiai, including all the rules for the It differs from mahasantri, who already knows about freedom in thinking and acting.
For some mahasantri, this pattern of kiai-santri relations does not originate from religious teachings.
However, it results from adopting keraton .
traditions, which are then preserved in pesantren culture .
nterview with Risa.
Ula, and Ari.
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Mahasantri has benchmarks that represent its form of obedience.
For mahasantri, being obedient does not mean losing your identity as a free Obedience does not mean that you dare not refuse the kiai's orders or wishes.
Apart from authority figures in the religious field, where he is seen as a person who can always understand the greatness of God and the secrets of nature, so he is considered to have an unattainable position, especially for ordinary people (Dhofier, 2.
, kiai are still human beings who cannot be separated from ego and personal interests.
It requires students to be critical in examining pragmatic matters and not to use fatwas as the primary reference in responding to and accommodating events (Susanto.
One answer is a mental revolution in rational thinking, where the mahasantri's critical attitude balances the sami'na wa atho'na attitude.
FinallyAifor mahasantriAirational acceptance of religion is seen as a good way of religion.
This rationality of thinking at the next stage influences Mahasantri's choices.
If a fatwa or kiai's order is contrary to what they believe, the mahasantriAiusing polite languageAiwill express their views and then discuss them.
Moreover, with various careful considerations, some mahasantri even chose not to follow the kiai's orders, such as matchmaking and general elections.
As a religious leader with great morality believed to provide a correct understanding of religion to mahasantri and guide them towards the path acceptable to Allah (Asmani, 2.
, mahasantri's respect for kiai still exists.
It is just that Mahasantri no longer obeys all the Kiai's orders.
This view is motivated by the dialogue between different paradigms, specifically the pesantren doctrinal system and the critical thinking culture of higher education, which then produces a synthesis in the mahasantriAos view of life.
Despite all the principles of rationality that the Mahasantri haveAithe courage to refuse or make their own choices in life, the obedience that has been internalized for a long time in the mahasantriAos body will remain attached.
Therefore, the author refers to the mahasantri's obedience to the kiai as conditional obedience.
Conditional obedience is a synthesis between absolute .
obedience, which generally occurs in mahasantris, and independent freedom, which is usually Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan N.
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adhered to by mahasantris.
If mahasantriAos dare to express freely their choices (Efendi et al.
, 2.
, and santri have limited freedom to make choices in their lives (Nuqul et al.
, 2.
, this is different from mahasantri, where they can and dare to make their own choices but still pay attention to the ethics of obedience to the kiai.
The rejection by mahasantri of something from the kiai generally remains with santri ethics.
Conclusion The ethics of the santriAos obedience to the kiai is an absolute necessity.
The fixed values .
thics, religiosit.
inherent in the pesantren tradition are challenging to eradicate.
When discussing mahasantri, which in this context refers to those who reside in pesantren and engage in educational activities outside the pesantren, or in other words, those who are formed based on two paradigms .
octrinal and rational-critica.
, it can be observed that the ethics of obedience still exist.
However, certain parts of the 'obedience' aspect are starting to shift.
Mahasantri does not necessarily absorb the traditional values of obedience that santri salaf usually believe in, but instead enters into a dialogue with rationality.
So this is what then produces the concept of conditional obedience.
References