Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies - ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2356-0912 (e)
Vol. 57, no. 1 (2019), pp.83-116, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2019.571.83-116

THE QUR’AN, WOMAN, AND NATIONALISM IN
INDONESIA
Ulama Perempuan’s Moral Movement
Kusmana
Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN) Jakarta
email: kusmana@uinjkt.ac.id
Abstracts
This paper discusses how ‘ulama perempuan’ (Female Muslim woman
clerics) use religious sources particularly, Qur’an, in their expression of moral
movement as seen in media. It also contends that they try to make identity and
sense of belonging by inviting themselves and others to participate in improving
the wellbeing and cohesion of Indonesia as the nation. Using a descriptiveanalytic method, the study questions about the factors that have made it possible
for some Indonesian ulama perempuan to propose a different view, and what
do their movement represent in terms of nationalism? In answering them, the
study relies its data on their recommendations both at KUPI (Kongres Ulama
Perempuan Indonesia), April 25-27, 2017, Cirebon, West Java, and press
release presented at Istiqlal Mosque, Jakarta on March 1, 2018, as well as
two other recommendations that follow. The study finds that ‘ulama perempuan’
have made an alternative voice using some of religious sources (the Qur’an) and
secular ones through their moral movements in improving the status and role
of women, the well beings of children, and environment sustainability. Their
movement attracts other agents particularly that of media to magnify the voice
and make the movement gear as strong alternative message of soft nationalism.
[Artikel ini membahas tentang bagaimana ulama perempuan di Indonesia
menggunakan sumber hukum, khususnya al Qur’an dalam aktifitas gerakan
moral yang terlihat dalam media massa. Mereka juga mencoba menunjukkan
identitas dan perasaan kepedulian dengan melibatkan diri dalam perbaikan

Kusmana

keadaan dan kesatuan bangsa. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif
analitis, tulisan ini mencoba menjawab pertanyaan mengenai factor-faktor yang
membuat gerakan mereka memungkinkan untuk mengajukan pandangan
alternatif dan merepresentasikan diri dalam wacana nasionalisme. Untuk
menjelaskan hal tersebut, studi ini mendasarkan pada hasil rekomendasi
mereka pada Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia (KUPI) pertama di
Cirebon tahun 2017 dan press release mereka di Masjid Istiqlal pada
tanggal 1 Maret 2018, termasuk dua rekomendasi lain berikutnya. Artikel
ini memberikan kesimpulan bahwa ulama perempuan mampu membuat
pandangan alternatif dengan menggunakan sumber hukum Islam (al Qur’an)
dan sumber lain melalui gerakan moral dalam mengangkat status dan peran
perempuan, kesejahteraan anak-anak dan isu lingkungan yang berkelanjutan.
Gerakan mereka juga menarik perhatian media untuk menguatkan pendapat
dan gerakan mereka sebagai pesan alternatif dalam nasionalisme moderat.]
Keywords: The Qur’an, Ulama Perempuan, Nationalism, moral movements
A. Introduction
Indonesia had a quite long history of woman’s participation
including Muslim woman’s participation in social movement and in
making this nation state. Though largely framed in the constructed norm
of kodrat (nature) which placed women as supporting agents, women in
this country had relatively found ways to engage in economic, social, and
even political activities. They were commonly found in market, education
institution, and health institution consecutively as vendors, teachers, and
midwives. Even some women were ever inaugurated as queens such as
Sri Sulthanah Safiatudin Tajul ‘Alam Syah Johan (1641-1675), and her
three successors in Aceh,1 the Queen of Batara Hyang (16th century)
and Sri Gading Anteg (17th Century) who ruled in the Kingdom of
Galulnggung in Tasikmalaya, West Java, of non-Muslim women.2 Prior
1

Zakiyatuddin Inayat Syah (1678-1688), Ratu Nurul Alam Naqiatuddin Syah
(1675-1678), and Sulthanat Sri Ratu Kamala Syah (1688-1699). Helmi Ali Yafie, “Prolog:
Nasib (Ulama) Perempuan”, in Jejak Perjuangan Keulamaan Perempuan Indonesia, ed. by
Helmi Ali Yafie (Jakarta: KUPI, 2017), pp. 21–2.
2
Kusmana, “Contemporary Interpretation of Kodrat Perempuan: Local
Discourse of Muslim Women’s Leadership in Indonesia”, PhD. Dissertation (Rotterdam:

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The Qur’an, Woman, and Nationalism in Indonesia

to the independence of Indonesian Republic 1945, Indonesian women
were commonly got involved in social, educational as well as political
movement. Cut Nyak Dien (1850-1908), and Cut Meutia (1870-1910)
of Aceh, Rahma el-Yunusiah (1900-1969) and Rasuna Said (1910-1965)
of West Sumatera, Dewi Sartika (1884-1947) of West Java, Nyai Ahmad
Dahlan (1872-1946) and Nyi Hajar Dewantara known as Sutartinah
(1890-1972) of Yogakarta, and Kartini (1879-1904) of Central Java,
etc., are instances of Indonesian in these movements.3 Women also got
involved in national organizations’ program activities in woman’s wing
organization such as in Muhammadiyah, NU, and Persis. They also
participated in national movements through woman’s organizations such
as Indonesian Woman’s Congress, Indonesian Woman’s Confederation
(PPPI and then PPI), Isteri Sedar (Aware Wife), etc. Cora Vreede-De
Stuers, as quoted by Ruth Indiah Rahayu, interpreted woman’s social and
political movement prior to Indonesian independence from the vintage of
kindship and knowledge system as the argument of woman’s movement
awakening and nationalism.4
Following Rahayu and Core’s line of argument, it can be argued
that Muslim woman’s movement in Indonesia in the first half of the
20th century was influenced by the three systems of kindship-matrilineal,
patrilinear, and bilinear. At the same time, the two mainstreams of
Islamic thought -traditionalist and modernist (it consists of liberal and
reformist) which have been always negotiating opportunity and space
for society is a strong precedence. Although this precedence in terms
of political participation was interrupted since 1966 as the New Order
put aside woman political participation insistently by constructing
complementary roles for them, Muslim women’s movement actually did
not discontinue, but took a rather dynamic way of engagement supporting
Erasmus University Rotterdam, 2017), p. 58.
3
Kusmana, “Modern Discourse of Woman’s Ideal Role in Indonesia: Tafsir alQur’an of Ibu and Female Agency”, Journal of Indonesian Islam, vol. 9, no. 1 (2015), p. 33.
4
Ruth Indiah Rahayu, “Emansipasi Menuju Unilinear: Gerakan Feminist
‘Indonesia’ Paro Abad Ke-20”, in Sejarah Perempuan Indonesia: Gerakan & Pencapaian,
trans. by Elvira Rosa, Paramita Ayuningtyas, and Dwi Istiani (Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu,
2008), p. ix; Cora Vreede-de Stuers, Sejarah Perempuan Indonesia: Gerakan & Pencapaian,
trans. by Elvira Rosa, Paramita Ayuningtyas, and Dwi Istiani (Jakarta: Komunitas
Bambu, 2008), pp. 2–3.

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the success of their gender counterparts. Woman’s political participation
restarted to increase dramatically since the Reformasi era (1998) where
the political policy of the country through affirmative quota policy
provides more rooms and opportunities for women to do so. However,
positive development does not mean that woman’s movement run
without a challenge because one of the impacts of the implementation
of decentralization policy is the emergence of sharia regulations. This
policy actually places women to engage publicly in certain situations where
they have always to tackle them in order to gain opportunities and roles.5
In the history of woman’s social movement in this country,
education sector has always played important role in the effort to improve
woman’s status and role. Regardless the poor and discriminate nature
of the policy of education and its implementation for women, women,
including Muslim women, gained positive impact from the colonial
government’s, Indonesian government’s policy and people’s education
programs in augmenting their capacity, skill and networks. The two
umbrellas of education institutions-Ministry of National Education and
Culture,6 and Ministry of Religious Affairs provide the education for
people from pre-elementary, elementary to higher education level. These
national projects have been resulting in the increase of the number of
well-educated women. In general, today Net Enrollment Ratio (NER) of
Elementary level is 97,50%, Junior High School level 78,84 %, and Senior
High School 60,67% in 2018.7 The number of elementary students in
state and private school in the country is 25,486,506 (12,142,242 of them
are female students), of junior high school is 10,125,724 (4,951,810 of
them are female students), of senior high school is 4,783,645 (2,654,752
of them are female students), of vocational school is 4,904,031 (2,102,269
of them are female students). The number of Muslim students (in state
5

Ahmad Fuad Fanani, “The Implementation of Sharia Bylaws and Its Negative
Social Outcome for Indonesian Women”, Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies,
vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), p. 171.
6
In the first term of Joko Widodo as president, this national body of education
is divided into two: Ministry of National Education, and Ministry of Research,
Technology and National Higher Education, and now the two are integrated again.
7
Badan Pusat Statistik, “Angka Partisipasi Murni (APM) menurut Provinsi 20112019”, https://www.bps.go.id/dynamictable/2015/12/22/1052/angka-partisipasimurni-apm-menurut-provinsi-2011-2018.html., accessed 3 Dec 2019.

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and private schools) in elementary level is 21,527,896, of junior high
school is 8,360,201, of senior high school is 3,796,733, and of vocational
program is 2,102,268.8 Up to the senior high school, female Indonesian
citizens are significantly trained in education institutions. In 2018,
there were 8,043,480 registered students, and 1,247,116 graduates from
undergraduate programs in all higher education institutions.9 There were
204,991 students graduated from Diploma Programs, 1,114,729 students
graduated from Under Graduate Programs, 93,780 students graduated
from Master Programs, and 7,313 students graduated from Doctorate
Programs. The total number of female graduates in all level is 753,455,
of male ones is 667,358. It means the total number of female graduates
is higher than the total number of male ones (86,097 graduates).10
In Ministry of Religious Affairs alone, female students have
plentiful opportunity to gain good education including the opportunity
to learn Islamic teachings and sciences in which they are pre-requisite
for usually male Muslims to be ulama (religious clerics). Since its
establishment in early 1960s, Islamic higher education institutions offered
higher education for everybody who were and are eligible to participate.
With the large number of Islamic higher education institutions today
(17 UINs, 17 IAINs, and 24 STAINs. 105 faculties of Islamic Religion
at [general] universities, 68 private IAI [Institut Agama Islam/Institute
for Islamic Studies], 622 private STAI [Sekolah Tinggi Agama Islam/
Higher Colleges for Islamic studies], and a number of Ma’had ‘Ali/
College for Islamic Studies) actually Muslim Indonesian women have
a great opportunity to improve their capacity, knowledge and skills. In
addition, the emergence of public piety among Indonesian Muslims as
the result of Tarbiyah movement carried out by some students of general
universities to promote ideal Islam which had been taking place since
1990s, contributed to provide more opportunities for Muslim women
8

“Pusat Data dan Statistik Pendidikan”, http://statistik.data.kemdikbud.go.id/
index.php/page/sd, accessed 4 Dec 2019; “Pusat Data dan Statistik Pendidikan”, http://
statistik.data.kemdikbud.go.id/index.php/page/smp, accessed 4 Dec 2019; “Pusat Data
dan Statistik Pendidikan”, http://statistik.data.kemdikbud.go.id/index.php/page/sma,
accessed 4 Dec 2019.
9
Pusdatin Kemenristekdikti, Statistik Pendidikan Tinggi 2018 (Jakarta: Pusdatin
Iptek Dikti, Setjen, Kemenristekdikti, 2018), p. 3.
10
Ibid., pp. 66–7.

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to engage publicly. To illustrate, Pieternella Van Doorn Harder, in her
book Women Shaping Islam: Reading the Qur’an in Indonesia11 discusses the
active role of educated female Muslim women in their affiliated mass
organization - Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul Ulama/NU, in dealing with
a number of the themes of discussion, ranging from religious radicalism,
authoritarianism, woman education and employment, family planning, etc.
The increase of woman’s capacity, skill, and networks over
the last five decades as explained above is also marked by the use of
communication and information technology which accelerates of their
doing things. Muslim women in their social movement use information
technology as a strategy to gain their objectives. In spite of the existing
differences in their attitude and thought, Muslim woman’s movement in
the last of 20th and early 21st century extends their area of engagement
one step ahead to the area of making more structured movement. One of
their movement is moral movement of what so called ‘ulama perempuan‘
(Muslim women clerics). This paper discusses their moral movement with
special reference to the use of the Qur’an as their spiritual inspiration.
Before discussing further, four key terms, framework, and method
of analysis need to be explained to frame the discussion in certain
narration. The term ‘ulama perempuan’ may refer to Muslim scholar either
male or female who has concern in offering an alternative knowledge
construction which pays attention and supports all effort to make equal
relation among gender.12 However, the use of the term in this discussion
is restricted to designate female Muslim clerics only. Male Muslim clerics,
such as Husein Muhammad, who have the same ideological perspective
about gender equality and justice will only be consulted when their
opinion is considered necessary.13 The term Qur’an refers to the Holy
11

Pieternella Van Doorn-Harder, Women Shaping Islam: Indonesian Women Reading
the Qur’an (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006).
12
Helmi Ali Yafie (ed.), Jejak Perjuangan Keulamaan Perempuan Indonesia (Jakarta;
Cirebon: KUPI, 2017), pp. xxviii–xxxi.
13
See Yusuf Rahman, “Feminist Kyai, K.H. Husein Muhammad: The Feminist
Interpretation on Gendered Verses and the Qur’ān-Based Activism”, Al-Jami’ah:
Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 55, no. 2 (2017), pp. 293–326; Kusmana, “The Qur’ān and
Woman’s Leadership Discourse in Indonesia: Modern Interpretation of QS. 4: 34”,
Journal of Qur’an and Hadith Studies, vol. 5, no. 2 (2016), pp. 225–58. A feminist ‘ālim or
kyai of Dar al-Tauhid Islamic boarding school in Arjawinangun Cirebon, West Java,

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Book of Muslims which is believed to have been revealed from Allah to
His messenger Muhammad in about 23 years in 7th century in Mecca
and Medinah. The Qur’an used here is Muṣḥaf al-Madinah an-Nabawiyah
entitled The Holy Qur’an English translation of the meanings and Commentary.14
Similar publication published by the Religious Affairs will also be
consulted as far as it is relevant with the discussion.
Nationalism is one of social forces which cannot be defined
completely once for all. In contrast, it is always influenced by the
perspectives, and passions of authors in which they are driven by political
and cultural factors where they lived. This modern thought has various
expressions -as central component of modernization, related to modern
religious movement, as linguistic construction, as discourse of gender and
ethnicity, and as expression of modern national state.15 As the main object
of research deals with female Muslim clerics in Indonesian contemporary
context, the discussion is confined to ideas about nationalism which
are dispersed in modern social system, ranging from the dimension of
sense of belonging or loving, to the dimension of sense of obligation,
and responsibility.16
Moral Movement is a movement in which its undertakings focuses
on upholding certain values and norms which are considered ideal. In this
case, values and norms which nurture the modernization of Indonesian
nation state is discussed from the perspective of Female Muslim clerics.
This study deploys new social movement theory, paying attention to
discuss how these Muslim women intelligentsias make rational choices17
Indonesia, has written various articles and books on women issues and gender problem.
Growing up in a conservative family, and graduating from Al-Azhar University, Kyai
Husein becomes one of the main proponents of Islamic feminism in Indonesia. Apart
from leading a pesantren (Islamic boarding school).
14
Abdullah Yusuf Ali (ed.), The Holy Qur-ān: English Translation of the Meanings,
and Commentary (Madinah: King Fahd Holy Qur’an Print. Complex, 1989).
15
Lloyd Kramer, “Historical Narratives and the Meaning of Nationalism”,
Journal of the History of Ideas, vol. 58, no. 3 (1997), pp. 525–7.
16
Ibid., p. 528.
17
Hank Johnston, Enrique Laraňa, and Joseph R. Gusfield, “Identities,
Grievances, and New Social Movements”, in New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity,
ed. by Joseph R. Gusfield, Enrique Laraña, and Hank Johnston (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 1994), pp. 4–5.

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by doing collectively in mobilizing resources to promote new imagined
nationalism in Indonesia, a nationalism in which their voice is measured
as part of the existing nation state builders.
This study uses a descriptive-analytic method, questioning factors
that have made it possible for some Indonesian Muslim scholars known
as ulama perempuan to propose an alternative voice, and representations
of their moral movement in terms of nationalism? In the midst of the
rapid development of internet use in the disruption era now, the virtual
world provides rich information and is widely used in many studies.18 It
is therefore, in answering them, the study relies its data on documented
virtual data, female Muslim clerics’ recommendations both at KUPI
(Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia), April 25-27, 2017, Cirebon, West
Java, and press release presented at Istiqlal Mosque, Jakarta on March
1, 2018. In addition, two other recommendations that followed are
also consulted. In analyzing these main sources of data, other relevant
references are also discussed. These data will be analyzed in the lens of
form and expression of nationalism.
Previous studies related to the role of female Muslim clerics with
reference to the issue of nationalism in broader sense have actually
been circulated, in direct way or vice versa. In these studies, female
Muslim clerics are reported to have discussed or engaged in one or more
dimensions of nationalism as they were examined within the frame of
modern state nation system. I refer to these studies as long as they are
relevant with the present study. Jan Jindy Pettman discusses the problem,
prospect, and future of the discourse of nationalism in international
relation discipline. His article advises readers to be aware of the massive
coverage the discourse of nationalism can be.19 This alarming message
has been repeated several times later: by Shahnaz Khan20 in Canadian

18

Nurdin, “To Research Online or Not to Research Online: Using InternetBased Research in Islamic Studies Context”, Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies,
vol. 7, no. 1 (2017), p. 33.
19
Jan Jindy Pettman, “Nationalism and After”, Review of International Studies,
vol. 24, no. 5 (1998), pp. 149–64.
20
Shahnaz Khan, “Muslim Women: Negotiations in the Third Space”, Signs,
vol. 23, no. 2 (1998), pp. 463–94.

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Context, Sunaina Maira21 in the relation between religion and nationalism,
Ahmad Fuad Fanani22 in the possibility of the emergence of shari’ah
in influencing Muslim women’s public engagements or exercising
their nationalism, Amartya Sen,23 in taking advantage the concept
of nationalism wisely. Ahmad Mukri Aji, and Nur Rohim Yunus24 in
informing that treating Muslim expressions and engagements in public
could violate the shared identity of nation, and Nelly Martin-Anatias25 in
negotiating her nationalism by dealing with values and systems implicated
from Islamic teachings, cultural and structural patriarchal norms of
Indonesian societies, etc.
Another important aspect that is important to be mentioned here is
the discussion of Ummah in modern time. Hasnan Bachtiar26 explains that
previously the concept of ummah has been interpreted exclusively, and in
inward-looking way. As many modern and traditional values and systems
in practice interact one another, borrowing and even taking advantage
between dimensions of modern and traditional values. It is therefore he
believes that we can interpret Ummah,” based the “values of liberalism,
pluralism, democracy, human rights and sustainable development.” This
inclusive proposal can be used as a reference for many other expressions
and engagements including female Muslim clerics’ public engagement
in exercising nationalism.
B. The 1st KUPI: Participating in Nationalism Discourse
The Indonesian Women Ulama Congress (KUPI) was finally
taken place on April 25-27, 2017 after conducting a number of tiring
21

Sunaina Maira, “‘Good’ and ‘Bad’ Muslim Citizens: Feminists, Terrorists, and
U. S. Orientalisms”, Feminist Studies, vol. 35, no. 3 (2009), pp. 631–56.
22
Fanani, “The Implementation of Sharia Bylaws and Its Negative Social
Outcome for Indonesian Women”.
23
Amartya Sen, “Is Nationalism a Boon or a Curse?”, Economic and Political
Weekly, vol. 43, no. 7 (2008), pp. 39–44.
24
Ahmad Mukri Aji and Nur Rohim Yunus, “Identity Politics in Cultural and
Structural Islam in Indonesia”, Ahkam: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah, vol. 19, no. 1 (2019).
25
Nelly Martin-Anatias, “On Being a ‘Good’ Indonesian Muslim Woman: An
Autoethnography”, Humanity & Society, vol. 43, no. 4 (2019), pp. 351–74.
26
Hasnan Bachtiar, “Towards a Progressive Interpretation of Ummah”,
Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies, vol. 8, no. 1 (2018), pp. 87–116.

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preparations initiated since early 2016, chiefly done by the three main
organizations-Rahima, Alimaat, and Fahmina. This national congress of
female Muslim clerics becomes possible due to supporting political as well
as cultural changes. The political shift from an authoritarian New Order
into a more democratic political system of the Reformasi era provides
rooms and opportunities for Indonesians including female Muslim
clerics to exercise their agency more freely. Culturally, Muslims which
occupy the majority in this country have been the dominant recipients of
modernization through both general education institutions and religious
ones from elementary to higher education level.
Beside the three main organizations, the 1st KUPI was also
supported by other organizations consist of the Ministry of Religious
Affairs, IAIN Syekh Nurjati Cirebon, AMAN Indonesia, Pekka, Migrant
Care, STID al-Biruni, Forum Pengada Layanan, Komnas Perempuan,
Rumah Kitab, and LBH APIK, and by individuals consist of Vice
President of Indonesia, H. Jusuf Kalla, General Dudung Abdurrahman,
GKR Hemas, Ibu Netty Heryawan, and Ibu Nihayatul Wafiroh.27 The
committee collaborated with AMAN Indonesia launched a dynamic and
creative power point presentation and uploaded in Youtube on April 26,
2018.28
The committee had to select more than 1280 registrants into
only 649 selected attendants, consisting of 519 participants, and 131
observers, coming from 14 countries: the host country Indonesia,
Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Nigeria,
Kenya, Singapore, Thailand, Philippines, Australia, United States America,
and the Netherlands.29
The 1st KUPI harvested at least two important products: Kebon
Jambu’s Declaration on Female Clerics, and Recommendation. Kebon
Jambu’s Declaration on Woman is the basic principle of intellectualism
of the Indonesian female Muslim Clerics. It consists of 5 paragraphs.
27

Tim KUPI (ed.), Dokumen Resmi Proses & Hasil Kongres Ulama Perempuan
Indonesia (Cirebon: KUPI, 2017), pp. vi–vii.
28
AMAN Indonesia, “1 Tahun Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia (KUPI):
Rising Women Ulama” (2018), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hky6aDhUg_4.
29
Tim KUPI (ed.), Dokumen Resmi Proses & Hasil Kongres Ulama Perempuan
Indonesia, p. iv.

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The first paragraph states that woman is the creature who has the same
potency of human being as man does. This potency is grace from God.
The second paragraph asserts that the existence of female clerics returned
back to the time of Prophet Muhammad contributing to the history of
Islam and Muslims. Their contributions reflect actually their faith and the
historical necessity. The third paragraph emphasizes that just like male
clerics, female clerics were and are also inherited the task of the Prophet
in nurturing tauhid (Oneness of God), liberating people from syirk (belief
in more than one God), and in humanizing human to express Islam as the
religion of rahmah (grace). The fourth statuses that just like male clerics,
female clerics can also be responsible in carrying out the Prophet mission
in eliminating all forms of injustice and discrimination. In so doing, they
are also considered to be responsible in reinterpreting religious texts to
express alternative voices. The last one, the fifth, as citizens of Indonesia,
female Muslim clerics have also rights and obligation to nurture and
defend the country.30
The draft of the declaration was formulated by a task force and
was discussed by 49 participants of the congress before it was read in
the closing ceremony. The Congress requested to every participant of
the congress to disseminate it in their home town and country.31 The
declaration was read loudly by Nyai Hj. Umdatul Choirat, Tambakberas
Pesantren, Jombang, Nyai Hj. Mariatul Asiah from Banjarmasin, and
Nyai Hj. Raudhatul Miftah from Madura in the closing ceremony on
April 27, 2018.32
The 1st KUPI also released recommendation. There are two kinds
of recommendation: general and thematic. The general recommendation
deals with Islamism, nationhood, and humanity. The process of
formulating the general recommendation was just like the process of
formulating the declaration in that the draft of it was formulated by
another task force, and was refined by considering suggestions, questions
and answers raised during the congress. It was also read loudly by Nyai
Hj. Fatmawati Hilal from Makassar, in the closing ceremony on April
30

Ibid., p. 50.
Ibid.
32
Ibid., p. 51.
31

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27, 2017.33 The general recommendations were addressed to 7 different
agencies: female Muslim clerics themselves, mass organizations, society
in general, law enforcers, representative bodies, and the state apparatus.34
There were actually nine themes of recommendation: 1. Education
of female clerics, 2. Pesantren (Islamic Boarding School) response towards
female clerics, 3. Sexual harassment, 4. Under age marriage, 5. Migrant
workers, 6. Religious radicalism, 7. Development in country sides, 8.
Human conflict and crisis, and 9. Natural destruction.35 The nine themes
were discussed a day before they were announced in the closing ceremony,
April 26, 2017 in different classes at Kebon Jambu Pesantren. Of the
nine themes, only three themes-sexual harassment, early age marriage,
and destruction of nature were read in the closing ceremony on April
27, 2017.36 Participants of various backgrounds, majlis taklim teachers,
gender activists, observers, lecturers, researchers, etc., attended these
commission sessions.
Following the general recommendation, the recommendation
targets important social issues dear to them themselves. The first two
themes pay attention to the educational institutions which have direct
influence over the trajectory of female Muslim clerics themselves. Three
other following themes deal with the protection and wellbeing of women
ranging from the anticipation from sexual violence, negative impact
of early age marriage, and wellbeing and protection of female migrant
workers. The sixth theme urges female Muslim clerics to actively engage
in the efforts of making counter responses against religious radicalism
movement. Theme 7 to 9 pays attention consecutively to the participation
of female Muslim clerics in the development of country side areas, to
the effort of making situation in peace from social conflicts, and to the
efforts of sustaining the nature.37
The steering committee of KUPI had a pre-congress methodological
discussion held in Jakarta on April 4-6, 2017 and came up with 7 steps
of the structure of discussion: tashawwur (problem description), adillah
33

Ibid., p. 151.
Ibid., pp. 151–3.
35
Ibid.
36
Ibid., p. 51.
37
Ibid., pp. 154–9.
34

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(Islamic law references), istidlal (analysis of the bases of conclusion),
religious attitude and view, tazkiya (recommendation), maraaji’ (references),
and maraafiq (enclosures). In the first step, the participants of discussion
(female clerics including some male ones) formulate the nature of
problem based on facts and normative stands.38 In the second step, they
use four sources: the Qur’an, Hadith, view of clerics, and Indonesian
constitutions.39 In the next step, they analyze the discussed problem
based on universal Islamic principles such as humanity, justice, equality,
reciprocity, goodness, positiveness, nationhood, and solvable view which
considers the natural justice between man and woman.40 In the fourth
step, they relate the nature of problem to its norms, and facts and then
formulate answers which considers the benefit for the present societies.
This process constitutes the religious view of KUPI.41 They targeted
seven audiences as the recipients of the recommendations ranging from
individual, family, institution, religious and social figures, society, company,
and the state.42 This constitutes the fifth step. The last two steps the sixth
and the seventh are references and enclosures where they consecutively
mention references used and quotes from different sources.43
In all processes of this problem-solving thought, the Qur’an is
not only used as foundational reference, but also framed it as their basic
stand. To illustrate this process, one theme, sexual harassment is firstly
discussed below.
C. The Primacy of the Qur’an and the Issue of Sexual Harassment
Having claimed the danger of sexual harassment44 and considered
inputs from the participants of the commission,45 the task force uses
38

Ibid., p. 52.
Ibid.
40
Ibid., pp. 52–3.
41
Ibid., p. 53.
42
Ibid., pp. 53–4.
43
Ibid., p. 54.
44
That sexual harassment can be harmful for one’s health, discontinue one’s
education, jobless, stigmatized, and criminalized. Ibid., p. 60.
45
They pose questions, confirmation, refusion and information regarding the
issue and cases of sexual harassment.
39

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the Qur’an as theological basis by selecting a number of verses which
are relevant with discussed matter. They discussed the issue within
three important aspects: law, difference between rape and adultery, and
the absence of and poor law enforcement and management of the
state apparatus in dealing with the victims of sexual violence. In the
matter of the law of sexual harassment, the team quoted Qur’an 17: 70,
Qur’an 4: 19, Qur’an 9: 71, Qur’an 24: 4-5, Qur’an 33: 58, Qur’an 85:
10, and Qur’an 24: 33 to lay down consecutively the norm of nobility of
human being, respect over woman, order to protect each other, ban of
accusation without evidence, ban of harming innocent people, ban of
suffering others, and ban of ordering woman to be prostituted.46 Other
sources-Hadith, opinion of clerics, and Indonesian constitution-were also
consulted in order to deepen, illustrate, as well as to extend the dimensions
of the necessity of respect and protection over women. Similar steps
were also implemented in discussing the difference between rape and
adultery and how both affects woman, and the poor law enforcement
and management of the state apparatus in dealing with the victims of
sexual violence.
The two other sources-Hadith and opinion of clerics-are commonly
used in Islamic religious discourse, as they function commonly what so
called as rhetorical construction of religious view. It seems that female
Muslim clerics also take advantage of these two sources in their own
construction. What is interesting is their use of Indonesian constitution
as a source in religious discourse. This means a lot in the context of
the relation between Islam and modernity. The use of it can be seen
as a recognition of the modern concept of nation state, dismissing
the theological barrier which for some this concept is considered alien
to Islam. Another point, its use can be treated as embracing as well as
expressing the spirit of nationalism by contextualizing religious and
state constitution sources in discussing this matter. Furthermore, its
use ascertains that the message is delivered strongly. Finally, its use can
also be seen as an effective strategy to be accepted as one of the main
players in this discourse. By doing so, their movement is expected to
attract more audiences.
46

Tim KUPI (ed.), Dokumen Resmi Proses & Hasil Kongres Ulama Perempuan
Indonesia, pp. 61–4.

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In deploying verses of the Qur’an, they effectively capture only
the main message of them identifying how the Qur’an confers about the
relevant information with the discussed matter. The application of this
method is reasonable because they then have flexibility to relate them
with the similar points taken from Hadith, opinion of clerics and from
Indonesian constitution. For example, Shahiih Bukhari No. 2277 is quoted
to condemn the practice of abusing the body of women for prostitution.47
Another, the view of Faisal bin Abdul Aziz, Zainuddin al-Malibari, and
Wahbah al-Zuhaili is also consulted to support the importance of respect
and protection over woman.48
From Indonesian constitution, they refer to UUD 1945, Chapter
28 G verse 2 which says “every body has rights to be free from torture or
treatment degrading the dignity of human beings and deserving political
asylum from another country,” Chapter 28 B Verse 2, “every child has
rights to live, grow up and develop, and has rights to protection over
violence and discrimination, and Chapter 28 I Verse 1, “Rights to live,
rights not to be tortured, rights of freedom of thought and conscience,
rights to adhere a religion, rights not to be slaved, rights to be recognized
as an individual before the law, rights for not being prosecuted based
on the existing retroactive law are basic human rights which cannot be
reduced in any circumstances.”49
Another important result of the 1st KUPI is the establishment of
Jaringan Ulama Perempuan Indonesia/JUPI (Indonesia Female Muslim
Cleric Network). The Network aimed to be used as means for female
and male Muslim clerics to express their movements and aspirations. The
following two sub chapters discuss their press releases responding the
coming important political events: election of head of district in 2018, and
members of parliament and president of Republic of Indonesia in 2019.
D. Istiqlal Mosque Press Release
Some important exponents of Jaringan Ulama Perempuan
Indonesia/JUPI (Indonesian Female Muslim Cleric Network) held a press
release at Istiqlal Mosque Press Release which was read on March 1, 2018.
47

Ibid., p. 78.
Ibid., pp. 78–9.
49
Ibid., p. 80.
48

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The press release entitled its message as “Seruan Moral, Jaringan Ulama
Perempuan Indonesia, Untuk Menjaga Keutuhan Bangsa Indonesia”
(Moral Call, the Indonesian Female Cleric Network, in Order to Maintain
the Unity of Indonesian Nation). Badriyah Fayumi, leader of Pesantren
Mahasina in Bekasi, West Java, explained that this moral call represented
anxieties of female clerics who worked in pesantren (Islamic Boarding
School), majelis taklim (Religious Studies Group) and other religious
education institutions.50
The Press Release was framed within the spirit of female dakwah
which is characterized by four core values: Islam-ness, nationhood,
humanity, and universality.51 They related Islam with open and universal
values as theological basis for their aspiration. With this inclusive stand
they began their recommendation by quoting Qur’an 3: 103 which says:
“And hold fast, all of you together, to the Rope of Allah (i.e. this Qur’an),
be not divided among yourselves, and remember Allah’s favors on you,
for you were enemies one to another but He joined your hearts together,
so that, by His Grace, you became brethren (in Islamic Faith), and you
were on the brink of a pit of Fire, and He saved you from it. Thus, Allah
makes His Ayāt (proofs, evidences, verses, lessons, signs, revelations, etc.,)
clear to you, that you may be guided.”52

The Press Release does not mention the circumstance of the verse,53
but contextualizes the meaning of the verse which says “And hold fast,
50

Ati Nurbaiti, “Female Islamic Clerics Call for Unity Ahead of Elections”,
The Jakarta Post (1 Mar 2018), https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/03/01/
female-islamic-clerics-call-for-unity-ahead-of-elections.html, accessed 12 Jun 2018.
51
Hayati Nupus, “Ulama Perempuan Ajak Lawan Hoaks, Ujaran Kebencian”,
Nasional (1 Mar 2018), https://www.aa.com.tr/id/nasional/ulama-perempuan-ajaklawan-hoaks-ujaran-kebencian/1077126, accessed 12 Jun 2018.
52
Taqī al-Dīn Hilālī and Muhammad Muhsin Khan (eds.), Interpretation of the
Meanings of the Noble Qur’an in the English Language: A Summarized Version of At-Tabarî,
Al-Qurtubî, and Ibn Kathîr with Comments from Sahîh-Al-Bukharî (Riyadh, Saudi Arabia:
Darussalam Publishers and Distributors, 2011), pp. 87–8.
53
Ibid., p. 88. The circumstance of the verse refers to a Hadith narrated by
at-Tirmidhi, Ibn Mājah, and Abu Dāwud and explains that the Prophet said: “The Jews
and Christians were divided into seventy-one or seventy-two religious sects, and this
nation will be divided into seventy-three religious sects – all in Hell, except one, and that
one is the one on which I and my Companions are today i.e. following the Qur’an and
the Prophet’ Sunnah (legal ways, orders, acts of worship, statement of the Prophet).”

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all of you together, to the Rope of Allah (i.e. this Qur’an), clear to you,
that you may be guided,” to Indonesian context. The verse suggests us
to be committed on the teachings of the Qur’an which pays attention on
the importance of unity in this case is the unity of Indonesian Nation,
based on divine values.54
The primacy of the use of the verse of the Qur’an in this
recommendation seemed purposively chosen by the network to tackle
latent obstacles found in political matters which incline to consider
everything as political game in which it is always seen as an effort to
win any initiative by all means. Divine source is above all personal
and organizational interest. Both interests have always believed to be
the sources of political conflict. For Indonesian context, this claim is
relevant. Though Indonesian country is not religious state, its citizens
are religious. It is reasonable if Indonesian people particularly that of
politicians are persuaded by religious language. The exponents of the
networks come from religious trainings and backgrounds after all. The
use of the Qur’an like this is common and allowable because the Qur’an
is treated as source of reference where the dimensions of the meanings
of the Qur’an are contextualized based on the demand of age. Ziba
Mir Hosseini, quoting Abdolkarim Soroush asserts that the holy text is
absolute and stable, whereas the opinion about it including the meaning
about it is temporary, changing and dynamic. They are perceived by
religious scholars differently.55 Kathryn Robinson finds that Muslims in
Indonesia commonly base their perception about gender relations on the
Qur’an, and Hadith. In so doing, they aim at formulating “humanistic
ideals” which is based on the Qur’an and Hadith. They do it by localizing
the message of the religious main texts into Indonesian version of Islam.
For example, they accept modern values like human rights and understand
54

“Seruan Moral, Jaringan Ulama Perempuan Indonesia, Untuk Menjaga
Keutuhan Bangsa Indonesia,” Read by Nyai Hj. Badriyaah Fayumi at Istoqlal Mosque
on March 1, 2018. “Seruan Moral Kebhinekaan Menjaga dan Memperjuangkan
Kebhinekaan” (20 Feb 2018), https://kontras.org/2018/02/20/seruan-moralkebhinekaan-menjaga-dan-memperjuangkan-kebhinekaan/, accessed 12 Jun 2018.
55
Ziba Mir Hosseini, “Meninjau Ulang Pemikiran Gender dalam Islam”, in
Perempuan Multikultural: Negosiasi dan Representasi, ed. by Edi Hayat and Miftahus Surur
(Jakarta: Desantara, 2005), pp. 265–7.

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is based on Islamic perspective.56
It is this religious awareness that the recommendation was all based.
The network rightly placed the point of gratefulness and the importance
of unity as its opening paragraph, as it says that:
“Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia yang berdiri berkat rahmat Allah Swt.,
adalah hasil perjuangan segenap elemen bangsa. Karena itu, menjaga keutuhan dan
mencegah perpecahan agar bisa mewujudkan cita-cita berbangsa dan bernegara adalah
amanah ilahiyah dan mandat kebangsaan.”57
“The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia which stands by the
grace of Allah SWT is the result of the struggle of all elements of the
nation. Therefore, maintaining wholeness and preventing disunity in order
to realize the ideals of nation and state is a divine and national mandate.”

Having introduced the recommendation with theological basis,
the two following paragraphs condemn the abuse of information to
spread lie, hoax, hatred speech, discrimination, persecution, character
assassination, etc., for political purposes. Instead, in the next paragraph,
the press release invites candidates of head of province, of major, and
of president, political party supporters, government, its apparatus and
its law enforcers, religious and social figures, religious adherents, and all
citizens to combat these negative practices.58 At the same time, it expects
that all participants of political processes in this and following year
events put brotherhood and unity above their political interests, respect
law, pay attention to public education to improve awareness, maintain
local traditions, and make rooms for public gatherings and discussions.
In the last part of the recommendation the network calls everyone to
the content of press release, and expects that Allah may guide and help
all of us to make these heard by all, and all of us do accordingly.
After the three contact persons Nyai Hj. Badriyah Fayumi, Lc.
MA, Nyai Ninik Rahayu, SH, MS, and Nyai Hj. Hindun Anisah, MA, had
contacted a number people mostly female clerics, one hundred thirtyeight female Muslim clerics including the three contact persons signed the
recommendation. They are coming from different backgrounds ranging
56

Kathryn Robinson, Gender, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia (London: Routledge,
2008), p. 165.
57
“Seruan Moral Kebhinekaan Menjaga dan Memperjuangkan Kebhinekaan”.
58
Ibid.

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from wife of kyai, head of pesantren, religious teacher at Majlis Taklim,
lecturer, social figure to state apparatus. They were educated either at
general or religious education institution. Suited with the claim as clerics,
many of them pursued their education up to doctorate degree, at least
they were graduated from S1 (Undergraduate) program as reflected in
the list. It adds the value of the press release that the expectation was
written based on careful and thoughtful consideration.
The press release was covered by at least 18 digital news agencies,
national as well as international news agencies including Kompas, Media
Indonesia, The Jakarta Post, BBC, VOA, etc., and one printed newspaper,
Kompas. It means that the press release attracted large audience, and the
echo of its message was magnified by these coverages.
E. Other Press Releases: Disseminating the Message
As it was expected that the Istiqlal Press Release could be followed
by similar moral movements, several other organizations answered the
call and made the message viral and louder. Fayumi explained that “The
Women Ulema Network shares a similar concern; hence, this moral call
will be followed up simultaneously by all female cleric networks, which
have been solidifying since the first Indonesian Women Ulema Congress
in Cirebon, West Java, in April 2017.”59 To illustrate the response to this
expectation, two other recommendations: Jaringan Perempuan Lintas
Iman (Woman Inter Faiths Network), and Halaqoh Ulama Perempuan
Se-Jawa (Java Female Clerics Circle) are discussed.
1. Woman Inter Faiths Network for Maintaining ‘Kebhinekaan’ (Diversity)
Woman Inter Faiths Network for Maintaining Diversity held a
Moral Appeal on March 6, 2018 in Jakarta, five days after the press
release of Female Muslim Cleric Network was held at Istiqlal Mosque,
represented by thirty five different agencies ranging from NonGovernment Organizations which are concerned with peace building,
tolerance, and woman’s fate, higher education institutions, and individuals
who have similar concerns. 60
59

Nurbaiti, “Female Islamic clerics call for unity ahead of elections”.
Fathiyah Wardah, “Jaringan Ulama Perempuan Indonesia Serukan Semua
Pihak Jaga Keutuhan Bangsa”, VOA Indonesia (2 Mar 2018), https://www.voaindonesia.
60

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The press release text began with statement that the founders
of this nation state wanted it as a plural and democratic state. This
determination was considered as grace from God who had unified
various tribes and adherents of different religions in one state nation
called Indonesia, and had given the people of the country with principle
of co-existence: Bhineka Tunggal Eka (Unity in Diversity).
The network saw this grace as something that every citizen has
obligation to nurture and defend from any effort to divide social cohesion
of the nation such as hoax, hatred speech, character assassination,
woman’s persecution, and physical assault over religious figures,
minority groups, and over religious facilities. It is therefore the network
condemned any politicization of identity and of religion for temporary
and artificial goal.61 Having introduced with these considerations, the
network then addressed six recommendations. Basically, they agreed to
follow up what Female Muslim Cleric Network’s declaration had raised,
reaffirming the five points, and added one point in which all women
from different religions are expected to invite others to pay attention to
peace and tolerance and to be united to fight for all forms of violence,
discrimination, duping over woman, child and vulnerable groups.62
2. Java Female Clerics Circle
Following up the 1st KUPI’s recommendation63 and Istiqlal
Press Release (March 1, 2018), Java Female Clerics Circle held a Press
Conference on March 29, at Aston Inn Central Semarang, Central Java,
after they conducted a Halaqoh (Study Circle) for three days, March
27-29, 2018. The Halaqoh which discussed about female Muslim cleric
movement and mainstreaming moderate Islam, was attended by 100
participants representing different organizations in Java. It was hosted
by Center for Woman and Child Studies of UIN Walisongo. The Press
com/a/jaringan-ulama-perempuan-indonesia-serukan-jaga-keutuhan-bangsa-/4277194.
html, accessed 13 Jun 2018.
61
ICRP, “Seruan Moral Jaringan Perempuan Lintas Iman Menjaga
Kebhinekaan”, https://icrp-online.com/seruan-moral-jaringan-perempuan-lintasiman-menjaga-kebhinekaan/, accessed 13 Jun 2018.
62
Ibid.
63
Tim KUPI (ed.), Dokumen Resmi Proses & Hasil Kongres Ulama Perempuan
Indonesia.

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Release was read by Nyai Kamila Hamidah, head of Maslakul Huda Al
Kautsar Pesantren, Kajen Pati.64
The Halaqah sent a message of the importance of sovereignty
of Indonesia as a nation state, and of defending it by every element of
the nation including woman.65 Nyai Jauharotul Farida, head of Thariqah
Mu’tabarah Pesantren, Semarang and head of Center for Woman and
Child Studies, UIN Walisongo Semarang asserted that female Muslim
clerics are ready to defend and guard the country.66
The content of the Halaqoh message consists of eight points. Point
one emphasize the importance of Islamic principles in implementing
religious practices respecting differences, based on ahl Sunnah wa alJama’ah (one sect of Muslims which holds Sunnah and the opinion of
the mainstream Muslim scholars as the right teachings of Islam). In
understanding Islam, the Halaqoh prefers moderate Islam to radical
one, and this point constitutes the second. Point three calls for female
Muslim clerics to strengthen the network and to educate young generation
in order they are able to avoid from acts of radicalism and terrorism.
Point four and five consecutively call for confirming tolerance as one
of the nation pillars, and Pancasila (Five Principles), Bhineka Tunggal
Eka (Unity in Diversity), UUD 1945 (Basic Constitutions 1945) as the
unchangeable ideology of the nation. The rests of the points were
addressed to respond to present political situation. Point six asserts the
importance of silaturahmi in maintaining brotherhood as citizens of the
nation. Point seven refuse and condemn hoaxes and hatred speech as both
are negative and threatening unity. The last point, eight, invite politicians
and representative members to behave in their deed and speech.67

64

Rikza Khamami and Muiz, “Ulama Perempuan Kuatkan Persaudaraan dan
Jaga Keutuhan NKRI di Tahun Politik” (29 Mar 2018), https://www.nu.or.id/post/
read/87919/ulama-perempuan-kuatkan-persaudaraan-dan-jaga-keutuhan-nkri-ditahun-politik-, accessed 13 Jun 2018.
65
“Ulama Perempuan Se-Jawa Siap Jaga Kedaulatan”, Republika Online (30 Mar
2018), https://republika.co.id/share/p6dscj366, accessed 12 Jun 2018.
66
Khamami and Muiz, Ulama Perempuan Kuatkan Persaudaraan dan Jaga Keutuhan
NKRI di Tahun Politik.
67
Ibid.

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F. The Rise of Muslim Women Intelligentsias in Indonesia
The event of the 1st KUPI and activities that followed after it in the
first half of 2018-Istiqlal Press Release and two other recommendationsrepresents new form of Muslim woman clerics’ movement. Zaenah
Anwar identifies four points that make Indonesian Muslims able to
exercise their female agency and propose alternative voice towards
democratic undertakings.68 Agencies from various circumstances ranging
from grassroots religious teachers in villages, to professionals working
in urban areas were interested in playing roles as parts of this historical
event. Furthermore, the birth of female Muslim clerics can be seen also
as the effort to reconstruct history of female Muslim clerics. For example,
this effort was initiated by PPIM (Pusat Kajian Islam dan Masyarakat/
Center for the Study of Islam and Society) in 2002 as mentioned earlier.
PPIM as one of the study centers that UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta
has, had published an important related book entitled Ulama Perempuan
Indonesia.69 The book documented the profile of a number of female
Muslim clerics and constructed their existence in the history of Islam
in Indonesia. The three NGOs mentioned above, and other similar
woman organizations contributed to providing facts and practices of
female Muslim clerics’ movements too. Four years later, Pieternella Van
Doorn Harder published her book,70 as mentioned earlier, discussing the
active role of educated female Muslim women in their affiliated mass
organization -Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul Ulama/NU, in dealing with
a number of the themes such as religious radicalism, authoritarianism,
woman education and employment, family planning, etc. Nurlaelawati
and Salim informs that actually educated female Muslim women had
68

The four points are: Islam in Indonesia developed mainly not depending
on state jurisdiction, Islam in Indonesia has strong culture, tradition and identity, state
Islamic higher education institutions have contributed significantly to help Muslims
dealing with modernity, and many of the graduates of these education institutions
become ‘the forefront of the democratic movement.” Zainah Anwar, “Grassroots
Leaders Show the Way”, in Diskursus Keulamaan Perempuan Indonesia: Kumpulan Tulisan
Terkait Materi Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia, ed. by Tim KUPI (Jakarta; Cirebon:
KUPI, 2017), pp. 112–6.
69
Jajat Burhanuddin (ed.), Ulama Perempuan Indonesia (Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka
Utama dan PPIM, 2002).
70
Doorn-Harder, Women Shaping Islam.

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been playing formal citizenship engagement as participants in courtroom
since 1960s, and their roles began to be greater since 1989 when the
government granted female Muslim clerics to be judges at the religious
courts.71 In 2009, Ann Kull published her article where she discussed
about female Muslims teachers reflects an expression of nationalism
in terms of fulfilling obligations to educate people, though within the
constraints of patriarchal gender values which in many ways challenges
their engagements.72
Recent Muslim woman clerics’ movement represents also interesting
and important signs for the construction of Indonesia’s Muslim women
movement. On one hand, it continues further what the 1st Indonesian
Woman Congress had achieved in 1928. It raised fundamental issues and
criticized the weakness of woman’s institutional affiliation, the poorness
of their wellbeing, and the practice of child marriage. It proposed some
programs to improve them, such as by extending the effort to eliminate
woman violence, and to promote environmental sustainability issues. On
the other hand, it represents a new sign which affects the historiography of
the women’s movement in Indonesia. The historiography of Indonesian
Muslim women shifts the cultural historical construction from the pave of
peripheral position to the central one. Indonesian woman clerics stand on
their own and on equal footing with their gender counterparts in sending
their aspirations and movements. The way they carry out their efforts
is by developing an inclusive paradigm and attitude to invite everyone
regardless their gender to struggle together to uphold Islamic values,
nationalism, and humanity. They depend not only on Religious sources
but also national constitution, and international covenant sources such
UN’s covenant on gender equity and human rights. This stand is different
from other groups of Muslims which tend to up hold more on textual
sources of Islam in particular the Qur’an, and treat secular sources as

71

Euis Nurlaelawati and Arskal Salim, “Gendering the Islamic Judiciary: Female
Judges in the Religious Courts of Indonesia”, Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol.
51, no. 2 (2013), pp. 247–78.
72
Ann Kull, “At the Forefront of a Post-Patriarchal Islamic Education: Female
Teachers in Indonesia”, Journal of International Women’s Studies, vol. 11, no. 1 (2009), pp.
25–39.

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the sources of Muslim’s enemy.73 By doing so, they certainly encompass
their own theological barriers, and enjoy larger space and opportunity
to engage culturally and politically. In Indonesian context, this reform
thought became possible to do due to continuous introduction of a
gender equity awareness in Islamic education which had been introduced
since late 1980s and early 1990s. Ann Kull identifies this progress by
analyzing documents collected through fieldwork in Jakarta, Yogyakarta,
Makassar, Banjarmasin, and Bandung, such as brochures, books, course
literature, research, interviews, and discussions, and by scrutinizing the
emergence and development of Centers for Women Studies at state
Islamic higher educations in these five cities.74
Though woman’s social engagements have existed as along as the
engagements of male clerics’ engagement in Indonesia, their movement
marks actually the rising women intelligentsias in new context, the age
of information technology. This rising becomes possible due to national
education program of both general and religious education programs,
political shift into more democratic undertakings, economic growth,
better transportation facilities, more freedom of cultural expressions,
and of course due to information technology development itself which
facilitates doing things faster and more infiltratory, and disrupts many
dominant and traditional practices. Accordingly, their moral movement
becomes easily disseminated and their voice can easily be magnified
through the use of information technology in broader sense of its
meaning. Their areas of engagement cover theoretical as well as practical
aspect of gender discourse and practice. As intelligentsias, Muslim woman
clerics offer their voices in terms of alternative interpretation of religious
texts, moderate form of Islam, collective solidarity which supports social
cohesion, and their modern identity.75 As an illustration, Nelly Martin73

Kathryn Robinson, “Female Ulama: Voice a Vision for Indonesia’s Future”,
in Liputan Media Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia, ed. by Tim KUPI (Cirebon: KUPI,
2017), pp. 262–5; Kathryn Robinson, “Female Ulama: Voice a Vision for Indonesia’s
Future”, New Mandala (30 May 2017), https://www.newmandala.org/female-ulamavoice-vision-indonesias-future/, accessed 5 Dec 2019.
74
Kull, “At the Forefront of a Post-Patriarchal Islamic Education”, p. 36.
75
Inayah Rohmaniyah, “Ulama Perempuan: Modalitas Perempuan dalam
Kontestasi Global”, in Diskursus Keulamaan Perempuan Indonesia: Kumpulan Tulisan Terkait
Materi Kongres Ulama Perempuan Indonesia, ed. by Tim KUPI (Jakarta; Cirebon: KUPI,

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Anatias, an Indonesian who had studies and lived in America for a decade,
and is now working in New Zealand, renegotiates her Islamness and
Indonesianness. She has different views about what so called as being a
good Indonesian Muslim woman today. She whose belief and awareness
have been influenced significantly by gender equity perspective, modernity
norms and systems in general, questions many of the traditional and
existing wisdoms, seeking for what it means to be Indonesian Muslim
and good Indonesian Muslim in contemporary Indonesia. Her criticism
reflects a new self-awareness as female Indonesian Muslim in which many
Indonesian Woman today gain many of social engagement arenas which
were previously belonging exclusively to men.76
G. Nationalism and Media: New Arena of Muslim Woman Cleric’s
Moral Movement
The function of media for human beings is central to making
perception of various forms of social, cultural and political events and
issues.77 Information Technology has changed modern social conditions.78
Different agents are open and free to take advantage for each interest,
traditionalist or modernist, liberalist as well as fundamentalist. Andi Faisal
Bakti, for example, discusses Salafist’s use of media, in this case using
TV in broadcasting their programs and activities.79
Like many other movements which take advantage of media and
its information technology in documenting their events, disseminating
their messages and receiving media coverage, Muslim woman clerics do
the same with their movement and message. In their movements, either
in the 1st KUPI, and press releases, they use Whats Apps, memes, email,
2017), p. 109.
76
Martin-Anatias, “On Being a ‘Good’ Indonesian Muslim Woman”.
77
David L. Altheide, “Identity and the Definition of the Situation in a MassMediated Context”, Symbolic Interaction, vol. 23, no. 1 (2000), pp. 1–27; William A.
Gamson et al., “Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality”, Annual Review
of Sociology, vol. 18 (1992), pp. 373–93.
78
Bryan S. Turner, “Religious Authority and the New Media”, Theory, Culture
& Society, vol. 24, no. 2 (2007), p. 117.
79
Andi Faisal Bakti, “Media and Religion: Rodja TV’s Involvement in The Civil
Society Discourse for Community Development”, Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal
of Communication, vol. 34, no. 3 (2018), p. 226; 230.

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website, google forms for registration and selection, and press release.
Accordingly, they receive significant attention from media coverage.
Media coverage can function both documentation and representation as it
is or beyond. Some studies illustrate positive function of it.80 Some other
studies find that the media has been used to show the incompatibility
of Islam with modern values. Aware of the dilemmatic character of
technological determination for human life, they use it to counter the
impact of the abuse of it criticizing hoaxes which are circulated easily in
virtual world, violence over children and women, gender discrimination
and injustice.81 Instead, Indonesian female Muslim clerics take advantage
of media to support their modern religious movement expressing their
nationalism through the discourse which is based on religion (Islam/
al-Qur’an), national constitution, gender discourse and practice, and
international covenants. Their moral movement can be categorized as
cultural defense. Bruce explains that term refers to the effort of religious
adherents to utilize religious identity and institutions to nurture sense of
belonging over nation, local ethnic, and culture.82
80

Roman Loimeier, “Patterns and Peculiarities of Islamic Reform in Africa”,
Journal of Religion in Africa, vol. 33, no. 3 (2003), pp. 237–62; Dorothea E. Schulz,
“Promises of (Im)mediate Salvation: Islam, Broadcast Media, and the Remaking of
Religious Experience in Mali”, American Ethnologist, vol. 33, no. 2 (2006), pp. 210–29;
Jack Glascock, Curtis B. Livesay, and Thomas E. Ruggiero, “Religious Involvement,
Audience Demographics, and Media Bias”, Journal of Media and Religion, vol. 7, no. 4
(2008), pp. 256–70.
81
Martin-Anatias, “On Being a ‘Good’ Indonesian Muslim Woman”; Mansoor
Moaddel, “The Study of Islamic Culture and Politics: An Overview and Assessment”,
Annual Review of Sociology, vol. 28, no. 1 (2002), pp. 359–86; Sina Ali Muscati, “Arab/
Muslim ‘Otherness’: The Role of Racial Constructions in the Gulf War and the
Continuing Crisis with Iraq”, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, vol. 22, no. 1 (2002),
pp. 131–48; Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, “The Dynamics of Islamic Identity in North
America”, in Muslims on the Americanization Path? ed. by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and
John L. Esposito (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2000); Karim H. Karim,
“The Historical Resilience of Primary Stereotypes: Core Images of the Muslim Other”,
in The Language and Politics of Exclusion: Others in Discourse (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications, Inc, 1997), pp. 153–82; Edward W. Said, Covering Islam: How Media and the
Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World (New York: Vintage Books, 1997).
82
See Steve Bruce, Secularization: In Defence of an Unfashionable Theory (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 50; David E.J. Herbert, “Theorizing Religion and
Media in Contemporary Societies: An Account of Religious ‘Publicization’”, European

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The message of Muslim woman clerics’ moral movement which
received significant coverage by medias plays as an alternative voice and
needed force over the opposite discourse which is supportive over the
ideas of radicalism, violence, and terrorism. The 1st KUPI, and three
other recommendation presented by Muslim women clerics used and
covered by media well. The 1st KUPI alone was covered by 133 medias
of local and national news providers as well as international ones. Similar
responses were also received by the three other press releases. Even the
government of England invited Badriyah Fayumi and several female
Muslim clerics through its Rising Peace Program Forum on March 15,
2018 to present issue about “Woman Leadership for Peace, Prosperity,
and Pluralism.”
The case of Muslim woman cleric moral movement in relation
to media means two folds, utilization of media and media coverage. In
terms of the utilization of media, the event was well retained and exposed
largely way beyond the audience or readers of its initial implementations
themselves. As if the world celebrates the event. Another point is that
the exposure of these events in media marks their inclusive advantage of
the modern values and system. As a result, they receive an overwhelming
positive response. Furthermore, the fact that their moral movement made
use of religion in sending their aspiration to public asserts a crucial fact
that religion actually could not be privatized or re-privatized as proposed
by secularists. They assert that there would not be place for religion in
modern era.83 Indonesian female Muslim cleric’s movement, once again,
proves otherwise. Religion, in this case Islam, still plays an important role
in modern era. The use of the Qur’an as framework of this movement
supplies not only additional data to their movement, but also it helps them
to base their struggle on religious values. Finally, the case of Indonesian
female Muslim cleric movement which largely covered by media can be
seen as a signification of their identity and representation in modern
public sphere as the voice of soft nationalism.
Journal of Cultural Studies, vol. 14, no. 6 (2011), p. 630.
83
Herbert, “Theorizing Religion and Media in Contemporary Societies”, pp.
629–30. The liberalization of national media economies and the growth of transnational
media spheres is transforming the relationship between religion, popular culture and
politics in contemporary societies in ways not adequately accounted for in existing
sociological theories of religion (secularization, neo-secularization and rational choice

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H. Concluding Remarks
Having discussed above, the study finds that ulama perempuan have
made an alternative voice in their moral movements. As in other Islamic
movements, in this case, female Muslim clerics make the Qur’an function
as foundational reference, as well as their basic stand. Meanwhile, opinion
of clerics, and Indonesian constitution are also discussed for the sake of
extending the dimensions of the efforts in respecting and increasing the
status and roles of women using some of religious sources (the Qur’an)
in their movements in proposing how to improve the status and role
of women, the well beings of children, and environment sustainability.
In doing so, they made several important efforts, starting from the
congress where they issued a number of important recommendations,
the creation of female Muslim cleric networks, networks expansion to
different religious adherents, up to the use of information technology,
i.e. press release.
Their movement attracts other agents to supports their movement,
and to follow up some of their recommendations. Their movement also
attracts medias to magnify the voice and make the movement gear as
strong alternative message of soft nationalism which are characterized by
non-violent approaches in addressing their messages. All these processes
and progresses create new arenas for women’s moral movement, and
represent the rise of female Muslim intelligentsias in Indonesia.

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