Journal of Islamic Law ISSN: 2721-5040 .
& 2721-5032 .
Vol.
No.
1, 2025, pp.
46Ae66 https://doi.
org/10.
24260/jil.
AoUlamAAo.
Authority, and Political Relations: How the PCNU Jember FatwA Influenced Public Policy on Gold Mining in Silo? Zainul MunAoim,1* Wahfiuddin Rahmad Harahap,2 Rona Putra,3 Budhi Santoso,2 Muhammad Viegri4 1Universitas KH.
Mukhtar Syafaat Blokagung.
Banyuwangi.
Indonesia 2Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Fatah Palembang.
South Sumatera.
Indonesia 3IAIN Curup.
Curup.
Indonesia 4Universitas Tanjungpura.
Pontianak.
Indonesia *Correspondence: zainulmnm@iaida.
*Received: 16-09-2024 | Revised: 16-11-2024, 06-02-2025 | Accepted: 07-02-2025 Abstract FatwAs (Islamic legal opinion.
are often perceived as having limited influence on public policy, particularly in environmental and mining-related issues.
Existing research suggests that despite opposition from AoulamAAo (Islamic scholar.
and local communities, mining operations often persist due to strong political and economic However, the fatwA issued by the Jember Branch Board of Nahdlatul Ulama (PCNU Jembe.
Aiwhich declared gold mining in Blok Silo impermissible .
Ai produced a notably different outcome.
This fatwA not only successfully halted mining activities but also played a decisive role in the revocation of government-issued mining permits.
This study aims to analyze the mechanisms through which the PCNU Jember fatwA influenced public policy in the gold mining conflict in Blok Silo.
Employing a socio-legal approach and qualitative methods, the research incorporates in-depth interviews with five key informants, including PCNU Jember officials and local community leaders, alongside document and media analysis from relevant sources.
Drawing on Pierre BourdieuAos theories of field and capital, this study argues that the effectiveness of the PCNU Jember fatwA was not solely rooted in its fiqh-based (Islamic jurisprudenc.
arguments but was reinforced by the symbolic and social capital held by NU scholars.
The strong religious authority of AoulamAAo within SiloAos social structure, combined with PCNU JemberAos political connections with the local government, played a crucial role in ensuring the fatwAAos policy impact.
This article argues that religious fatwAs can function as potent instruments of environmental advocacy, particularly in societies where AoulamAAo continue to exert significant influence over political and social spheres.
[Fatwa keagamaan sering kali dianggap tidak memiliki pengaruh signifikan dalam kebijakan publik, terutama dalam isu lingkungan dan pertambangan.
Studi-studi terdahulu menunjukkan bahwa meskipun terdapat perlawanan dari ulama dan masyarakat, aktivitas pertambangan tetap berlangsung karena kuatnya dukungan politik dan ekonomi.
Namun, fatwa Pengurus Cabang Nahdlatul Ulama (PCNU) Jember tentang keharaman pertambangan emas di Blok Silo menunjukkan hasil yang berbeda.
Fatwa ini tidak hanya berhasil menghentikan aktivitas pertambangan, tetapi juga mendorong pencabutan izin usaha pertambangan yang telah dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah.
Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis bagaimana fatwa PCNU Jember dapat memengaruhi kebijakan publik dalam konflik pertambangan emas di Blok Silo.
Copyright A 2025 by Author.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.
0 International License.
MunAoim et al.
Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan sosio-legal dengan metode kualitatif, yang melibatkan wawancara mendalam dengan lima informan, termasuk pengurus PCNU Jember dan tokoh masyarakat setempat, serta analisis dokumen dan berita dari sumber-sumber yang relevan.
Dengan menggunakan teori field and capital dari Pierre Bourdieu, artikel ini menemukan bahwa keberhasilan fatwa PCNU Jember tidak hanya bertumpu pada argumentasi fikih dalam teks fatwa, tetapi juga pada modal simbolik dan sosial yang dimiliki oleh ulama NU.
Otoritas keagamaan ulama yang tinggi dalam struktur sosial masyarakat Silo, serta hubungan politik PCNU Jember dengan pemerintah daerah, menjadi faktor utama yang memungkinkan fatwa tersebut berpengaruh terhadap kebijakan publik.
Artikel ini berargumentasi bahwa fatwa keagamaan dapat berfungsi sebagai instrumen advokasi lingkungan yang efektif, terutama dalam masyarakat yang masih menjunjung tinggi otoritas ulama.
Keywords: FatwA.
Gold Mining.
PCNU Jember.
Social Capital.
Symbolic Capital.
Introduction Environmental sustainability has become an increasingly urgent global issue, particularly due to the impact of industrialization, which has led to deforestation, pollution, and climate 1 Various international initiatives have emphasized the importance of sustainable development, as articulated in the Stockholm Declaration .
and the Rio de Janeiro Declaration .
2 Environmental issues are not merely ecological concerns.
they also affect human survival, ecosystem balance, and socio-economic stability.
Consequently, efforts to mitigate environmental degradation have been pursued through multiple approaches, including legal regulations, public policy, and social mobilization.
3 In societies where religious values play a significant role, green fatwAsAiIslamic legal opinions that provide a religious perspective on environmental issuesAican serve as a crucial instrument in fostering ecological awareness and promoting collective action.
4 According to Anna M.
Gade, green fatwAs not only function as a moral foundation but also have the potential to influence public policy and shape environmentally conscious social behavior.
In Indonesia, the concept of green fatwAs has gained increasing relevance amid escalating environmental crises, such as mass deforestation, industrial pollution, and the See: Aditya Prastian Supriyadi.
Dwi Fidhayanti, and Ramadhita Ramadhita.
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Unraveling Legal Frameworks for Sustainable Islamic Bonds,Ay El-Mashlahah 13, no.
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151Ae80.
Hamzah Hamzah et al.
AuSustainable Development of Mangrove Ecosystem Policy in South Sulawesi from the Perspectives of SiyAsah and Fiqh al-BiAoah,Ay Juris: Jurnal Ilmiah SyariAoah 22, no.
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Ho Chak Law.
AuWhose Environmental Sustainability? From AoGreenAo Olympics to AoOriginal EcologyAo Folk Song,Ay The Drama Review 67, no.
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See: Andar Nubowo.
AuCovid-19.
Fatwas, and Socio-Religious Praxis,Ay Social Sciences and Missions 35, no.
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Wildan Humaidi.
Hariyanto Hariyanto, and Mabarroh Azizah.
AuGreen Philanthropy:
Islamic Activism on IndonesiaAos Environmental Democracy,Ay Ijtihad: Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 24, no.
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Nurdin Karim et al.
AuEnvironmental Conservation of Coral Reefs in the Wakatobi Region Based on Islamic Education and Customary Law Approaches,Ay Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 8, no.
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Arkin Haris et al.
AuEco-MaqAid in Climate Change Campaigns: From an Ecolinguistics Study to the Philosophy of Islamic Law,Ay Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 18, no.
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Anna M.
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Journal of Islamic Law.
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No.
1, 2025.
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MunAoim et al.
overexploitation of natural resources.
6 A key example is the 2019 fatwA issued by the Jember Branch Board of Nahdlatul Ulama (PCNU Jembe.
,7 which declared gold mining in Blok Silo impermissible .
This fatwA played a decisive role in shaping public policy, particularly in the revocation of mining permits in the area.
It was issued as a direct response to the decision of the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources (ESDM), which had designated parts of Pace Village.
Silo District.
Jember Regency as a gold mining zone.
Merely a month after the fatwAAos issuance.
Minister of ESDM.
Ignasius Jonan revoked the mining permit through Ministerial Decree No.
23 K/30/MEM/2019,8 following strong opposition from the Jember Regency government and local communities.
9 This revocation serves as empirical evidence that fatwAs can play a role in shaping environmental policies, a phenomenon that remains underexplored in academic research.
Although numerous studies have examined conflicts related to mining and the role of religious organizations in environmental advocacy, most findings suggest that fatwAs and religious authority alone are often insufficient to influence public policy.
Farid Abud Alkatiri and Amir Syarifudin Kiwang, in their study of AoulamAAo (Islamic scholar.
resistance against gold mining in Gunung Tumpang Pitu.
Banyuwangi, found that religious fatwAs failed to halt mining operations due to strong economic and political pressures.
10 Similarly.
Fuad FaiziAos research on the Rembang cement mine revealed that, despite opposition from AoulamAAo and local communities, mining activities persisted.
11 On a broader scale, the Mining Advocacy Network (Jata.
has documented cases where large-scale mining projects, such as the gold mine in Pani.
Gorontalo, continued operating despite widespread rejection from religious leaders and local communities.
12 These cases highlight a recurring pattern of conflicts between local communities and mining corporations, shaped by social, political, economic, and religious dynamics in Indonesia.
Previous research indicates that oligarchic politics and neoliberal capitalism in IndonesiaAos post-New Order economic system have led the state to favor capital interests Zainul MunAoim and Abdussamet Kaya.
AuAn Empirical Approach in Culinary Fiqh of Coastal Communities:
Critical Study of AoAysh al-Baur,Ay Al-Ahkam 33, no.
1 (April 30, 2.
: 23Ae44.
AuNotification Letter of the PCNU Jember No.
038/PC/A-1/L-32/I/2019 on the Deliberation Results of the LBM NU Jember on Gold Mining in the Silo Block.
Ay AuMinisterial Decree of the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources of the Republic of Indonesia No.
K/30/MEM/2019 on Amendments to the Ministerial Decree No.
1802 K/30/MEM/2018 on Mining Business Permit Areas and Special Mining Business Permit Areas for the 2018 Period.
Ay Zumrotun Solichah.
AuMenteri ESDM Akhirnya Cabut Wilayah Izin Tambang Emas Blok Silo Jember,Ay Antara Jatim, 2019, https://jatim.
com/berita/274810/menteri-esdm-akhirnya-cabut-wilayahizin-tambang-emas-blok-silo-jember.
Farid Abud Alkatiri and Amir Syarifudin Kiwang.
AuThe Roles of Religious Organizations in the Decline of the Anti-Mining Movement in Banyuwangi.
East Java,Ay Bijdragen Tot de Taal-.
Land- En Volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 179, no.
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: 5Ae37.
Fuad Faizi.
AuThe Socio-Spatial Accumulation of Cement Corporations: The Reproduction of Absolute Space.
Monumentalization of Kiai, and Compartmentalization of Counter Space in Northern Kendeng.
Central Java IndonesiaAy (Dissertation.
UIN Sunan Kalijaga.
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Jejaring Oligarki Tambang dan Energi pada Pemilu 2024 (Jakarta: Jaringan Advokasi Tambang, 2.
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AuMining.
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MunAoim et al.
over public welfare.
14 According to Richard Robison and Vedi R.
Hadiz.
Indonesia has entered a phase of neoliberal capitalism, where the state prioritizes capital accumulation and reproduction over inclusive public services.
15 As a result, despite the presence of religiously motivated resistance movements, mining exploration and exploitation permits continue to be granted due to strong political and economic backing.
Fachruddin Majeri Mangunjaya and Jeanne Elizabeth McKay argue that religious leaders, eco-friendly pesantrens (Islamic boarding school.
, and non-governmental organizations (NGO.
play an essential role in environmental conservation efforts in Indonesia.
However, their initiatives are not always effectively implemented.
16 Nevertheless, the case of gold mining in Blok Silo presents a unique counterexample.
The PCNU Jember fatwA not only successfully halted mining operations but also compelled local authorities to take legal action against central government This article aims to analyze how the PCNU Jember fatwA influenced public policy regarding gold mining in Blok Silo.
To achieve this, the study employs a socio-legal approach, bridging the intersections of law, public policy, and socio-political dynamics in environmental Field research was conducted over six months (December 2023 Ae June 2.
in Pace Village.
Silo District.
Jember Regency.
East Java, involving in-depth interviews with five key informants, including the PCNU Jember board members and community leaders directly involved in the mining permit revocation process.
Additionally, this study incorporates documentary analysis, examining the PCNU Jember fatwA on Blok Silo mining, relevant government policies, news archives, and environmental organization reports as secondary The collected data is analyzed qualitatively using Pierre BourdieuAos field and capital theory,17 which identifies four types of capital that shape social dominance: symbolic, social, cultural, and economic capital.
18 This theoretical framework is applied to examine how symbolic and social capital contributed to the formulation of environmental public policy.
The Gold Mining Conflict in Blok Silo: The State vs.
AoUlamAAo and Civil Society The exploration of gold mining in Silo District.
Jember Regency, has a historical trajectory dating back to the colonial era, particularly since the establishment of coffee and rubber plantations during the British occupation in 1925.
Even at that time, colonial authorities had already identified significant gold mineral deposits in the area.
19 According to Muhammad Siradj, local AoulamAAo and community members referred to this region as Curahmas, named after a small river that carried gold-bearing rocks and minerals downstream.
20 In the 1960s.
Vedi R.
Hadiz and Richard Robison.
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Fachruddin Majeri Mangunjaya and Jeanne Elizabeth McKay.
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Pierre F Bourdieu.
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John Richardson (Westport: CT Greenwood, 1.
, 216.
Fathor Rahman.
AuSepenggal Sejarah Tambang Emas Blok Silo,Ay PCNU Jember, 2018, https://pcnujember.
id/2018/12/13/sepenggal-sejarah-tambang-emas-blok-silo/.
Muhammad Siradj.
Personal Interview with the Syuriah of MWCNU Silo.
Jember.
June 20, 2024.
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MunAoim et al.
specifically between 1962 and 1966, the Indonesian government undertook the nationalization of strategic assets, including the Curahmas plantation in Pace Village, as part of a broader initiative to strengthen the national economy.
During this period, the government declared its intention to initiate gold mining operations in the area within the next fifty years.
Five decades later, in 2015.
PT Aneka Tambang (Anta.
Aia state-owned enterprise (BUMN)Aisubmitted an application for a gold mining exploration permit in Blok Silo.
However, this proposal was met with strong resistance from local communities, leading to the escalation of horizontal conflicts.
The conflict intensified when the Ministry of ESDM issued Ministerial Decree No.
1802 K/30/MEM/2018, which officially designated Blok Silo as a Mining Business Permit Area (WIUP).
23 This decision, proposed by the East Java Provincial Government, was met with vehement opposition from the residents of Pace Village, who firmly rejected all forms of mining activities in their region.
24 According to Muhammad Farohan, the village head of Pace, the local rejection of gold mining stemmed from concerns that the negative impacts would far outweigh any potential benefits.
emphasized that the profits generated from mining activities would primarily benefit investors and specific interest groups, while local communities would bear the brunt of environmental degradation and social disruptions.
The communityAos opposition to the mining project was manifested through a series of mass demonstrations, organized in three major waves.
26 The first protest took place on September 20, 2018, in front of the Jember Regency Government Office, where dozens of students from the Jember Branch of the Indonesian Islamic Student Movement (PMII Cabang Jembe.
demanded the revocation of the Ministry of ESDMAos policy on Blok SiloAos WIUP designation.
The second protest on October 6, 2018, saw the participation of hundreds of PMII Cabang Jember activists, reiterating their call for the annulment of Ministerial Decree No.
1802 K/30/MEM/2018.
The third and largest protest, on October 10, 2018, involved thousands of residents organized under the Silo Community Forum (Formas.
Demonstrators gathered in front of the Jember Regency Government Office, urging the Regent of Jember to pressure the Minister of ESDM to revoke the mining exploration permit.
These demonstrations reflected a collective resistance movement, mobilized by local communities with the support of village authorities.
Anton Lucas and Carol Warren.
AuThe State, the People, and Their Mediators: The Struggle over Agrarian Law Reform in Post-New Order Indonesia,Ay Indonesia 76, no.
: 87Ae126.
Zumrotun Solichah.
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AuMinisterial Decree of the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources No.
1802 K/30/MEM/2018 on Mining Business Permit Areas and Special Mining Business Permit Areas for the 2018 Period.
Ay Danu Damarjati.
AuJember Tolak Tambang Silo.
Ini Respons Kementerian ESDM,Ay detiknews.
September 22, 2018, https://news.
com/berita/d-4224458/jember-tolak-tambang-silo-ini-respons-kementerianesdm.
Muhammad Farohan.
Personal Interview with the Head of Pace Village.
Jember.
June 20, 2024.
Irul Hamdani.
AuRibuan Warga Jember Demo Tolak Tambang Emas Blok Silo,Ay Kumparan.
October 10, 2018, https://kumparan.
com/jatim-now-admin/ribuan-warga-jember-demo-tolak-tambang-emas-bloksilo-1544449035672622689/full.
Muhammad Arif Arifin.
AuGerakan Sosial dan Perubahan Kebijakan: Studi Kasus Gerakan Masyarakat Silo dalam Pencabutan Izin Usaha Tambang Emas di Jember,Ay Jurnal Politik Muda 7, no.
: 107Ae18.
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Despite the escalation of conflicts, the Jember Regency Government adopted a passive Although officials publicly criticized the Ministry of ESDMAos policy, they failed to take concrete steps to oppose the mining project.
28 Instead, the Regional ESDM Office pressured local governments to persuade the community that the planned open-pit mining operations would be conducted using environmentally friendly methods and would generate economic benefits for residents.
29 However, for affected communities, such claims did little to alleviate concerns over the long-term environmental risks associated with gold mining.
Amid this policy uncertainty, the PCNU Jember took a proactive stance by issuing a fatwA declaring gold mining in Blok Silo as religiously impermissible on January 6, 2019.
Abdullah Syamsul Arifin, the Former Chairman of Tanfidziyyah (Executive Boar.
of PCNU Jember, asserted that the environmental damage resulting from mining activities in Blok Silo far exceeded any potential economic benefits.
From an Islamic legal perspective, he argued that economic gain cannot be justified if it stems from activities that cause harm and Furthermore, he emphasized that the negative consequences of mining would not be limited to the initial exploration phase but would persist long into the future.
31 This fatwA served as both a symbolic resistance mechanism against the East Java Provincial GovernmentAos narrative, which claimed that mining exploration in Blok Silo would not cause significant environmental damage, and as a preventive instrument aimed at mitigating potential social conflicts.
Additionally, it provided moral and religious guidance for both local communities and policymakers in addressing the issue.
The gold mining conflict in Blok Silo can be examined through Pierre BourdieuAos concept of discursive arenas, where different actorsAiboth individuals and groupsAi compete for resources and power.
33 In this context, the Blok Silo mining conflict represents a contested discursive space in which various interests, values, and narratives compete to influence government policy.
34 The pro-mining faction consisted of the East Java Provincial Government and the Ministry of ESDM, who promoted a developmental discourse, arguing that gold mining would yield economic benefits for the region and be conducted using Liputan6.
AuIzin Tambang Emas Blok Silo Ancam Hidup Ribuan Petani Jember,Ay Liputan6.
September 22, 2018, https://w.
com/regional/read/3649017/izin-tambang-emas-blok-silo-ancam-hidupribuan-petani-jember.
Peni Widarti.
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AuNotification Letter of the PCNU Jember No.
038/PC/A-1/L-32/I/2019 on the Deliberation Results of the LBM NU Jember on Gold Mining in the Silo Block.
Ay Abdullah Syamsul Arifin.
Personal Interview with Former Chairman of Tanfidziyyah of PCNU Jember.
Jember.
June 27, 2024.
Aryudi A Razaq.
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MunAoim et al.
environmentally friendly methods.
In contrast, the anti-mining coalition comprised local communities, students, environmental activists, and the PCNU Jember, who underscored the potential environmental degradation and social consequences of mining operations.
Each faction sought to dominate the public discourse using different forms of capital.
The government and investors leveraged policy authority and economic development narratives to gain legitimacy.
The anti-mining movement relied on grassroots mobilization, mass protests, and the moral authority of AoulamAAo and religious organizations .
uch as PCNU) to strengthen their position.
This discursive struggle illustrates that the contestation over mining policy is not solely dictated by economic and political factors but is also deeply influenced by religious and social dimensions.
35 In the case of Blok Silo, the PCNU JemberAos fatwA played a crucial role in shaping public opinion and reinforcing the legitimacy of civil societyAos resistance against gold mining exploration.
The PCNU Jember FatwA on Gold Mining in Blok Silo From the outset of gold mining exploration plans in Silo District.
Jember Regency, the PCNU Jember has taken a firm stance in opposing mining activities in the area.
36 This opposition did not emerge solely in response to the governmentAos issuance of exploration permits but can be traced back to 2015, when the PCNU Jember, alongside several NGOs, rejected the Draft Regional Regulation (Raperd.
on Regional Spatial Planning.
The primary concern raised by the PCNU Jember was the inclusion of a clause permitting mining exploration for research and scientific purposes.
The organization feared that such a provision could serve as a loophole for covertly facilitating large-scale gold mining 37 This concern was not unfounded, given the frequent misuse of exploration permits that often resulted in uncontrolled resource exploitation.
The PCNU JemberAos consistent opposition was further solidified through the issuance of PCNU Jember Notification Letter No.
038/PC/A-1/L-32/I/2019, which documented the deliberations of the Lajnah Bahtsul Masail (LBM) NU Jember regarding mining activities in Blok Silo.
The fatwA issued from these discussions explicitly prohibited gold mining activities in Blok Silo, serving as a direct response to Ministerial Decree No.
K/30/MEM/2018, which granted gold mining exploration permits in the area.
The fatwA emerged against the backdrop of growing public resistance to mining policies, marked by waves of mass demonstrations, which frequently escalated into social tensions.
To address these concerns, the PCNU Jember convened a bahtsul masail (Islamic legal deliberatio.
forum in November 2018, specifically to examine the legal status of gold mining in Blok Silo from the perspective of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudenc.
The deliberations concluded in January See: A.
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Journal of Islamic Law.
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2019, with the ruling that gold mining in Blok Silo was unequivocally prohibited.
38 This fatwA marked the culmination of PCNU JemberAos unwavering stance against gold mining in the The PCNU JemberAos fatwA prohibiting gold mining in Blok Silo was founded on three primary arguments.
39 First, environmental degradation and threats to agricultural One of the most pressing concerns regarding gold mining operations is their potential to cause severe environmental damage, which directly threatens the agricultural sector, the primary livelihood of SiloAos local communities.
Mining exploration and exploitation pose risks such as soil and water contamination, ultimately leading to a decline in agricultural productivity.
The Islamic legal maxim (Indonesian: kaidah fiki.
Audaru almafAsid muqaddamun alA jalb al-maAliuAy .
reventing harm takes precedence over securing benefit.
, serves as a fundamental principle in evaluating policies that may cause harm to Based on this Islamic legal maxim, any policy that endangers environmental sustainability and threatens the livelihoods of local communities must be rejected.
Second, the risk of natural disasters and public safety.
Gold mining activities also increase the risk of natural disasters, particularly landslides, due to deforestation in mountainous regions designated for mining exploration.
41 Such ecological disruption poses a grave threat to the safety of nearby residents.
From the perspective of the maqAid al-sharah .
bjectives of Islamic la.
, uife al-nafs .
he protection of human lif.
is a fundamental principle that must be safeguarded.
ImAm al-ShAib asserts that any action contradicting the objectives of Islamic law must be avoided and is deemed unlawful.
42 Consequently, any activity that endangers human livesAiincluding mining operations that contribute to environmental hazardsAicannot be justified under Islamic law.
43 The principles of maqAid alsharah have been widely adopted by various fatwA institutions as a legal foundation for issuing religious opinions on contemporary issues.
Third, land conflicts and violations of protected forest areas.
Legally.
Silo District is designated as part of a protected forest area, which, in Islamic jurisprudence, corresponds to the concept of al-imA.
Al-imA refers to land reserved for public welfare and cannot be exploited for private or corporate interests.
45 According to ImAm al-Nawaw, as outlined in See: Razaq.
AuNU Jember Haramkan Tambang Emas Blok SiloAy.
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038/PC/A-1/L-32/I/2019 on the Deliberation Results of the LBM NU Jember on Gold Mining in the Silo Block.
Ay See: AoIzz al-Dn AoAbd al-SalAm.
QawAid al-AukAm f MaAlih al-AnAm (Kairo: al-IstiqAmah, 1.
, 158Ae9.
Wahbah al-Zuuail.
Ul al-Fiqh al-IslAm (Bairut: DAr al-Fikr, 1.
, 173.
AuNotification Letter of the PCNU Jember No.
038/PC/A-1/L-32/I/2019 on the Deliberation Results of the LBM NU Jember on Gold Mining in the Silo Block.
Ay Pengurus LBM PCNU Jember.
LBM NU Jember Menjawab (Jember: LBM NU Jember, 2.
, 143Ae4.
Jasser Auda.
Fiqh al-MaqAid: InAah al-AukAm al-SharAoiyyah bi-MaqAidihA (Virginia: MaAohad al-AoAlam li al-Fikr al-IslAm, 2.
, 67Ae70.
Musda Asmara.
AuKomparasi Fatwa Ulama Indonesia dalam Menyikapi Pandemi Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-.
,Ay Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 16, no.
1 (May 30, 2.
: 29Ae44.
AuNotification Letter of the PCNU Jember No.
038/PC/A-1/L-32/I/2019 on the Deliberation Results of the LBM NU Jember on Gold Mining in the Silo Block.
Ay Journal of Islamic Law.
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No.
1, 2025.
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al-Majm, protected forests must be preserved and should not be repurposed for activities that could degrade their ecosystems.
46 However, in the case of Blok Silo, several villages within the region had already been designated as mining business zones and converted into productive forests, benefiting select interest groups at the expense of public welfare.
This land conflict further reinforced the legal and ethical justification for prohibiting gold mining in Blok Silo, as it violated the principles of social justice and the equitable utilization of natural The fatwA issued by the PCNU Jember is not an isolated phenomenon but rather part of a longstanding tradition of bahtsul masail, which has served as a critical intellectual mechanism within the NU for addressing socio-political issues and public policy.
47 The legal arguments underpinning this fatwA are rooted in reliable books .
of fiqh, which have also informed similar fatwAs on mining-related concerns.
For instance, a bahtsul masail forum in Banyuwangi in 2009, comprising AoulamAAo and pesantrens leaders, also issued a fatwA declaring all forms of mining impermissible, including gold mining in Gunung Tumpang Pitu.
Banyuwangi.
48 Both fatwAs share similar legal reasoning and objectives, emphasizing environmental protection and community welfare.
However, what distinguishes the PCNU JemberAos fatwA is its tangible impact on public policy.
Unlike previous fatwAs, this ruling directly influenced governmental decisions, particularly the revocation of the gold mining permit in Blok Silo by the Minister of ESDM following the fatwAAos issuance.
The political ramifications of this fatwA highlight how religious authority can play a crucial role in shaping public policy, especially in environmental governance and sustainable development.
49 The PCNU Jember fatwA extends beyond its moral and theological function.
it also serves as an effective advocacy tool in pressuring policymakers to reconsider environmentally detrimental This case demonstrates that fatwAs are not merely doctrinal pronouncements but can also function as instruments of political influence, particularly in Islamic societies where religious authority holds significant social legitimacy.
Muuyi al-Dn bin Sharf al-NawAw.
KitAb al-MajmAo Sharh al-Muhadhdhab (Jiddah: Maktabah al-IrsyAd, 2.
VI: 194.
See: Nur Hannan et al.
AuBetween Adherence to Madhhab and Adaptation to Context: FatwAs on Female Leadership in Nahdlatul Ulama-Affiliated Islamic Higher Education Institutions,Ay Journal of Islamic Law 5, 2 (August 30, 2.
: 269Ae87.
Teuku Zulkhairi et al.
AuBautsul MasAil at a Traditional Islamic Educational Institution in Aceh: Teungku DayahAos Contribution to the Development of Islamic Law,Ay Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 8, no.
1 (April 27, 2.
: 579Ae601.
AuThe 2009 Bahtsul MasaAoil Resolution of Scholars and Islamic Boarding School Leaders across Banyuwangi on the Tumpang Pitu Gold Mine.
Ay See: Tim Lindsey.
AuMonopolising Islam: The Indonesian Ulama Council and State Regulation of the AoIslamic Economy,AoAy Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 48, no.
2 (August 2.
: 253Ae74.
Ahmad Zaenurrosyid.
Hidayatus Sholihah, and Ghofar Shidiq.
AuTypologies of the Fiqh Conception in the Covid-19 Pandemic Era (Exploration on Religious Views and Attitudes of Kyai-in Mosques of North Coast of Jav.
,Ay Samarah:
Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 5, no.
2 (December 26, 2.
: 1069Ae97.
Muhammad Lutfi Hakim et al.
AuBetween Exclusivity and Inclusivity of Institutions: Examining the Role of the Indonesian Ulema Council and Its Political Fatwa in Handling the Spread of Covid-19,Ay Khazanah Hukum 5, no.
3 (December 31, 2.
: 230Ae44.
Muhjam Kamza et al.
AuTeungku Abdul Djalil: Political Hack AoHakko IchiuAo and Founder of the Indonesian Opposition to the Japanese Occupation,Ay Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 11, no.
1 (January 30, 2.
: 175Ae94.
Journal of Islamic Law.
Vol.
No.
1, 2025.
[ 54 ]
MunAoim et al.
The Shift in Jember Regency GovernmentAos Stance on Gold Mining Permits The issuance of Ministerial Decree No.
1802 K/30/MEM/2018 by the Ministry of ESDM, which designated Silo District as a WIUP, was based on a proposal from the East Java Provincial Government, as stated in a letter from the Head of the East Java ESDM Office dated February 26, 2016.
50 This policy sparked widespread opposition from various social groups, including students, residents, and environmental activists, who organized a series of demonstrations throughout 2018.
In several instances, these protests escalated into violent clashes between security forces and anti-mining activists.
Amid this growing conflict, the Jember Regency Government initially adopted a passive stance, asserting that it had no direct involvement in the mining permit process.
However, a significant shift occurred following the issuance of a fatwA by the PCNU Jember on January 6, 2019, which declared gold mining in Blok Silo impermissible.
In the wake of this fatwA, the Jember Regency Government reversed its position, moving from supporting mining permits to actively opposing gold mining exploration in Blok Silo.
To reinforce this new stance, the Jember Regency Government filed a non-litigation petition with the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, seeking a review and revocation of Ministerial Decree No.
K/30/MEM/2018.
The Jember Regency GovernmentAos changing stance on mining permits cannot be understood in isolation from the political relationship between AoulamAAo and local government In the 2015 Jember Regional Election (Pilkad.
, the winning ticket of Dr.
Hj.
Faida.
MMR, and Drs.
KH.
Muqit Arief received strong backing from key NU figures.
Faida, with a background as a physician and hospital administrator, secured strong support from female voters, while Arief, an Islamic scholar and pesantren leader in Blok Silo, enjoyed widespread backing from the nahsliyyn (NU follower.
53 This support base was further reinforced by prominent PCNU Jember figures, including KH.
Muhyidin Abdus Shomad.
Rais Syuriah (Head of Supreme Counci.
of PCNU Jember, and Abdullah Syamsul Arifin.
Former Chairman of Tanfidziyyah of PCNU Jember.
54 These connections highlight the strong institutional ties between the PCNU Jember and the local government, which likely influenced policy decisions at the regional level.
The relationship between NU and local governments in Jember is not an isolated case but rather part of a broader pattern of interaction between NU and the central government.
In both the 2014 and 2019 Indonesian presidential elections.
NU played a pivotal role as a AuMinisterial Decree of the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources No.
1802 K/30/MEM/2018 on Mining Business Permit Areas and Special Mining Business Permit Areas for the 2018 Period.
Ay Wahyunik.
Sri.
AuRibuan Warga Silo di Jember Demonstrasi Tolak Tambang Emas.
Ay Suryamalang.
October 10, 2018.
https://suryamalang.
com/2018/12/10/ribuan-warga-silo-di-jemberdemonstrasi-tolak-tambang-emas.
Zuhana A Zuhro.
AuPerjuangan Berhasil.
Kementerian ESDM Harus Cabut Keputusan Wilayah Izin Tambang Blok Silo,Ay Mongabay:
Situs Berita Lingkungan.
January https://w.
id/2019/01/11/perjuangan-berhasil-kementerian-esdm-harus-cabutkeputusan-wilayah-izin-tambang-blok-silo/.
Muhammad Tabroni.
Personal Interview with the Chair of the Winning Team for the Faida-Muqit Arief Pair.
Jember.
December 5, 2023.
Rizky Hadiatullah.
AuModal Budaya dalam Strategi Kemenangan Dr.
Hj.
Faida.
MMR dan Drs.
KH.
Muqit Arief pada Kontestasi Politik Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Bupat.
Kabupaten Jember Tahun 2015Ay (Dissertation.
Universitas Gadjah Mada.
Yogyakarta, 2.
, 93Ae6.
Journal of Islamic Law.
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No.
1, 2025.
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key political supporter of Joko Widodo, amid an electoral landscape marked by polarization, identity politics, and religious sentiment.
55 According to Rendy Wadipalapa, the NUAos political alignment with Jokowi was based on a mutual exchange of interests: in return for political support and mass mobilization, the NU was granted access to strategic government positions, further expanding its political influence in Indonesia.
56 A similar reciprocal relationship can be observed in Jember, where FaidaAos statement during the PCNU Jember Branch Conference (Konferca.
Aiasserting that AuJember will always be synonymous with the NUAyAiunderscored the political interconnectedness between the PCNU Jember and the Jember Regency Government.
57 Just as the relationship between PBNU .
he national NU leadershi.
and the central government has shaped national policies, the PCNU Jembergovernment dynamic reflects a localized iteration of this power exchange, enabling AoulamAAo to play a role in public policy-making at the regional level.
Following the issuance of the PCNU Jember fatwA in January 2019.
Faida petitioned the Ministry of Law and Human Rights for the revocation of Ministerial Decree No.
K/30/MEM/2018.
58 This decision carried significant political implications, as it demonstrated that Faida sought to maintain the support of nahdliyyn and AoulamAAo, particularly the PCNU Jember leadership, which wields considerable influence over the Muslim community in Jember.
From the theoretical perspective of Michel Foucault and James A.
Caporaso, the relationship between the PCNU Jember and the Jember Regency Government can be categorized as a form of Auconditioned powerAyAia structure in which one entity voluntarily aligns with anotherAos interests due to the influence exerted upon them.
59 In this context, the PCNU Jember fatwA possessed both symbolic and political power, significantly shaping the local governmentAos policy orientation regarding gold mining in Blok Silo.
In BourdieuAos theory of capital, social capital refers to resources accessible through social networks, which, in turn, provide access to other forms of capital, including political and economic capital.
60 The relationship between AoulamAAo and local government in Jember can be understood within this framework, where the political influence of AoulamAAo shape public policy, particularly on strategic issues such as mining permits.
According to Greg Fealy and Robin Bush, the relationship between AoulamAAo and the state is fluid and shaped by local Jafar Ahmad.
Hengki Firmanda, and Mahmud Hibatul Wafi.
AuModels and Political Attitudes of Fundamentalist Groups in Indonesian Presidential Elections,Ay Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 11, no.
2 (May 30, 2.
: 569Ae90.
Rendy Wadipalapa.
AuCountering the Communist Imaginary: The Role of Nahdlatul Ulama in IndonesiaAos 2014 and 2019 Presidential Elections,Ay Contemporary Southeast Asia 43, no.
: 557Ae84.
PCNU Jember.
AuGus AAB Terpilih.
Faida Ajak Bersinergi,Ay PCNU Jember.
July 30, 2019, https://pcnujember.
id/2019/07/30/faida-ajak-bersinergi-gus-aab-jadi-lagi/?amp=1.
Zuhana A Zuhro.
AuPerjuangan Berhasil.
Kementerian ESDM Harus Cabut Keputusan Wilayah Izin Tambang Blok Silo,Ay Mongabay:
Situs Berita Lingkungan.
January https://w.
id/2019/01/11/perjuangan-berhasil-kementerian-esdm-harus-cabutkeputusan-wilayah-izin-tambang-blok-silo/.
See: Michel Foucault.
The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse of Language (New York: Phanteon Books, 1.
, 87Ae90.
James A.
Caporaso.
Theories of Political Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1.
, 256Ae7.
See: Bourdieu.
AuThe Forms of Capital,Ay 78.
Pierre Bourdieu.
AuSocial Space and Symbolic Power,Ay Sociological Theory 7, no.
: 14Ae25.
Journal of Islamic Law.
Vol.
No.
1, 2025.
[ 56 ]
MunAoim et al.
political and cultural dynamics.
61 In post-New Order Indonesia.
Islamic politics has experienced a resurgence, marked by the growing influence of AoulamAAo in mass mobilization and policy advocacy.
62 This political trend is evident in the Jember Regency GovernmentAos shift in stance on mining permits, where the PCNU JemberAos fatwA played a decisive role in shaping local policy.
The case demonstrates how religious authority, when embedded within political structures, can influence governance decisions at the regional level.
The Jember Regency GovernmentAos policy reversal regarding gold mining in Blok Silo illustrates that local public policies are not merely determined by administrative and technocratic considerations but are also deeply influenced by socio-political dynamics and institutional relationships with religious organizations.
The PCNU Jember-government alliance provides a compelling example of how AoulamAAo can play a direct role in the political process and policymaking, particularly on issues with significant social and environmental 63 In this context, the PCNU Jember fatwA functioned not only as a moral and legal guideline for the community but also as an effective advocacy tool,64 capable of redirecting government policy and reinforcing public resistance against gold mining in Silo.
Symbolic Capital and the Influence of AoUlamAAo Authority in the Gold Mining Conflict In BourdieuAos theory of capital, four forms of capital contribute to dominance within a social 65 First is economic capital, which includes financial assets and material ownership.
Second is cultural capital, which encompasses education, skills, and expertise.
Third is social capital, referring to networks, relationships, and affiliations within a community.
Finally is symbolic capital, which is associated with honor, prestige, and socially recognized 66 Bourdieu argues that these forms of capital are convertible, meaning that cultural capital can be used to acquire economic or social capital, and vice versa.
67 Julian Go further asserts that capital functions like a free market, where dominance within a particular social arena is not solely determined by economic capital but also by other forms of capital, including symbolic capital.
68 In the context of this study, symbolic capital emerges as a decisive factor69 in shaping the discursive arena of the gold mining conflict in Blok Silo.
The Greg Fealy and Robin Bush.
AuThe Political Decline of Traditional Ulama in Indonesia: The State.
Umma and Nahdlatul Ulama,Ay Asian Journal of Social Science 42, no.
: 536Ae60.
Franyois Raillon.
AuThe New Order and Islam, or the Imbroglio of Faith and Politics,Ay Indonesia, no.
: 197Ae217.
See: Zainul MunAoim.
AuRevisioning Official Islam in Indonesia: The Role of Women Ulama Congress in Reproducing Female Authority in Islamic Law,Ay Ahkam: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 24, no.
: 135Ae52.
Ahmad Norma Permata.
AuA Study of the Internal Dynamics of the Prosperous Justice Party and Jamaah Tarbiyah,Ay in Islam.
Politics and Change: The Indonesian Experience after the Fall of Suharto, ed.
Kees Van Dijk and Nico J.
Kaptein (Leiden: Leiden University Press, 2.
, 231.
Moch.
Nur Ichwan.
AuAoUlamAAo.
State and Politics: Majelis Ulama Indonesia after Suharto,Ay Islamic Law and Society 12, no.
: 45Ae72.
Pierre F Bourdieu.
AuThe Forms of Capital,Ay in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, ed.
John Richardson (Westport: CT Greenwood, 1.
, 216.
Mathieu Hikaru Desan.
AuBourdieu.
Marx, and Capital: A Critique of the Extension Model,Ay Sociological Theory 31, no.
: 318Ae42.
Bourdieu.
AuThe Forms of Capital,Ay 218.
Julian Go.
AuDecolonizing Bourdieu: Colonial and Postcolonial Theory in Pierre BourdieuAos Early Work,Ay Sociological Theory 31, no.
1 (March 1, 2.
: 49Ae74.
Bourdieu.
AuThe Forms of Capital,Ay 212.
Journal of Islamic Law.
Vol.
No.
1, 2025.
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MunAoim et al.
authority of AoulamAAo, as holders of symbolic capital, play a pivotal role in influencing public policy and shaping societal responses to mining permits.
In Jember Regency, particularly in Silo District, the NUAos ulamAAo wield significant symbolic capital, rooted in religious legitimacy and their mastery of Islamic scholarship.
70 The local community, predominantly composed of ethnic Madurese, adheres to a social structure that positions AoulamAAo as both spiritual leaders and authoritative figures in various aspects of 71 As Jajat Burhanudin explains.
AoulamAAo within traditional Muslim communities in Indonesia do not function solely as religious leaders but also assume roles in social, political, educational, and economic spheres.
72 Their legitimacy is crucial in determining the success or failure of policies, as they are regarded as guardians of religious values and public 73 In the context of gold mining in Blok Silo, the PCNU Jember fatwA prohibiting mining activities was not only based on Islamic legal arguments but also derived its legitimacy from the social standing of NUAos AoulamAAo.
The communityAos trust in the authority of AoulamAAo granted the fatwA a powerful influence, which subsequently became the foundation for collective resistance against mining exploration.
The effectiveness of the PCNU Jember fatwA in shaping public opinion and mobilizing resistance is evident in the statements of local leaders and protest organizers.
Farohan, the village head of Pace, and Taufiq Nur Ahmadi, coordinator of the anti-mining protests, both emphasized that following the issuance of the fatwA, opposition to gold mining intensified The fatwA provided a theological justification for resistance, reinforcing that the opposition was not merely economic or environmental but also deeply rooted in Islamic 74 As a result, the PCNU Jember fatwA became an effective instrument of social mobilization, strengthening community solidarity in rejecting gold mining exploration.
The influence of this fatwA extended beyond its reliance on reliable books of fiqh.
it was further amplified by the high degree of religious authority that AoulamAAo hold within the social traditions of the Madurese community in Jember.
Beyond their symbolic capital, the NUAos AoulamAAo in Jember also possess social capital that connects them to local government structures.
The political alliance between the PCNU Jember and the elected regional government was particularly evident in the 2015 Jember Regional Election (Pilkad.
, where the Faida-Arief ticket received significant backing from NU figures.
Faida secured strong support from female voters.
Arief commanded a solid base of support from the nahdliyyn.
The political endorsement of the PCNU Jember enabled Ahmad Musonnif et al.
AuGovernment Position in Religious Authority Contestation in Indonesia: Reviewing the Government Authority in Determining the Beginning of Islamic Months,Ay De Jure: Jurnal Hukum dan SyariAoah 16, no.
2 (December 30, 2.
: 336Ae62.
Yanwar Pribadi.
AuThe Klebun, the Kiai and the Blater: Notes from Western Madura.
Indonesia,Ay South East Asia Research 23, no.
: 303Ae17.
Jajat Burhanudin.
AuTraditional Islam and Modernity: Some Notes on the Changing Role of the Ulama in Early Twentieth Indonesia,Ay in Varieties of Religious Diversity: Changes and Challenges in 20th Century Indonesian Islam, ed.
Azyumardi Azra.
Kees Van Dijk, and Nico J.
G Kaptein (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2.
, 54Ae Iik Arifin Mansurnoor.
Islam in an Indonesian World: Ulama of Madura (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University, 1.
, 335.
See: Farohan.
Personal Interview with the Head of Pace Village.
Jember.
June 20, 2024.
Taufiq Nur Ahmadi.
Personal Interview with the Coordinator of the Forum Masyarakat Silo.
Jember.
June 30, 2024.
Journal of Islamic Law.
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No.
1, 2025.
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MunAoim et al.
AoulamAAo to exert substantial influence over public policy, including shaping the Jember Regency GovernmentAos stance on gold mining permits.
Following the issuance of the PCNU Jember fatwA.
Faida initiated a non-litigation review process with the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, requesting the revocation of Ministerial Decree No.
K/30/MEM/2018.
75 This development underscores that a harmonious political relationship between AoulamAAo and local governments can contribute to policy shifts and public decisionmaking processes.
Findings from this study diverge from previous research on religious authority and mining conflicts.
Several studies have suggested that fatwAs and religious authority alone are often insufficient to influence mining policies.
Alkatiri and Kiwang found that a fatwA issued by AoulamAAo in Banyuwangi failed to halt gold mining operations in Gunung Tumpang Pitu, as the government continued to grant mining permits.
76 FaiziAos research on the Rembang cement mining conflict revealed that, despite strong opposition from AoulamAAo and local communities, the government proceeded with mining projects.
77 Jatam reported that the gold mine in Pani.
Gorontalo, remained operational, despite widespread opposition from religious figures and residents.
78 However, unlike these cases, the religious authority of NUAos AoulamAAo in Jember wielded considerably greater influence.
The existence of both symbolic and social capital enabled the PCNU Jember fatwA to shape not only public opinion but also influence the Jember Regency GovernmentAos policy decisions.
Based on the above analysis, the PCNU Jember fatwA played a significant role in shaping public opinion and government policy regarding gold mining in Blok Silo.
This influence was driven by three key factors.
First, the strong symbolic capital of NUAos AoulamAAo in Jember granted their fatwAs high authority within the communityAos social structure.
Second, the theological legitimacy of the PCNU Jember fatwA reinforced the credibility and mobilization of the anti-mining movement.
Third, the political alliance between AoulamAAo and the elected local government became a key factor in the Jember Regency GovernmentAos policy reversal on mining permits.
Thus, in the context of the gold mining conflict in Blok Silo, the symbolic and social capital of NUAos AoulamAAo proved to be a decisive force in influencing public policy and mobilizing grassroots resistance.
This case exemplifies that AoulamAAo or kiais .
eligious leader.
are not merely religious figures engaged in spiritual affairs but also community leaders actively involved in socio-political processes.
Conclusion The Jember Branch Board of Nahdlatul Ulama (PCNU Jembe.
fatwA (Islamic legal opinio.
prohibiting gold mining in Blok Silo had a significant impact on the revocation of Ministerial Zuhana A Zuhro.
AuPerjuangan Berhasil.
Kementerian ESDM Harus Cabut Keputusan Wilayah Izin Tambang Blok Silo,Ay Mongabay:
Situs Berita Lingkungan.
January https://w.
id/2019/01/11/perjuangan-berhasil-kementerian-esdm-harus-cabutkeputusan-wilayah-izin-tambang-blok-silo/.
Alkatiri and Kiwang.
AuThe Roles of Religious Organizations in the Decline of the Anti-Mining Movement in Banyuwangi.
East Java,Ay 5Ae37.
Fuad Faizi.
AuThe Socio-Spatial Accumulation of Cement Corporations,Ay 124Ae5.
Jatam.
Jejaring Oligarki Tambang, 83Ae5.
Abdul Chalik.
AuReligion and Local Politics: Exploring the Subcultures and the Political Participation of East Java NU Elites in the Post-New Order Era,Ay Journal of Indonesian Islam 4, no.
1 (June 1, 2.
: 109Ae50.
Journal of Islamic Law.
Vol.
No.
1, 2025.
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Decree of the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources No.
1802 K/30/MEM/2018,
which designated Silo District as a Mining Business Permit Area (WIUP).
This influence was largely driven by the symbolic and social capital held by AoulamAAo (Islamic scholar.
within NU in Jember.
From a symbolic perspective, the fatwA wielded substantial influence, as NU religious authority in Jember commands deep respect within the local community, particularly among the Madurese ethnic group, who regard religious values as a fundamental principle of social life.
This religious legitimacy enabled the PCNU Jember fatwA to function not only as a theological doctrine but also as an effective advocacy tool in public policymaking.
Moreover, the political relationship between the PCNU Jember and the Jember Regency GovernmentAimarked by the NU AoulamAAo endorsement of the Regent and Deputy Regent candidates in the 2015 Jember Regional Election (Pilkad.
Aifurther reinforced the fatwAAos legitimacy within local governance structures.
This close political alignment ensured that the Jember Regency Government did not merely offer symbolic support for the PCNU Jember fatwA but took concrete action by filing a non-litigation petition with the Ministry of Law and Human Rights to revoke the gold mining permit in Blok Silo.
The findings of this study suggest that religious fatwAs can serve as strategic instruments for influencing public policy, particularly in environmental governance.
Green fatwAs, such as the one issued by PCNU Jember, have the potential to bridge Islamic teachings with global challenges, including climate change and environmental degradation.
Therefore, a deeper understanding of green fatwAs could inspire religious leaders and policymakers to develop faith-based environmental protection strategies.
However, this study is limited in its scope, as it does not extensively examine the effectiveness of green fatwAs at the national and global Further research is needed to explore how green fatwAs can be implemented across diverse social and political contexts, as well as how the synergy between public policy and Islamic teachings can be strengthened to address future environmental challenges.
Acknowledgments This research was supported by the Beasiswa Indonesia Bangkit (BIB) under the Ministry of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia and the Lembaga Pengelola Dana Pendidikan (LPDP) under the Ministry of Finance of the Republic of Indonesia.
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