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LEGALITY: JURNAL ILMIAH HUKUM
Journal homepage: http://www.ejournal.umm.ac.id/index.php/legality

Preventing The Politicisation of Corruption Crime
Law Enforcement Based on Local Wisdom
Erma Rusdiana1*, Nurus Zaman2, Lindra Darnela3, Uswatun Hasanah4
1,2,4 Faculty of Law, Universitas Trunojoyo Madura, Bangkalan, East Java, 69162, Indonesia
3 Faculty Sharia and Law, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Sleman, DI Yogyakarta, 55281, Indonesia
* Corresponding author: erma.rusdiana@trunojoyo.ac.id

Article

Abstract

Keywords:
Politicisation; Corruption
Crime; Law Enforcement;
Indonesia; Hasta Brata.

This study focuses on the phenomenon of politicised law enforcement in corruption
cases during election years, where legal actions are suspected of being used as political
tools to weaken opponents and maintain power. Consequently, law enforcement is
perceived as "by order" and heavily influenced by vested interests. This entanglement
between politics and law is attributed to a lack of integrity and moral values among
the involved actors, further undermining democratic practices and justice. This study
analyses how the politicisation of law occurs in the electoral context and its impact
on law enforcement and proposes a solution to prevent the politicisation of
corruption law enforcement through local wisdom-based approaches. This research
employs a socio-legal method, analysing secondary data from various corruption
cases exposed ahead of the 2014, 2019, and 2024 elections. This analysis includes
literature reviews, investigative reports, and data from law enforcement agencies.
Findings indicate a consistent pattern where corruption law enforcement involving
public officials tends to intensify as elections approach, suggesting efforts to politicise
the law. Such politicisation negatively impacts genuine anti-corruption efforts by
casting the law as a political instrument rather than a means of upholding justice,
thus degrading the dignity of law enforcement and affecting public perception.
Taking Malaysia as an example in successfully improving its Corruption
Perceptions Index (CPI), this study underscores the importance of strengthening
integrity by instilling moral values rooted in local wisdom, such as "Hasta Brata"
and the "nine anti-corruption values." These efforts are essential to establishing
dignified democratic practices and fair law enforcement that are free from corruption,
collusion, and nepotism.

Article History
Received: Nov 8, 2024;
Reviewed: Dec 19, 2024;
Accepted: Jan 20, 2025;
Published: Jan 21, 2025.

Copyright ©2025 by Author(s); This work is licensed under a Creative
Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. All writings
published in this journal are personal views of the authors and do not represent
the views of this journal and the author's affiliated institutions.

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INTRODUCTION
The politicisation of law in enforcing anti-corruption measures is expected to
recur, especially as election years approach, undermining public trust in law
enforcement (Saifulloh et al., 2025). This situation highlights the urgent need for
alternative approaches to prevent legal politicisation while reinforcing the integrity of
law enforcement officials. One promising approach is to incorporate local wisdom
values that society has long upheld, establishing a foundation of integrity for law
enforcers and public officials. These values encompass ethical norms that provide a
unique perspective for combating political corruption (Mawarti et al., 2023, p. 357).
Without a solid foundation of ethics, morality, and virtue, politics and democracy will
potentially become mere formal procedures devoid of substance, leading to
pragmatism and transactionalism (R. Dewi & Widyatmoko, 2024).
The local wisdom approach, exemplified by the hasta brata principle in Javanese
culture, offers guiding values for ideal leadership. Hasta brata emphasises eight qualities
of a good leader (Riyanto, 2023), patience and compassion like the ocean, motivation
like the moon, and guidance like the stars. Internalising these principles can serve as a
moral compass for public officials, enabling them to exercise their authority with
integrity and a deep sense of responsibility (Shobirin et al., 2024). Through this
perspective, the execution of elections and democracy in Indonesia can foster a
generation of leaders who uphold trust, reinforce justice, and honour democratic
values (Iswanto, 2020).
In practice, a democracy tarnished by corrupt actions—such as the politicisation
of anti-corruption law enforcement—will produce equally corrupt (Singh, 2022). Fair
and transparent law enforcement is essential in the fight against corruption; however,
various obstacles persist, from lacking integrity among law enforcers to political
interference (Henschke et al., 2020). As Lawrence M. Friedman points out, the
effectiveness of law enforcement depends on the alignment between legal substance,
legal structure, and legal culture, which require stable social, economic, and political
conditions.
The consequences of legal politicisation are significant: it erodes public trust,
fosters political tension, and hampers genuine anti-corruption efforts. Rather than
focusing on effectively tackling corruption cases, resources and energy are redirected
for political purposes (Baidi et al., 2023), undermining the role of law as an instrument
of justice and a means to combat corruption. In this context, the intricate relationship
between politics, corruption, and law enforcement in Indonesia becomes apparent.
From 2004 to January 2022, a total of 1,519 suspects had been charged with
corruption offences in Indonesia, of which 521 had political ties, including members
of legislative bodies (DPR RI and DPRD) and regional leaders (governors, mayors,
and regents). Specifically, since its inception, the Corruption Eradication Commission
(KPK) has handled 343 cases involving members of DPR and DPRD, 155 cases

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involving mayors/regents and their deputies, 35 cases involving heads of institutions
or ministries, and 23 cases involving governors. Corruption cases have been prevalent
across local governments (54%), provinces (13%), and regencies/cities (41%)
(Satriawan & Angela, 2024). Political parties involved include Golongan Karya, Partai
Amanat Nasional, Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan,
Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, Nasional Demokrat, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan,
Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, and Gerakan Indonesia Raya (Ansori et al., 2022). This data
reveals that law enforcement against corruption frequently intensifies around election
cycles, including 2004, 2009, 2014, 2019, and in the lead-up to 2024, giving rise to
recurring concerns over the politicisation of anti-corruption law enforcement.
Addressing this issue requires fundamental reforms with a preventive approach
rooted in local wisdom, using the internalisation of hasta brata values and anticorruption principles as a strategic step (Suyono, 2023). This study examines the
impact of corruption politicisation on public perception and trust in Indonesia’s legal
system while highlighting the importance of strengthening local values as a moral and
ethical foundation for preventing political corruption, particularly the politicisation of
anti-corruption law enforcement.
METHOD
This study employs a sociological juridical approach, focusing not on the
normative system of regulations but rather on observing public reactions and
interactions concerning the implementation of legal norms—commonly referred to as
“law in action (M.D., 2019). It highlights how society responds to legal applications,
necessitating that researchers understand both legal and social sciences, as well as
possess knowledge in social science research (Gray et al., 2024). Conducted during the
2024 election year, this study centres on preventing the politicisation of law
enforcement and underscores the importance of separating law enforcement from
political interests.
The approach used is legal sociology, which examines law in practice, uncovering
the objectives and values that technical legal procedures may obscure. Legal sociology
reminds people of the purpose of law and identifies obstacles in its (Satjipto Rahardjo,
2006). This study gathered data from online media, news releases, anti-corruption
agencies, and government bodies like the KPK, along with annual reports from ICW,
TII, and KPK. Data collection techniques included library research, online media
reviews, and observation of trends in politicisation and law enforcement during the
2014, 2019, and 2024 elections. Data analysis was conducted in three stages: data
reduction, data display, and data verification, and findings are presented in interview
excerpts and tables.

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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Implication of the Politicisation of Law Enforcement in the Case of
Corruption Crime in Election Year
“Fiat justitia ruat caelum,” or “Let justice be done, though the heavens fall”,
implies that law should be enforced regardless of circumstances, even during
elections. However, political power often erodes legal integrity. While legal theories
and ideal principles are taught in universities, they are frequently diminished in realworld application by political interests (Putra & Linda, 2022). The political interests
often obstruct law enforcement in Indonesia, especially in regards to corruption
crimes.
The main functions of criminal law are prevention and enforcement. Preventive
efforts aim to deter individuals from committing crimes, while enforcement seeks
to rehabilitate offenders so they can reintegrate into society (Oktaryal & Hastuti,
2021). Criminal acts, whether crimes or violations, are punishable because criminal
law serves to maintain public order, specifically protecting individual, state, and
societal interests. Corruption, however, is a complex social phenomenon often
clouded by grey areas, making it difficult to address solely through legal approaches
(Khoiri et al., 2024). In countries like India, corruption is seen as an embedded reality
with contested boundaries, systematic characteristics, and an unclear beginning or
end. Some view it as a broad national issue, while others consider it a cultural
problem reflected within state institutions (Andini et al., 2023).
In terms of the judicialisation of politics, this phenomenon can be observed in
enforcing anti-corruption laws. Hirschl describes the judicialisation of politics as a
manoeuvre by political elites to leverage the Constitution as a political tool to
advance controversial public policies (Koncewicz, 2024). This approach similarly
appears in anti-corruption law enforcement when corruption cases are used to target
political opponents to advance a particular political agenda. Such practices shift the
perception of law enforcement from a fair, independent mechanism to a political
instrument. Consequently, public scepticism grows regarding the legal system’s
ability to operate without political influence (Huda et al., 2023). This lack of trust
weakens anti-corruption efforts and threatens Indonesia’s social and political
stability.
A notable example of law enforcement politicisation during Indonesia’s
regional elections (Pilkada) is the 2018 case of Dirwan Mahmud, the Regent of
Bengkulu Selatan, who was arrested by the Corruption Eradication Commission
(KPK) for alleged bribery involving five infrastructure (Oktaryal & Hastuti, 2021).
Another case occurred in the same year involving Ahmad Hidayat Mus, a
gubernatorial candidate in North Maluku, accused of corruption in the Bobong
Airport land acquisition, resulting in an estimated state loss of IDR 3.4 billion (Sidiq
& Wahyuni, 2024). These cases highlight how corruption law enforcement near

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election years often fuels perceptions of political motives rather than impartial
justice.
Furthermore, Surveys and reports from various civil society organisations
reinforce these perceptions. For instance, a report from the Indonesian Survey
Institute (LSI) indicates a significant decline in public trust in the Corruption
Eradication Commission (KPK) following several controversial decisions allegedly
influenced by political interests (Larasati et al., 2024). Addressing this issue requires
comprehensive reform within Indonesia’s legal system. Law enforcement agencies
must be ensured independence and free from political interference. Transparency
and accountability in legal processes should also be strengthened to rebuild public
trust (Bambang Sumantri et al., 2024). Additionally, legal education focused on
integrity and ethics should be bolstered, instilling anti-corruption values to ensure
that future generations of legal enforcers can uphold their duties with
professionalism and fairness. The following are examples of the politicisation of law:
1. Engineering-the-Law Phenomenon
Current leadership poses a serious threat to the integrity of law following the
2024 elections (Amancik et.al, 2024). Many argue that the law, which should serve
as the foundation of justice in the state, is instead being manipulated to justify
unethical actions by those in power. The Constitutional Court's (MK) decision to
partially approve the judicial review of Article 169 letter q of Law Number 7 of 2017
concerning Elections (Zaman et al., 2024), which paves the way for the president's
child to become a vice-presidential candidate, further reinforces this perception (R.
S. Dewi et al., 2024). Conflicts of interest in this ruling were compounded by ethical
sanctions imposed on Anwar Usman (Novilia et al., 2024), the MK chairman at the
time, by the Honorary Council of the Constitutional Court (MKMK). The Honorary
Council for Election Organiser (DKPP) also issued a stern warning to the chairman
of the General Elections Commission (KPU) and its commissioners for registering
Prabowo-Gibran as candidates without revising the KPU Regulation to stay in
harmony with the MK’s ruling (Arkida & Sumarlam, 2024).
Despite various violations and sanctions announced by DKPP and Bawaslu,
many believe these sanctions lack a deterrent effect and have had minimal impact
on the election process. Findings by the Commission for Missing Persons and
Victims of Violence (Kontras) and the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW)
identifying at least 310 alleged violations in the 2024 election further fuel public
suspicion regarding the legitimacy of the election process (Sutopo et al., 2024). The
flaws detected from the beginning of the candidate registration process highlight
that, in this era, the law is being used as a tool to justify political interests rather than
uphold justice.

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2.

Discourse on Continuity
In the current political landscape, it has taken over two decades to revive a
governance style reminiscent of the New Order era, emphasising the establishment
of political dynasties. The General Elections Commission (KPU) declared the
Prabowo-Gibran pair as the victors of the 2024 presidential election, with 58.58%
of the vote. This first-round success is often cited as proof of majority support and
is frequently used to overlook issues within the election process (Astuti & Setyarini,
2024).
However, the KPU’s final count does not mark the end of the public’s duty to
ensure fair and transparent elections (Saifulloh et al., 2025). Strengthening civil
society networks has become increasingly vital as relying on opposition parties in
parliament has proven unpredictable. The constitutional values intended to build a
just nation that respects human rights are increasingly neglected by those in power
(Fauzan & Arifta, 2020). The 2024 election, which was hoped to produce leaders
truly representing the people's will, ended in disappointment due to political
manoeuvres and alleged fraud. Hopes of establishing an ideal rule of law are fading
amid a government rife with corruption, collusion, and nepotism (Jun, 2024).
3. Law Enforcement Approaching Election Year
The exposure of corruption cases often intensifies in the lead-up to election
years (T. P. Power, 2018). Data reveals a trend in anti-corruption enforcement
during these politically charged times. Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) data
highlights this trend, with a surge in corruption crackdowns preceding the elections
in 2014, 2019, and 2023;
Table 1: Corruption Eradication Trend
Election Year

2014

2019

2023

Total Corruption Cases

629

1328

Rp 5.29 Trillion

Total Suspects

271

580

Rp 8.4 Trillion

State Loss

791

1695

Rp 28.4 Trillion

Source; Authors, 2024
The Table indicates that while the number of corruption cases and suspects
decreased in 2019, the losses to the state increased. Although there is a general
upward trend in corruption cases each year, cases involving political officials become
especially prominent during election years. Data collected through October 2019
shows that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) conducted 47
operations during the 2018-2019 period, with 31 operations in 2018 and 16 in 2019.

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These operations resulted in the arrest of 231 individuals, though not all were
formally charged (T. Power & Warburton, 2020).
Looking specifically at the involvement of local government officials
(Yulianingsih & Algasahri, 2020), there were 27 cases involving municipal or regional
governments, with 20 cases occurring in 2018 and seven in 2019 (Afifulloh et al.,
2022). In addition to the case involving the Regent of Indramayu, bribery cases were
tied to projects involving the Regent of Bengkayang, Suryatman Gidot, and the
Regent of Muara Enim, Ahmad Yani. Most corruption cases at the local government
level were related to bribery for infrastructure projects and rewards for securing
tender victories. In 2018, corruption cases peaked at 260, with members of the
House of Representatives (DPR) and the Regional House of Representatives
(DPRD) being the most frequently involved actors, accounting for a total of 103
cases (Tirto., 2018).
The legal framework for combating corruption in Indonesia is outlined in 13
articles under Law Number 31 of 1999, which was amended by Law Number 20 of
2001. These articles classify corruption offences into seven categories: state financial
losses, bribery, embezzlement, extortion, fraud, conflicts of interest in procurement,
and gratuities (Boemiya, 2023). This comprehensive legal framework is essential,
considering that corruption threatens the economy and erodes the nation’s moral
values (Hufron & Fikri, 2024). Corruption is considered an extraordinary crime, yet
efforts to recover state losses remain far from proportional.
The disclosure of corruption cases in election years often carries a political
undertone, especially in cases involving individuals with specific political affiliations,
such as Anas Urbaningrum and Johnny Plate.
Table 2: High-Ranking State Officials and Legislative Members Involved in
Corruption Crimes
Suspect
Case
Official Position Election Year
Atut Chosiyah Alleged Corruption in
Medical Equipment
Inactive Governor
Procurement in
of Banten, Former
2014
Banten Provincial
Chairperson of
Government 2011Golkar DPP
2013
Tubagus
Alleged Money
Chaeri
Laundering and
Treasurer of
Wardana
Corruption in Banten
Golkar DPD
2014
Medical Equipment
Banten
Procurement

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Sutan
Bhatoegana

Jero Wacik

Suryadharma
Ali

Bambang W.
Soeharto

Annas
Maamun

Fuad Amin
Imron

Imam
Nahrawi

Idrus Marham

Juliari
Batubara

Alleged Corruption in
Budget Amendments
at the Ministry of
Energy and Mineral
Resources 2013
Alleged Extortion at
the Ministry of
Energy and Mineral
Resources
Alleged Corruption in
Hajj Management at
the Ministry of
Religious Affairs
2012-2013
Alleged Bribery in
Handling Land
Certificate Forgery
Case in District Court
Alleged Bribery
Related to Forest
Conversion Revisions
in Riau 2014
Alleged Bribery
Related to Natural
Gas Sales in
Bangkalan
Distribution of
KONI Grant Funds
through the Ministry
of Youth and Sports
2018
Alleged Bribery in
Riau-1 Coal-Fired
Power Plant
Alleged Bribery in
Covid-19 Social
Assistance at the
Ministry of Social
Affairs

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Former
Chairperson of
DPR RI
Commission VII,
Democrat Party
Faction
Deputy Secretary
General of the
Democratic Party
DPP

2014

2014

Minister of
Religious Affairs
(Chairperson of
PPP)

2014

Chairperson of
Election Winning
Board, Hanura
Party

2014

Chairperson of
Golkar DPD Riau
Province

2014

Chairperson of
Gerindra Party
DPC

2014

PKB Cadre

2019

Golkar Cadre

2019

Minister of Social
Affairs, PDIP
Cadre

2020

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Edhy Prabowo

Johnny Plate

118

Alleged Corruption in
Granting Lobster
Seed Export Permits

Alleged Corruption in
the Provision of 4G
BTS and BAKTI
Kominfo
Infrastructure
Syahrul Yasin
Alleged Extortion in
Limpo
Position Trading and
Gratuities
Source; Author, 2024

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Minister of
Maritime Affairs
and Fisheries,
Gerindra Cadre

2023

Member of DPR
RI 2014-2019,
Secretary General
of Nasdem DPP

2023

Minister of
Agriculture

2023

From the Table above, three points can be concluded:
a. Corruption perpetrators come from various political parties such as Golkar,
PDIP, PKB, Hanura, Nasdem, and Gerindra, holding positions as state
officials, including governor, regent, minister, and members of the DPR.
b. The types of corruption offences commonly committed relate to financial
losses to the state or national economy and bribery.
c. Law enforcement actions against these perpetrators are often politically
charged, especially as elections approach.
Regarding corruption offenders in the cases mentioned, specific articles under
corruption crimes apply to actions causing financial harm to the state or economy,
as outlined in Articles 2 and 3, and to bribery, as stipulated in Articles 5 through 12
of the Corruption Crimes, detailed as follows
a. Acts of corruption causing financial harm to the state or economy (Article
2, Paragraph (1) and Article 3)
These two articles prohibit anyone from deliberately acting unlawfully to
enrich themselves, another person, or a corporation in a way that could harm
the state’s financial standing or economy (Olsen & Bernal-Bermúdez, 2024).
Article 3 further prohibits similar acts but specifically requires the misuse of
authority, opportunity, or available resources due to one’s position or office.
A real-world example of this provision is the e-KTP (electronic ID card)
project corruption case, where several government officials were found
guilty of collusion to enrich themselves through budget mark-ups on the eKTP project. In this case, the values of accountability and honesty were
violated by the perpetrators, ultimately causing substantial losses to the state
(Jardhan et al., 2024).
b. Acts of bribery

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Bribery is one of the most common forms of corruption among state
officials and law enforcers. Bribery provisions are covered in Articles 5 to 12
of the Corruption Crimes. For example, there was a bribery case involving
officials from the Directorate General of Taxes who accepted bribes to
reduce corporate taxes. This action not only violated the law but also
disregarded the ethical values which public servants should exemplify.
Regarding the politicisation of law enforcement in corruption cases, political
elites with vested interests in political dynamics often use their parties to achieve
personal or group goals (Nemčok et al., 2023). There is a tendency for the
politicisation of anti-corruption law enforcement to involve political figures with
strategies to influence election outcomes. This approach is commonly used to
eliminate political opponents by employing corruption as part of black campaigns
or negative campaigns. Such actions are not always based on factual evidence;
instead, they often involve manipulating narratives to shape specific public opinions.
Furthermore, legal politicisation can even involve a conspiracy with law enforcement
to target political rivals (Andre Yosua M & Tegar Mulia, 2024).
To combat corruption and the politicisation of law enforcement, preventive
measures are essential as a strategic step (Murdani et al., 2024). At the same time,
repressive law enforcement must be pursued for the sake of law and justice rather
than corrupt enforcement serving particular interests (by order). There is a need for
state officials, public officials, and law enforcers of integrity to prevent similar cases
from recurring (Ramadhan et al., 2024).
4. Political Interests as a Driving Factor for the Politicisation of AntiCorruption Law Enforcement and Its Influence on Public Perception
Political interests significantly shape actions and decisions, influenced by the
culture and ideology of each (Mukhlis et al., 2024). In Indonesia, political interests
often drive corruption within political parties to secure electoral victories or maintain
power (Qian et al., 2024). This phenomenon is evident in social media and news
coverage that highlights political issues, including corruption, impacting public
political participation and awareness (Marchetti & Stanziano, 2024). The interests of
political elites are frequently linked to conspiracy theories that surface during
election periods, illustrating how political agendas can influence corrupt actions. The
results of the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) investigation found that at least
138 candidates in the 2024 regional elections were suspected of being involved in
corruption cases. The number is spread from candidates for Governor & Deputy
Governor, Mayor & Deputy Mayor, and Regent & Deputy Regent. Candidates
related to corruption cases include suspects, defendants, convicts, witnesses, and
those mentioned in the trial (Khoiri et al., 2024).
During election years, the public often becomes more sceptical of law
enforcement, especially in cases involving political figures or public officials, fearing

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that the law is being manipulated for certain interests. For example, delays by
agencies like the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in handling corruption
cases close to elections reinforce public perceptions of politicised law enforcement
(Umam, 2021). This perception is shaped by several factors: Personal Effect—
individual perceptions of selective law enforcement in handling corruption cases;
Cultural Effect—the influence of culture and education, fostering the belief that the
law serves certain interests; and Physical Effect—socio-political instability reinforcing
the perception of a politicised legal system. To ensure neutrality amid conflicting
interests, Indonesian leaders are encouraged to adopt values rooted in local wisdom,
such as the hasta brata principles from Javanese culture, which emphasise ideal
leadership traits like wisdom and justice (Mibtadin, 2022).
In a democratic context, leadership neutrality and the independence of power
are crucial for ensuring fairness in political processes. Local wisdom, such as
the hasta brata in Javanese culture, which teaches eight principles of ideal leadership,
serves as guidance for leaders to remain neutral and act in the people's interest,
particularly in election years (Mibtadin, 2022). Principles of hasta brata, like patience,
wisdom, and justice, offer direction for leaders to avoid political interests that could
compromise the neutrality of authority (Selvarajah et al., 2017).
Furthermore, countries like Malaysia and India use their traditional values to
strengthen public trust in leaders and government institutions (Minh & Nguyễn
Anh, 2024). In Malaysia, the concept of Budi Bicara emphasises the importance of
wisdom in exercising power, encouraging officials to act without corrupting political
influence (Jang et al., 2020). India, too, employs the Panchsheel philosophy to
maintain harmony and justice, serving as a moral guide for its leaders. By adopting
these local values, Indonesia’s leadership could strive for greater independence,
sustain legitimacy in the public eye, and foster a clean, transparent political process,
even amidst the pressures of election cycles.
Internalising “Hasta Brata” Local Wisdom Values and the “Nine AntiCorruption Values” to Prevent the Politicisation of Law Enforcement
Local wisdom has been embedded in community life long before the
establishment of formal legal norms. It has been passed down through generations,
often holding significant cultural and spiritual value. The above discussion leads to
three roles of local wisdom:
1. Providing a guiding principle for state officials (executive) and legislators to
avoid politicising law for political purposes.
2. Serving as a reference in making political decisions to ensure they align with
ethical and moral standards.
3. Supporting the integrity of law enforcers in carrying out their duties and
authority with respect for legal and moral obligations.

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This cultural and local wisdom perspective should be preserved and instilled in
the nation's leaders across all branches—executive, legislative, and judiciary—so that
local wisdom becomes an integral part of national governance. To sustain these
values, the state and society must collaborate to reinforce local wisdom, particularly
through implementing Hasta Brata and the nine anti-corruption values. Hasta Brata
comes from Sanskrit. Hasta means eight and Brata is behaviour or self-control. It
means eight manners or guidelines (Werang et al., 2024). It is a symbol of leadership
in the eight elements of nature: earth, sun, fire, ocean, sky, wind, moon, and stars.
This collaboration can foster a culture of integrity and accountability in governance,
helping to resist political manipulation in law enforcement practices.
In Historical Approach, Hasta Brata is a philosophical concept of leadership
derived from the epic Ramayana, one of the ancient literary works of India thought
to have appeared between the 5th and 4th centuries BC. The concept was delivered
by Sri Rama, an idealised figure in Hindu tradition, to his brother, Bharata, as advice
to lead the Kingdom of Ayodhya wisely (Das, 2024). The concept was later adopted
into Javanese culture through a process of acculturation when Hinduism and
Ramayana literature entered the archipelago around the 4th and 5th centuries AD,
especially through kingdoms such as Kutai and Tarumanegara. In Javanese culture,
Hasta Brata not only guides leadership ethics but is also adapted to local values,
making it a powerful philosophy for creating harmony and justice in governance
(Sharma & Saxena, 2024).
1. Internalising ”Hasta Brata” Local Wisdom Values for State Leaders
Hasta Brata represents eight core principles of leadership, passed down from Sri
Rama to his brother Bharata when he was to be crowned as the king of Ayodhya
(Wilaksito et al., 2024). These eight principles are derived from the attributes of
natural elements and serve as a guide for every leader:
a. Indra Brata: An ideal leader is likened to rain, constantly striving to bring
prosperity to the people, creating calm in every action, and radiating
authority.
b. Yama Brata: A leader should emulate the qualities of Yama, the deity of
justice, having the courage to uphold justice according to the law to protect
the public.
c. Surya Brata: A leader should embody the traits of the sun, be capable of
inspiring and empowering others to face life’s challenges, and serve as a
source of energy and encouragement.
d. Candra Brata: An ideal leader should be like the moon, bringing
enlightenment to those in darkness or ignorance, with a calming and
sympathetic presence that makes people feel secure and at ease.

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e. Bayu Brata: A leader should be like the wind, always present among the
people, bringing refreshment and actively engaging with the community to
understand their lives.
f. Kuvera Brata: A leader must be wise in managing state finances, avoiding
wastefulness, and consistently seeking to enhance public welfare without
harming the state or the people.
g. Baruna Brata: An ideal leader should have a perspective as vast as the ocean,
capable of handling various disturbances with wisdom and leading with
profound insight
h. Agni Brata: A leader must possess noble qualities like fire, encouraging
public participation in development, be steadfast in principles, and be firm
in upholding justice without discrimination.
The Hasta Brata principles, rooted in tradition and culture, emphasise wisdom,
justice, and responsibility (Safi’ et al., 2024). These eight ideal qualities are expected
of leaders, particularly state officials in the executive, judiciary, and legislative
branches. Strengthening these values encourages leaders to view themselves as
trustworthy public servants who exercise their authority in the interests of the
nation. This approach is particularly relevant in addressing the phenomenon where
state officials or public figures show bias in exercising power, often demonstrating
loyalty to political parties over national interests (Lee & Jones-Jang, 2024).
One key factor in maintaining the quality and integrity of democracy, especially
during election years, is upholding the neutrality of those in power (Mellani Mugia
Adhita, 2023). The independence of power is tested in election years, marked by
conflicts of interest that can lead to abuse of authority (Da Silva et al., 2024). Article
17 of Law No. 30/2014 concerning Government Administration categorises abuse
of authority into actions that exceed authority, mix personal and official authority,
or act arbitrarily (C et al., 2024). These behaviours become particularly possible
during election years when the influence among political parties impacts public
perception (Taqwa et al., 2023).
Local wisdom, like Hasta Brata in Javanese culture, which teaches eight
principles of ideal leadership, guides leaders to remain neutral and act in the people's
interest, especially during politically charged periods (Mibtadin, 2022). The
principles of hasta brata, including patience, wisdom, and justice, offer leaders
guidance on resisting political pressures that could compromise their neutrality
(Selvarajah et al., 2017). In the context of regional governance and Indonesia’s
diversity, local wisdom provides value-based guidelines that shape the relationship
between leaders and local communities (Aliyah, 2024).These values help maintain
political stability and offer leaders guidance on preserving neutrality amid conflicts
of interest.

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A preventive approach to curbing the politicisation of law enforcement focuses
on preventing corruption through education, outreach, and ongoing bureaucratic
reform (Djulaeka et al., 2024). The Hasta Brata values, representing wisdom,
patience, courage, and integrity, should be reinforced through early internalisation,
particularly during state officials' and public leaders' selection or appointment
(Harini et al., 2024). This internalisation ensures that leaders not only understand the
importance of these values but also embody and apply them in their daily actions,
maintaining neutrality and integrity in their roles.
2. Internalising Local Wisdom of “Nine Anti-Corruption Values” for Law
Enforcement Officials
The Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has promoted
local wisdom values known as the Nine Anti-Corruption Values: honesty, care,
independence, discipline, responsibility, hard work, simplicity, courage, and justice.
Internalising these values, especially among law enforcement and public officials, is
a crucial preventive approach. These values reflect strong moral and ethical
principles embedded with integrity (Faizal et al., 2025). Corruption, collusion, and
nepotism can be deterred by instilling these nine anti-corruption values in public
officials and law enforcers.
The politicisation of law in enforcing anti-corruption measures often occurs
because corruption offences are frequently committed by state officials (executive
branch), legislators, and law enforcers, making them the political target of politicised
law enforcement in election years. To safeguard the integrity of the law, particularly
in the realm of anti-corruption enforcement, both repressive and preventive efforts
are essential (Da Silva et al., 2024). According to Marc Ancel’s theory on crime
prevention, both approaches are necessary, highlighting the importance of balancing
repressive and preventive strategies in addressing criminal offences. The repressive
approach aims to provide deterrent sanctions for offenders, while the preventive
approach focuses on preventing crime through education, outreach, and systematic
reform.
Marc Ancel's concept of modern social defence, interpreted as "The prevention
of crime and the treatment of offenders," underscores a balanced criminal policy
approach known as the “systematic resocialisation of offenders.” This concept seeks
to uphold offenders' human rights while ensuring they serve their sentences (Silva
& Asyiqoh, 2024). Ancel emphasises the importance of a balanced approach for
effective crime prevention and enforcement (Machmud et al., 2024). In tackling
corruption, both approaches play vital roles:
a. Preventive approach: The internalisation of the nine anti-corruption values
is a concrete preventive measure. Values like honesty, responsibility, and
justice should be instilled early on in public officials and law enforcement
through anti-corruption education. Initiatives such as anti-corruption

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certification for public officials, a strong foundation in professional ethics,
and transparency in public financial management are all preventive steps.
b. Repressive approach: On the repressive side, the Anti-Corruption Law,
specifically Articles 2(1) and 3 of Law No. 31 of 1999 as amended by Law
No. 20 of 2001, provides the legal basis for prosecuting state officials found
guilty of corruption.
In comparison, Malaysia and India serve as relevant examples due to their
geographical, cultural, and historical ties with Indonesia. Malaysia emphasises the
concept of Budi Bicara, which highlights wise governance and encourages officials
to act independently of detrimental political practices. Similarly, India applies the
Panchsheel philosophy, promoting harmony and justice as a moral guide for its
leaders (Vavouras & Theodosiadis, 2024). These examples demonstrate how
traditional values can strengthen public trust and governance (Soleh et al., 2024). In
Indonesia, integrating local wisdom, such as Hasta Brata and the "Nine AntiCorruption Values," offers a pathway to prevent the politicisation of anti-corruption
enforcement (Syafi’i et al., 2022). These values can support the creation of a
transparent and fair bureaucracy that prioritises public interest, resists political
pressures, and ensures law enforcement operates with integrity, justice, and without
collusion, corruption, or nepotism.
CONCLUSION
To prevent the politicisation of law enforcement in corruption cases, strategies
should go beyond purely repressive law enforcement and encompass comprehensive
preventive actions. The internalisation of local wisdom values like hasta brata, which
emphasises the traits of an ideal leader, can serve as a guiding framework for public
officials and state administrators. Meanwhile, instilling the nine anti-corruption values
in law enforcement officers is expected to foster and maintain integrity. Adopting these
values has the potential to instil moral and ethical awareness in every decision, thereby
discouraging corrupt behaviour. Drawing lessons from Malaysia, strengthening these
local values is essential, beginning from education within the family, extending through
all levels of formal education, and continuing into training and development for state
administrators and law enforcers. A preventive approach that instils local wisdom
values is a long-term measure to cultivate an anti-corruption culture in Indonesia.
Additionally, implementing transparency, accountability, and public oversight
mechanisms provides concrete steps to narrow the space for corrupt behaviour. A
collective commitment from all societal elements, including law enforcement, the
government, and the general public, is essential to establish a system that supports anticorruption efforts. The combination of fair law enforcement and the use of local
wisdom as a moral compass can create an environment that promotes justice and
effectively discourages corrupt actions.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Gratitude is specially expressed to the Faculty of Law and Research and
Community Service Centre (LPPM) of Universitas Trunojoyo, Madura, for their
support and funding in the publication of this international journal.
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