Transformation and Islamic Inculturation in the Ludruk Performing Art of Surabaya, 1975Ae2022: A Study of Social and Cultural History Daul Ibad*.
Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga.
Yogyakarta.
Indonesia
ABSTRACT
This study investigates the process of Islamic inculturation within the traditional performing art of ludruk in Surabaya from 1975 to 2022, situating the analysis within the theoretical framework of inculturation and social history.
It seeks to examine how Islamic values have been internalized into the structural, narrative, and symbolic dimensions of ludruk without diminishing its identity as a popular folk performance.
Employing historical research methodsAinamely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiographyAithe study draws upon interviews, field observations, documentation, and library research.
The findings indicate that Islamic values have been substantively integrated into ludruk through morally grounded plot constructions emphasizing justice and ethical conduct, the representation of religiously conscious protagonists, dialogical expressions infused with ethical-religious nuance, and visual symbolismAisuch as costumes and stage designAithat reflects Islamic identity.
Rather than displacing the traditional character of ludruk, this process has reconstituted its cultural function as both a medium of social expression and a vehicle for contextualized religious outreach.
The study argues that the relationship between Islam and ludruk represents a long-term, dynamic process of cultural negotiation within the urban social landscape of Surabaya, extending beyond superficial symbolic ARTICLE HISTORY Submitted 26/11/2025 Revised 16/12/2025 Accepted 20/12/2025 Published 27/12/2025 KEYWORDS Cultural negotiation.
Islamic values.
social history.
*CORRESPONDENCE AUTHOR
ibank24@gmail.
DOI: https://doi.
org/10.
34007/warisan.
INTRODUCTION
The encounter between Islam and traditional performing arts in East Java reveals a cultural process that is fundamentally negotiative and adaptive rather than confrontational.
In the context of ludruk in Surabaya.
Islamic values do not emerge as a force that supplants local tradition.
instead, they are internalized through narrative construction, character formation, dialogue, and visual symbolism within the performance.
This phenomenon reflects a process of inculturationAinamely, the insertion of religious values into an existing cultural structure without erasing its foundational identity as a form of folk art.
Such transformation underscores that ludruk functions not merely as popular entertainment but also as a site for the production of social and religious meaning within the urban society of East Java (Mulya et al.
, 2025.
Yaqqin & Pratiwi, 2.
Islamic influence extends beyond plot structure into the aesthetic dimension of performance.
Costumes have undergone adjustments, including the addition of elements such as the kerudung and designs that represent values of modesty and purity.
This visual transformation generates an aesthetic identity that harmonizes the distinctive character of ludruk with Islamic norms, without effacing its traditional features (Lubis et al.
, 2.
Within the context of dakwah, traditional performing arts such as ketoprak, wayang, kentrung, and ludruk possess communicative qualities that effectively convey religious messages to heterogeneous audiences.
The utilization of traditional media as vehicles for dakwah enables the contextual transmission of Islamic teachings, particularly among communities navigating the intersection of modernity and tradition (Sari et al.
, 2.
This transformation is also evident beyond the stage, where ludruk troupes invite religious figures to deliver sermons or spiritual counsel during intermissions, thereby expanding the function of ludruk from theatrical performance to a medium of religious education.
This process of acculturation has not only sustained the existence of ludruk as a traditional art form but has also reconstructed its role as a platform for articulating Islamic values within society.
The transformation fosters cultural harmony that enriches social life while demonstrating the capacity of traditional arts to adapt to evolving religious values (Batubara et al.
, 2.
In the mid-1970s, ludruk encountered significant challenges amid the socio-political A 2025 The Author.
Published by Mahesa Research Center This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Common Attribution License .
ttps://creativecommons.
org/licenses/by/4.
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176 | Daul Ibad transformations of the New Order era.
State cultural policies affected the dynamics of traditional arts, including ludruk, which had previously developed organically within local communities (Khanif & Fatoni, 2.
Entering the 1980s, ludruk groups sought to balance tradition and modernity by incorporating contemporary themes relevant to pressing social issues, while preserving their distinctive elements.
Narrative variations and linguistic styles were renewed to respond to shifting public tastes (Afandi & Arifin, 2.
The Reformasi era at the end of the 1990s opened broader spaces for freedom of expression, enabling ludruk troupes to explore social and political themes more openly.
Between 1975 and 2022.
Islamic values became increasingly pronounced in plot construction, character representation, costume aesthetics, and the insertion of moral and dakwah messages.
These developments demonstrate that ludruk has evolved into an arena of dialectical engagement between religion and culture within the broader context of socio-political change.
In the early 2000s, the use of social media expanded the reach of ludruk promotion and documentation, while simultaneously opening opportunities for cross-disciplinary artistic collaboration (Sisnia & Abdillah, 2.
For example.
Ludruk AuWarna BudayaAy staged the play AuBrandal Lokajaya,Ay narrating the spiritual journey of Sunan Kalijaga prior to becoming a wali, while Ludruk Pro 4 Radio Republik Indonesia Surabaya, through the story AuRomi dan Yuli,Ay embedded dakwah messages concerning social norms and obedience to the law of Allah (Alfarezis & Abdillah, 2.
These instances illustrate how ludruk has transformed into a cultural medium representing the negotiation of Islamic identity within the urban social sphere of Surabaya.
Against this backdrop, the present study aims to analyze the process of Islamic inculturation within ludruk in Surabaya from 1975 to 2022, to identify the forms of cultural transformation that have occurred, and to explain how the relationship between Islam and ludruk represents a negotiation of identity within the dynamics of urban social life.
The socio-cultural historical approach employed in this research conceptualizes inculturation as an ongoing historical process rather than a merely symbolic phenomenon, thereby offering a conceptual contribution to the study of religion and performing arts in Indonesia.
METHOD
This study employs a qualitative approach grounded in historical research methods to analyze the process of acculturation of Islamic values within the ludruk performing art tradition in Surabaya during the period 1975Ae2022.
historical perspective is adopted to trace the diachronic transformation of ludruk within its broader social, cultural, and religious contexts.
The research positions cultural actorsAiludruk performers, art activists, troupe managers, and representatives of the Department of CultureAias principal subjects who actively participate in the reception, negotiation, and transmission of Islamic values through the artistic medium (Rachman et al.
, 2.
The dynamics of inculturation are thus understood as the outcome of social interactions unfolding within the urban cultural sphere of Surabaya.
The heuristic stage was conducted through the collection of primary and secondary sources.
Primary data were obtained through in-depth interviews with informants selected using purposive sampling based on the following criteria:
direct involvement in ludruk performances for a minimum of five years.
familiarity with shifts in thematic orientation and performance aesthetics.
institutional authority in the management of regional performing arts.
Interviews were conducted in a semi-structured format using open-ended guiding questions designed to elicit the experiences, perceptions, and practices of acculturation encountered by the artists.
Additional primary data were gathered through direct observation of performances, visual documentation, and examination of internal archives of ludruk groups.
Secondary sources included books, scholarly articles, theses, dissertations, archival materials, and cultural policy documents relevant to the period under study.
All data were subjected to external and internal source criticism to assess authenticity, credibility, and consistency within their respective socio-political contexts.
The interpretative stage involved thematic-chronological analysis by categorizing data into key dimensions of inculturationAinamely narrative construction, character formation, dialogical expression, visual symbolism, and the function of dakwahAiand situating them within the historical trajectory spanning 1975Ae2022.
This analysis was further enriched by perspectives from cultural anthropology to interpret the symbolic and religious dimensions embedded in performance.
The historiographical stage was realized through systematic and diachronic writing aimed at reconstructing the process of Islamic acculturation in ludruk in a manner that is analytically rigorous and academically accountable.
Transformation and Islamic Inculturation in the Ludruk Performing Art of Surabaya, 1975Ae2022: A Study A| 177
RESULT AND DISCUSSION
The Dynamics of Ludruk in Surabaya during the Japanese Occupation and the Soekarno Era .
2Ae1.
The arrival of Japan in 1942 brought fundamental changes to the landscape of performing arts in Indonesia, including ludruk in Surabaya.
During the Dutch colonial administration, ludruk performances were subject to strict supervision and restriction.
When Japan assumed control, ludruk organizations and performances were once again legalized.
At first glance, this policy appeared to offer artists an opportunity to preserve the existence of folk performance traditions.
reality, however, such legalization was driven by political interests.
The Japanese administration utilized ludruk as a propaganda instrument to disseminate the ideology of Greater East Asia and to construct an image of Japan as the Auelder brotherAy liberating Asian nations from Western colonialism.
In numerous performances, storylines were directed to support Japanese policies, including forced labor .
, while reinforcing JapanAos self-representation as the savior of Asia (Nusantara et al.
, 2.
Amid these pressures, several artists continued to insert implicit social criticism into their performances.
One of the most prominent figures was Cak Durasim, a ludruk maestro from Surabaya renowned for his mastery of parikanAi rhymed couplets that functioned simultaneously as humor and social critique (Sharfina et al.
, 2.
In one performance, he recited the following lines:
AuPagupon omahy doro.
Melu Nippon tambah sengsara.
Ay These verses symbolically criticized Japanese policies that caused widespread suffering, particularly through the practice of romusha (Yuwono et al.
, 2.
Such criticism was interpreted as an act of resistance against the occupation Consequently.
Cak Durasim was arrested, imprisoned, and subjected to torture until he died in detention.
This episode solidified ludrukAos role as a medium of resistance and established Cak Durasim as a symbol of artistic struggle against injustice (Faurina et al.
, 2.
Following JapanAos surrender in 1945 and IndonesiaAos proclamation of independence, the function of ludruk underwent a significant transformation.
During the revolutionary period, ludruk evolved into an effective medium for mobilizing nationalist sentiment.
The plays performed emphasized themes of heroism, resistance to colonial domination, and calls to defend independence against Dutch attempts to reassert control over the archipelago (Nusantar.
(Pratikno & Hartatik, 2.
Ludruk troupes toured military headquarters and revolutionary camps, entertaining and motivating communities in equal measure.
While maintaining the characteristic improvisational style of ludruk, performances were directed toward strengthening moral messages and patriotic spirit.
Entering the era of President SoekarnoAos administrationAifrom the 1950s until 1967Ailudruk acquired a strategic position within national cultural policy.
The government regarded ludruk as an effective vehicle of political communication for instilling anti-colonial sentiment, national unity, and the ethos of gotong royong (Prawoto & Pramulia, 2020.
Utomo et al.
, 2.
Ludruk performances thus functioned not only as popular entertainment but also as a medium for conveying messages of nationalism and state development.
Several ludruk troupes even affiliated with cultural organizations such as Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat, which was associated with the Indonesian Communist Party, transforming performances into arenas for disseminating socialist ideas and articulating critiques of capitalism and imperialism (Rachmasari & Permatasari, 2.
The period 1942Ae1967 therefore demonstrates that ludruk transformed from a colonial propaganda medium into an instrument of resistance and subsequently developed into a vehicle of political communication in the formation of Indonesian national identity.
Restructuring and Depoliticization of Ludruk during the New Order Transition .
8Ae1.
The events of the G30S/PKI in 1965 produced significant structural consequences for the existence of ludruk in East Java.
Ludruk troupes affiliated with Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat were dissolved and marginalized, resulting in a period of artistic stagnation in various regions between 1965 and 1968.
This situation was followed by new policies regulating the presence of ludruk groups within the broader framework of New Order political stabilization.
Between 1968 and 1970, the Armed Forces, through the Regional Military Command Vi Brawijaya, coordinated the consolidation of several ludruk troupes into new units placed under military supervision: .
former Ludruk Marhaen Surabaya became Ludruk Wijaya Kusuma Unit I.
former Ludruk Anoraga Malang became Unit II.
former Ludruk Urill A Malang 178 | Daul Ibad became Unit i under the supervision of Korem 083 Baladika Jaya Brawijaya.
former Ludruk Tresna Enggal Surabaya became Unit IV.
former Ludruk Kartika Kediri became Unit V (Suaka, 2.
These measures indicate a process of institutionalizing ludruk within the state apparatus as part of a broader agenda of cultural depoliticization.
Until approximately 1975, ludruk troupes remained under the supervision of the Indonesian Armed Forces (Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesi.
The prior experience of political repression rendered it difficult for ludruk to fully reclaim its critical function.
During this period, ludruk was predominantly repositioned as popular entertainment largely sanitized of overt social critique.
As a result, younger generations who lacked direct historical experience of the political turbulence of the 1960s tended to perceive ludruk merely as comedic or dagelan performance.
This functional transformation reflects a shift from an art form laden with ideological dimensions to one oriented toward political stability and public recreation.
Developments in media further influenced the trajectory of ludruk in subsequent years.
Following the establishment of Televisi Republik Indonesia Surabaya Station in the mid-1970s, public access to ludruk performances expanded, no longer relying solely on live staging.
In the 1980s, ludruk began to be recorded on cassette, although the segments most favored by audiences were the humorous dagelan portions.
Efforts at revitalization emerged, including the organization of ludruk competitions by groups such as Bravo Kawula Muda in 1995, aimed at rekindling younger generationsAo interest in this art form.
Within the socio-cultural context of East Java, ludruk functioned in a manner akin to a village slametan, serving as a meeting space for diverse social, ethnic, and political identities.
During the political instability following 1965, when many ludruk troupes were unable to stage performances.
Ludruk Radio Republik Indonesia Surabaya continued to operate through AM radio broadcastsAiat a time when FM technology was not yet available and television remained accessible only to limited segments of society (Eka & Wiyanto, 2025.
Ronaldi & Lestari, 2.
In the 1970s, the political stability of the New Order encouraged the supervision and fostering of ludruk troupes by the Indonesian National Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesi.
and the police.
Within Ludruk Radio Republik Indonesia Surabaya emerged prominent figures such as Cak Kartolo.
Ning Tini.
Cak Sidik Wibisono, and Cak Bandi Wibowo.
The groupAos popularity contributed to a positive public image of ludruk in East Java and facilitated its wider distribution through audio The existence of Ludruk Radio Republik Indonesia Surabaya reflects a reciprocal relationship between artists and the state.
For performers, affiliation with the group provided relative security and greater economic stability compared to independent troupes.
For the government, ludruk functioned as a medium for disseminating programs and policies to the public.
Nevertheless, this structural proximity constrained creative freedom, as group activities were subject to strict supervision.
This condition positioned Ludruk Radio Republik Indonesia Surabaya as a subject of symbolic violence within its artistic practice, as analyzed by Andriany et al.
Ludruk in the Ideological Dialectic between Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat (Lekr.
and Lembaga Seniman Budayawan Muslimin Indonesia (Lesbum.
The establishment of Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat in 1950 exerted a significant influence on the development of ludruk in Surabaya.
This cultural organization, closely associated with the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesi.
, positioned art as an instrument of popular struggle, particularly for workers and peasants.
Ludruk was mobilized as a medium for articulating social and political issues aligned with lower-class interests.
Performances during this period frequently addressed themes of class struggle, social injustice, and the exploitation of marginalized Under SoekarnoAos leadership.
Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat expanded rapidly, reportedly reaching approximately 500,000 members within fourteen years (Suaka, 2.
Its influence propelled ludruk beyond the realm of popular entertainment, transforming it into a vehicle for more explicit and ideologically charged social critique.
This transformation became evident in the thematic construction and narrative orientation of performances.
Whereas earlier ludruk productions emphasized humor and amusement, during this period staged plays increasingly incorporated critiques of political authorities and systems perceived as oppressive.
The communicative and accessible character of ludruk rendered it an effective medium for disseminating political messages to broad audiences.
In this context, each political force of the era established its own cultural institution.
The Indonesian National Party (Partai Nasional Indonesi.
formed Lembaga Kesenian Nasional.
the Indonesian Communist Party developed Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat.
Nahdlatul Ulama established Lembaga Seniman Budayawan Muslimin Indonesia.
and Partindo was Transformation and Islamic Inculturation in the Ludruk Performing Art of Surabaya, 1975Ae2022: A Study A| 179 supported by Lembaga Seni Budaya Indonesia.
Each political group likewise maintained its own newspaper as a channel for publicizing artistic and cultural activities (Ronaldi & Lestari, 2.
Conversely.
Lembaga Seniman Budayawan Muslimin Indonesia, operating under the auspices of Nahdlatul Ulama, adopted a different perspective toward ludruk.
Initially, ludruk was regarded primarily as popular entertainment containing elements deemed inconsistent with Islamic moral values, such as coarse language and the practice of travestyAifemale roles performed by male actors.
These characteristics limited the organizationAos full endorsement of ludruk, as it prioritized artistic expressions reflecting Islamic morality.
Subsequent developments, however, reveal a process of negotiation.
During the New Order period, when the state promoted the integration of arts within a framework of political stability.
Lembaga Seniman Budayawan Muslimin Indonesia began to acknowledge the possibility of adapting ludruk through normative adjustments.
One outcome of dialogue between Radio Republik Indonesia Surabaya and ludruk artists was the decision to allow female performers to appear on stage, while maintaining decorum and moral standards consistent with Islamic teachings.
This policy marked a point of compromise between artistic needs and ethical-religious considerations (Afandi & Arifin, 2025.
Eka & Wiyanto, 2.
As an organization representing Muslim artists.
Lembaga Seniman Budayawan Muslimin Indonesia also provided guidance to various artistic groups.
In the 1970s, for instance, an affiliated troupe in Ngemplak.
Undaan.
Kudus, led by Mr.
Sinun, regularly staged religiously themed plays such as AuDajjalAy at community celebrations.
This phenomenon illustrates that traditional performing arts could evolve into contextual media for dakwah without relinquishing their entertainment value.
In the post-Reform era.
Ludruk Radio Republik Indonesia Surabaya has continued to sustain its presence as a medium of entertainment, information, and education.
The plays performed convey moral messages such as patience, acceptance of destiny, and social ethics aligned with Islamic teachings (Fatimah & Hermawan, 2021.
Hidayat, 2.
Historically, traditional arts such as ludruk have often been employed as political instruments, whether for mass mobilization or propaganda.
During SoekarnoAos administration, traditional arts flourished in part because they did not yet face intense competition from global cultural products such as commercial radio, cassette recordings, compact discs, and digital video.
Government regulations also limited the penetration of foreign culture.
In this context, the growth of ludruk was sustained not only by cultural inheritance but also by the support and interests of particular political forces, positioning ludruk as an arena of dialectical engagement among ideology, religion, and culture.
Islamic Inculturation as a Process of Cultural Negotiation in Ludruk .
5Ae1.
The development of ludruk between 1975 and 1998 reveals a complex cultural dynamic, including the gradual incorporation of Islamic values into the structure of performance.
Religious elements did not always appear in dominant nevertheless, their presence was significant in shaping processes of cultural adaptation.
Islamic themes were often introduced at the request of patrons or event organizers, for instance through plays conveying moral and religious At the same time, ludruk retained its foundational conventions, including the practice of travestyAimale performers portraying female charactersAiwhich remained integral to its artistic tradition (Chusniyah et al.
, 2.
This phenomenon demonstrates that inculturation unfolded through negotiation rather than through the replacement of traditional structures.
The integration of Islamic values was also evident in the incorporation of gending pepiling verses, qasidah, and terbangan within performances.
Several ludruk troupes even included shalawat as part of their staging, signaling the accommodation of Islamic elements without erasing the identity of ludruk as a form of folk art.
Public responses to these transformations varied.
Moderate Muslim communities tended to accept and support such adaptations, while certain segments of society maintained a more skeptical view of ludruk.
Among practitioners themselves, the commitment to preserving creative space remained strong.
Islamic elements were interpreted and expressed flexibly, thematically, and improvisationally.
Over more than two decades, these changes illustrate a pattern of adaptive and contextual integration of Islamic values rather than a dominant or coercive imposition (Hidayat et al.
, 2.
The internalization of moral values in ludruk does not derive solely from Islamic teachings but also draws upon local cultural traditions that emphasize budi pekerti .
oble characte.
Character formation through ludruk has been systematically fostered since 2015 in one art studio in East Java, highlighting the strategic function of ludruk as a medium 180 | Daul Ibad for character education.
Since the mid-1970s.
Islamic values have become more explicitly integrated into five principal dimensions: narrative construction, characterization, dialogue and parikan, visual symbolism, and institutional collaboration with Lembaga Seniman Budayawan Muslimin Indonesia and religious institutions.
Plays centered on morality and obedience to God became increasingly prominent.
protagonists embodied piety and social justice.
dialogues conveyed communicative ethical-religious messages.
costumes underwent normative adjustments.
institutional interactions strengthened the moral legitimacy of performance.
This process of inculturation reflects an adaptive pattern in which Islamic values were embraced insofar as they did not eradicate ludrukAos identity as a popular folk art.
The convention of travesty was retained as a defining feature yet reinterpreted within more moderate standards of propriety.
A symbolic negotiation emerged between abangan traditions and increasingly visible Islamic expressions in the public sphere of the New Order.
The cultivation of budi pekertiAisuch as respect for parents and teachersAiwas contextualized within Islamic teachings as a foundation for moral formation.
Concrete practices, such as suspending rehearsals at maghrib prayer time to allow performers to worship, demonstrate the integration of religious values into the creative process (Khanif & Fatoni, 2.
In response to challenges of generational continuity, several studios began mentoring children from kindergarten through junior high school while involving parents in the process of moral education.
This approach indicates that the preservation of ludruk aims not merely to sustain tradition but also to nurture a generation endowed with moral integrity and nationalist spirit.
Inclusivity has been emphasized, for example by respecting performers who wear the jilbab and adjusting character roles accordingly without imposing changes in personal appearance (Sisnia & Abdillah.
Historically, the relationship between Islam and ludruk from 1942 to 2022 may be understood in three stages:
the latent stage .
2Ae1.
, the structural negotiation stage .
8Ae1.
, and the institutional-pedagogical stage .
8Ae2.
This pattern confirms that Islamic inculturation within ludruk constitutes a dialectical process shaped by political transformations and shifts in social structure.
In Surabaya, ludruk has not merely survived the pressures of it has reconstructed itself as a medium of cultural dakwah and character education, demonstrating that religion and culture interact through dynamic negotiation rather than unilateral domination.
CONCLUSION
Islamic inculturation within the ludruk performing art tradition in Surabaya since 1975 affirms that the relationship between religion and culture has not unfolded through patterns of domination, but rather through contextual negotiation and integration.
The strengthening of religious consciousness among artists and audiences has encouraged adjustments in language, narrative structure, musical elements, costume design, and stage symbolism, without erasing ludrukAos defining character as a satirical and communicative folk art.
Islamic values have become internalized within moral messages, character construction, and stage aesthetics, thereby enriching the meaning of ludruk as a medium of education and social reflection.
This process demonstrates IslamAos capacity to engage in harmonious dialogue with local tradition while reconstructing the function of performance art as a form of cultural dakwah responsive to social change.
Future research may broaden this inquiry through comparative approaches across different regions to examine variations in the inculturation of Islam within ludruk traditions beyond Surabaya.
More in-depth ethnographic analysis of the creative practices of younger generations, along with studies on the impact of digital media on the transformation of ludruk, are also necessary to understand the trajectory of this art form amid modernization.
An interdisciplinary framework combining social history, anthropology of religion, and performance studies would further enrich scholarly understanding of the dynamic relationship between religion and culture within the context of Indonesian traditional REFERENCES