Jurnal ASPIKOM.
Vol.
10 No.
P-ISSN: 2087-0442.
E-ISSN: 2548-8309
DOI: http://dx.
org/10.
24329/aspikom.
Sentiment analysis and actor mapping in media coverage of the forced hijab case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan Ine Yudhawati1.
Ana Nadhya Abrar2.
Novi Kurnia3 Communication Science.
Universitas Gadjah Mada.
Indonesia.
*Corresponding author, e-mail: ineyudhawati@mail.
1, 2, 3
Abstract This study examines online media coverage of the alleged forced hijab case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan using actor mapping and sentiment analysis.
Based on a quantitative content analysis of 72 news articles published during the peak period of the case (July 31AeAugust 7, 2.
, the findings show a strong dominance of negative sentiment and a concentration on institutional actors, while victims and civil society voices were marginalized.
Media narratives largely emphasized conflict and polarization rather Keywords:
Conflict Transformation, than reconciliation.
Such framing may normalize exclusionary discourses, reinforce perceptions of intolerance, and constrain Imposed Hijab.
News Analysis.
Actor Mapping.
more inclusive understandings of religious diversity.
Article History:
Received 2025-10-03.
Revised 2025-10-16.
Accepted 2025-12-30.
Published 2025-12-31.
Introduction Religious-based conflict in Indonesia continues to be one of the most serious challenges in maintaining social harmony within a pluralistic society.
Although the nation was built upon the principle of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika and upholds religious freedom, the reality on the ground shows that differences in belief frequently become a source of friction.
Over the past two decades, the spectrum of religious conflict in Indonesia has ranged from clashes between religious communities, discrimination against minority groups, to the imposition of dress codes grounded in certain religious teachings.
These conflicts not only generate social tension but also shape public perceptions of tolerance, pluralism, and human rights in the country.
Google search trend data over the last ten years for the keyword Aureligious conflictAy or Aukonflik agamaAy .
n Bahasa Indonesi.
demonstrates a significant fluctuation pattern, with sharp spikes in certain periods that indicate major events triggering public attention.
From 2015 to 2025, it can be observed that this topic rarely stayed at a consistently low point for a long duration.
instead, it continuously re-emerged in news coverage and public Peaks of attention were recorded during particular moments, especially Sentiment analysis and actor mapping in media coverage of the forced hijab case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan before and after religious events or incidents that provoked national debate.
This phenomenon underscores that religious conflict is not a sporadic occurrence, but rather a recurring issue and a permanent element of IndonesiaAos socio-cultural landscape.
Figure 1.
Trend for the Keyword Aureligious conflictAy in Indonesia, 2015Ae2025 .
ource: Google Trend.
Conceptually, religious conflict is divided into two forms.
Inter-religious conflict refers to disputes that occur between adherents of different religions, often triggered by divergences in belief, symbols, or ritual practices, as mapped in the literature on religious dimensions of political conflict and violence (Brubaker, 2.
In contrast, intra-religious conflict takes place within a single religion .
ects, schools, denomination.
and is frequently rooted in theological disagreements, internal identity struggles, or the dominance of majorities over minorities within religious institutions.
Comparative studies reveal that intra-religious rivalry can escalate and interact with political power dynamics (De Juan.
Beyond distinguishing between inter-religious and intra-religious conflict, it is also important to understand that these two forms often overlap and mutually influence each For instance, inter-religious differences can be exacerbated by internal tensions within the same faith, thereby making the layers of conflict increasingly complex.
In many cases, intra-religious conflict is more difficult to resolve because it involves contestations over interpretive authority and religious legitimacy.
This creates conditions in which every group claims to hold absolute truth that must be defended, thus leaving very narrow space for compromise.
Furthermore, intra-religious rivalry can encompass socio-economic and political dimensions that strengthen identity boundaries.
In the Indonesian context, empirical evidence of intra-Islam tensions, such as those between Sunni and Shia communities in Madura, illustrates how theological differences, the mobilization of local actors, and state responses shape patterns of conflict and minority vulnerability (Rokhmad, 2.
Acknowledging intra-religious dimensions therefore enables a more holistic and nuanced analysis of religious conflict, particularly in relation to everyday institutional practices where religious authority, governance, and individual rights intersect.
While religious conflict in Indonesia is often discussed through large-scale communal tensions, recent scholarly work highlights that conflict and coercion may also manifest within everyday institutional settings, including in public schools where religious norms intersect with administrative authority and individual rights (Ruslan et al.
, 2.
Educational spaces can normalize subtle forms of religious coercion, shaping studentsAo Jurnal ASPIKOM.
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Ine Yudhawati.
Ana Nadhya Abrar.
Novi Kurnia lived experiences and social expectations (Ruslan et al.
, 2.
Situating conflict within the micro level of schooling helps connect these broader patterns of religion-based tension to concrete governance practices and everyday interactions that shape perceptions of religious expression, rights, and inclusion.
Within this institutional context, the alleged jilbab enforcement case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan.
Bantul, emerges as a particularly salient illustration of how religion-based conflict materializes within the educational sphere.
This case began with accusations that a new female student was forced to wear the jilbab, which allegedly triggered psychological distress and even depression.
The issue rapidly attracted public attention after being reported by the media and subsequently responded to by various state institutions as well as civil society organizations.
The case grew more complex because it involved numerous actors with differing interests and perspectives.
On one hand, the school sought to protect its reputation and rejected accusations of discrimination.
On the other hand, institutions such as ORI DIY and the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) argued that clarification and enforcement of the principle of freedom of religion and belief within education were Advocacy organizations such as Sarang Lidi also provided psychological assistance to the victim, reinforcing public narratives that the alleged coercion had inflicted serious psychological consequences.
This case was selected for three analytical reasons.
First, it represents a rights-based intra-religious conflict occurring within a formal public institution, where religious norms intersect directly with state administrative authority, making it an analytically compelling site (Carlson, 2.
Second, the SMAN 1 Banguntapan case generated rapid institutional responses and formal findings that provide a clear empirical anchor for mapping accountability claims and relational power among actors involved in the narrative construction.
Third, because the incident unfolded within a concentrated period of national online media attention, it is analytically suitable for examining how online news narratives distribute sentiment, privilege institutional voices, and marginalize less powerful perspectives Ai dynamics that media and conflict scholars identify as central to understanding how media shape conflict discourses and public opinion (Kaur & Arora.
These characteristics position the SMAN 1 Banguntapan case as a strategic empirical site for analyzing the role of media in shaping public understanding of religious coercion in institutional contexts.
At the same time, research on the relationship between media and religious conflict has shown that media can play a dual role, either as a driver of escalation or as a medium for deescalation.
Syas .
, for instance, in his study of IndonesiaAeMalaysia conflict coverage, revealed that the construction of media reality strongly influences audience perceptions of conflicting parties.
Similarly.
Hutahean & Lase .
, in their study on framing of armed conflict in Nduga, emphasized that media outlets which fail to adopt principles of peace journalism tend to highlight one side while ignoring peaceful solutions.
In the context of intra-religious conflict.
Suwarno .
underlined the importance of inter-party communication as an alternative resolution mechanism that is more sustainable than formal mediation alone.
However, the majority of these studies concentrate on message content or inter-actor communication strategies, rather than on temporal patterns of reporting and sentiment distribution that can provide quantitative insights into the dynamics of issues in the media.
The broader literature on media and conflict emphasizes that the media do not merely reflect events, but also function as producers of social meaning.
Word choice, thematic focus, and the prominence given to certain actors all shape the direction of public discourse Jurnal ASPIKOM.
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Sentiment analysis and actor mapping in media coverage of the forced hijab case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan on conflict.
Nuswantoro .
, for example, showed that the media often fall into the logic of the bandwagon effect, in which they tend to follow dominant narratives that reinforce polarization instead of offering peaceful alternatives.
In the Banguntapan case, this is particularly relevant because media outlets are likely to emphasize the confrontation between the school institution and parties opposing the jilbab coercion, rather than creating space for inclusive dialogue.
Santosa .
argued that balanced reporting can prevent accusations of propaganda and open broader avenues for reconciliation.
The SMAN 1 Banguntapan case is important to study not only because of its sensitivity but also because of its position as a representation of broader tensions: the clash between individual freedom and institutional norms grounded in certain religious interpretations.
Within the media context, coverage of this case becomes an arena where framing, source selection, and reporting tone can all influence public opinion.
Considering the high intensity of coverage and the large number of actors involved, analyzing media content becomes particularly relevant to uncover how this issue was constructed in the public sphere.
This study seeks to map how online media in Indonesia framed the alleged jilbab enforcement case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan, with a specific focus on sentiment analysis of coverage and the identification of actors involved in the reporting.
From the perspective of LederachAos .
conflict transformation framework, conflict is not merely viewed as a problem to be solved but as an opportunity to reshape social relations in a sustainable Media coverage, therefore, can be read not only as a report of events but also as a site of meaning-making that affects social predispositions and inter-actor relations.
The findings of this study are expected to enrich the literature on media sentiment toward intra-religious conflict, while also providing input for the development of more inclusive educational policy.
Method This research departs from the content analysis approach within the framework developed by Klaus Krippendorff .
Content analysis is understood as a systematic effort to interpret media messages in an objective and replicable manner.
In the context of this study, the primary objective is to map the distribution of sentiment in news coverage and to identify the dominant actors related to the case of jilbab enforcement at SMAN 1 Banguntapan.
The units of analysis were established at three levels.
First, the sampling unit, namely news articles selected from online media in accordance with the peak period of the issue between July 31 until August 7, 2022, as identified through Google Trends mapping.
Second, the recording unit, consisting of specific textual elements such as words, phrases, mentions of actors, and the tone of coverage, which were categorized as positive, negative, or neutral.
Third, the contextual unit, referring to paragraphs or entire articles that serve as interpretive frames for understanding the meaning of each textual element.
The stages of analysis were carried out sequentially in line with KrippendorffAos .
six steps.
The process began with unitizing, namely the formation of data units based on articles relevant to the case.
This was followed by sampling, which involved selecting reports published during the period of heightened public attention to the jilbab enforcement issue, ensuring that the processed data genuinely represented the dynamics of news coverage.
The next stage was coding, which consisted of encoding the key elements of the text, such as the actors mentioned, the central themes, and the sentiment direction.
The results of coding were then simplified through data reduction so that initially dispersed information became more structured within particular categories.
Jurnal ASPIKOM.
Vol.
10 No.
P-ISSN: 2087-0442.
E-ISSN: 2548-8309
Ine Yudhawati.
Ana Nadhya Abrar.
Novi Kurnia Subsequently, we proceeded to the stage of drawing inferences, namely formulating conclusions regarding how the media represented actors, constructed sentiment, and framed the case.
Finally, the stage of analysis was undertaken to identify broader patterns, such as inter-actor relations, tendencies toward dominant narratives, and the implications of reporting directions on public opinion.
Through these stages, the study sought to maintain validity and reliability by applying consistent categorization and testing coherence across To enhance methodological transparency, sentiment was coded using a deductiveAe operational scheme adapted from established media sentiment studies.
Each news article was assigned a dominant sentiment categoryAipositive, negative, or neutralAibased on the overall evaluative tone conveyed in headlines, leads, and the main body of the text (Liu, 2020.
Kaur & Arora, 2.
An article was coded as negative when it predominantly employed lexical markers indicating coercion, violation, discrimination, psychological harm, or conflict escalation .
, forced, violated, intimidated, bullied, discriminator.
Articles were coded as positive when they emphasized reconciliation, protection, resolution, policy clarification, or conflict mitigation .
, protection, guidance, settlement, reconciliation.
Reports were classified as neutral when they primarily delivered factual descriptions without explicit evaluative language or normative judgment, focusing on administrative procedures or chronological reporting of events.
This procedure allowed each article to be categorized according to its dominant framing orientation rather than isolated words, thereby ensuring analytical consistency and interpretive coherence across Results and Discussion Conflict is an unavoidable part of social life, yet it does not always have to be addressed through confrontation.
The conflict transformation approach emphasizes that conflict can in fact become a component of social change and development, with its primary aim being to build constructive relationships among parties and to create structures that sustain longterm peace (Habibi, 2.
For this reason, sustainable non-violent strategies are needed to explore the root causes of problems, utilizing information and communication technology (ICT) as an important tool in fostering peaceful conditions.
One of these strategies is through the mediation of mass media, in this case online news coverage.
Within the tradition of journalism, conflict is often positioned as the very core of news values.
This stems from the assumption that news must present something unusual, surprising, or deviating from daily routines.
Consequently, events laden with tension, disputes, and violence more easily meet the criteria of newsworthiness compared to narratives of peace and stability.
As Ibrahim & Nguru .
noted, mass media frequently develop by relying on conflict because of its capacity to provoke audience emotions, mobilize public opinion, and increase the attention of readers, viewers, and listeners.
This tendency aligns with the logic of the media industry, which operates on the principle of commodifying attentionAithe more dramatic a conflict, the greater the potential of its coverage to be consumed by the public.
As a result, positive news or stories emphasizing coexistence and peace are often submerged, as they do not offer the same degree of AusurpriseAy as chaos or tragedy.
Thus, framing patterns that focus on conflict not only reflect editorial choices but also reveal the structural relationship between media, market, and audience.
In the context of the hijab enforcement issue, the media tended to highlight confrontations between actors and the escalation of tension rather than providing space for discourses of resolution or reconciliation.
Jurnal ASPIKOM.
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P-ISSN: 2087-0442.
E-ISSN: 2548-8309
Sentiment analysis and actor mapping in media coverage of the forced hijab case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan Analysis of News Theme Categories Thematic analysis of the coverage shows that the issue of jilbab enforcement at SMAN 1 Banguntapan was most frequently reported through public and organizational reactions .
, followed by responses from the Government of DIY and Sultan HB .
, and investigations and findings .
Meanwhile, aspects concerning the condition of the victim and her family .
, sanctions and deactivation .
, and school clarification .
occupied smaller proportions.
In total, 72 news articles were analyzed.
Table 1.
Distribution of News Topics on the Jilbab Enforcement Issue .
ource: data analysi.
Range of Topics Public and Organizational Reactions Government of DIY and Sultan HB Responses Investigations and Findings Condition of Victim and Family Sanctions and Deactivation School Clarification Total Reports Number of Reports The dominance of news coverage concerning public and organizational reactions demonstrates that the media are more interested in highlighting the dimension of symbolic conflict rather than narratives of peace.
This aligns with LederachAos findings that social predispositions in conflict are often shaped by media framing, which tends to emphasize controversy over coexistence.
The media, instead of serving as a space for reflection, exaggerate public emotional responses, thereby reinforcing identity polarization.
For instance, the pro-hijab group is positioned as the guardian of majority morality, while those who oppose coercion are portrayed as rejecting religious values.
This form of polarization is also found in the study of Nwigwe et al.
in Nigeria, where coverage about the hijab triggered divisions within religious communities.
The large proportion of news related to government responses indicates how this issue was immediately drawn into the sphere of political authority and cultural symbols (Sultan HB as a local figur.
This represents the early stage of conflict transformation according to Lederach .
, namely social predispositions involving formal institutions.
The governmentAos swift response can be interpreted as a form of institutional Auacknowledgment of wrongdoing,Ay serving as an entry point for the process of relational healing.
However, if the response remains merely administrative, without transformative communication, then the potential for shifting toward more inclusive social relations becomes limited.
Meanwhile, investigation and findings .
function as a space of reframing.
The investigative process opens possibilities for the emergence of alternative narratives that not only assign blame but also unravel structural factors, such as the practice of selling uniforms that included the hijab.
In accordance with Lederach, this stage may serve as a Aucommunicative spaceAy that enables the public to understand conflict not simply as a clash of religious values, but as an issue of rights and social justice.
The number of reports concerning the condition of victims and families .
remains relatively small, revealing the marginalization of victimsAo voices in the public Yet the literature on conflict transformation emphasizes the importance of Jurnal ASPIKOM.
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Ine Yudhawati.
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Novi Kurnia recognizing victimsAo suffering as an initial step toward reconciliation.
The minimal representation of victims risks keeping the conflict at the symbolic level, rather than advancing it toward a transformative stage.
Furthermore, topics on sanctions and deactivation .
as well as school clarifications .
reflect short-term institutional responses.
Lederach .
reminds us that administrative solutions alone are insufficient to establish sustainable peace.
Collaborative negotiation is required, involving local actors, parents, and students, in order to build shared consensus.
Otherwise, sanctions remain reactive measures and carry the risk of generating new conflicts.
Overall, the distribution of thematic coverage underlines that the media tend to frame the issue by stressing conflict and public reactions, rather than highlighting the dimension of relational healing.
Yet, as demonstrated in LederachAos studies, conflict transformation requires a shift from polarized narratives toward spaces of dialogue, collaborative negotiation, and peace consolidation.
Analysis of Actor Categories in News Coverage From the mapping of actors appearing in the coverage of the hijab coercion case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan, it is evident that the dominance of media narratives was directed toward educational institutions and local government.
SMAN 1 Banguntapan/Bantul accounted for the largest share .
08%), followed by the Education.
Youth, and Sports Office (Disdikpor.
DIY with 17.
This position indicates that the media more frequently highlighted institutions directly involved or holding structural authority in handling the At the middle level, actors such as teachers .
97%), the Governor of DIY Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X .
55%), the Ombudsman DIY .
98%), as well as the Ministry of Education and Culture .
3%) appeared with considerable significance.
Meanwhile, other actors such as the Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI), the school principal.
DPRD DIY, local government, parents of students, civil society organizations (CSO.
Commission X DPR RI, alumni, and the Regional Secretary of DIY occupied smaller shares.
Interestingly, the presence of CSOs, including Aliansi Masyarakat Peduli Pendidikan Yogyakarta (AMPPY).
Setara Institute, and Yayasan Sekretariat Anak Merdeka Indonesia (SAMIN), demonstrates that this issue also received serious attention from advocacy groups outside the government structure.
Table 2.
Mapping of Actors in News Coverage .
ource: data analysi.
News Actors Frequency Percentage SMAN 1 Banguntapan / SMAN 1 Bantul Disdikpora DIY / Education Office Teachers Sultan HB X Ombudsman DIY Ministry of Education and Culture KPAI Female students .
s victims/objects of the cas.
Principal of SMAN 1 Banguntapan Jurnal ASPIKOM.
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Sentiment analysis and actor mapping in media coverage of the forced hijab case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan News Actors Frequency Percentage DPRD DIY Government of DIY Parents of female students Civil Society Organizations Commission X DPR RI Alumni of SMAN 1 Banguntapan Regional Secretary of DIY Total Mentioned The dominance of institutional and governmental actors in the coverage of the Banguntapan case carries important societal implications.
When media narratives prioritize formal authorities over affected individuals, public understanding of conflict tends to be shaped through a top-down lens that emphasizes administrative legitimacy rather than lived experience.
Such framing patterns can normalize institutional perspectives as the primary source of Autruth,Ay thereby narrowing the discursive space for empathy, restorative dialogue, and reconciliation.
Research in media and conflict communication demonstrates that authority-centered framing may escalate symbolic conflict by reinforcing power asymmetries and legitimizing exclusionary interpretations, while simultaneously weakening narratives of conflict transformation and social healing (Wolfsfeld, 2018.
McLaughlin, 2.
Consequently, this type of coverage risks sustaining polarization rather than facilitating resolution.
The prominence of schools and governmental institutions in the media is not accidental but reflects structural news values and journalistic routines that privilege official sources.
Institutional actors possess formal authority, bureaucratic legitimacy, and routine access to press channels, making them more readily available and AucredibleAy within journalistic In contrast, victims and civil society organizations often lack similar access, institutional power, or media literacy resources, resulting in their marginalization in news This asymmetry is consistent with findings that mainstream news production tends to rely heavily on elite sources, thereby amplifying dominant power structures while silencing subaltern perspectives (Carlson, 2020.
Wahl-Jorgensen, 2.
As a result, institutional voices become central in defining the meaning and moral boundaries of the The dominance of institutional actors also implies that public sentiment toward the Banguntapan case was likely shaped through frames that emphasized regulation, authority, and administrative order rather than emotional harm or relational injustice.
When schools and government agencies are foregrounded, conflict is framed as a matter of procedural correction instead of human suffering, potentially reducing public sensitivity to victimsAo experiences.
Studies on framing effects demonstrate that institutional framing significantly influences how audiences attribute responsibility, assign blame, and evaluate moral legitimacy in conflict situations (Entman, 1993.
Chong & Druckman, 2007.
Lecheler & de Vreese, 2.
In this sense, the prominence of institutional actors in the coverage does not merely reflect the structure of the news but actively contributes to shaping public interpretations and emotional responses toward the conflict.
In Indonesia, the practice of enforcing dress norms within educational institutions, for Jurnal ASPIKOM.
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This issue reveals that religious conflict does not always manifest in large public arenas but can also penetrate into private spaces such as schools, families, and even small communities.
Consequently, the analysis of religious conflicts must take into account a multi-level contextAihow theological differences, social relations, and political interests intersect and interact.
Such a conceptual framework is crucial to understanding the jilbab coercion case, which is not only about religious belief but also extends to questions of human rights, gender, and power relations in society.
Analysis of News Tone The distribution of news tone demonstrates the dominance of negative sentiment .
reports or the majorit.
, which generally contained words/nuances of coercion, rights violations, discrimination, intolerance, criticism, and stigma.
Positive tone was recorded in 18 reports, emphasizing support for regulations, religious values, discipline, or proposals for reconciliatory solutions.
Meanwhile, only 5 reports were categorized as neutral, mostly administrative in nature and descriptive of events.
The dominance of negative tone indicates that the media framed the hijab case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan as a problem of social conflict that accentuated violations of rights and intergroup tensions.
From LederachAos .
perspective, this pattern represents the polarization phase, in which public narratives are dominated by the dichotomy of values between individual freedom and normative religious rules.
Figure 2.
Distribution of News Sentiment .
ource: data analysi.
This tendency can also be understood through the media framing framework (Entman, 1.
, which operates by highlighting aspects of contention while marginalizing the potential for reconciliation narratives.
By emphasizing the negative, the media contributes to strengthening public perceptions that this conflict is a manifestation of intolerance and structural discrimination.
This aligns with Nuswantoro .
, who noted that such media reporting further exacerbates conflict, as if affirming individualsAo prejudices against others.
Instead of functioning as a neutral communication channel, the media appeared more as an actor shaping public perceptions and opinions, with a tendency to underscore the negative.
Furthermore, the dominance of negative tone can be linked to findings from the psychology of social conflict.
As argued by Shamoa-Nir and Razpurker-Apfeld .
, intergroup conflicts often generate negative psychological repertoires such as prejudice, hostile attitudes, and bias toward outgroups.
Media, through its reporting practices, reinforces ingroup-outgroup bias, wherein high-status groups .
n this context, educational institutions and governmen.
tend to defend their normative positions, while low-status groups .
ictims/student.
occupy a more vulnerable and marginalized position.
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Sentiment analysis and actor mapping in media coverage of the forced hijab case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan Thus, media coverage does not merely report events but also helps shape the dynamics of conflict through patterns of negative representation.
Instead of fostering reframing toward transformation (Lederach, 2.
, the media potentially prolongs the conflict cycle by reiterating hard narratives of contention.
In addition to analyzing news tone, we also examined the vocabulary used by the media in reporting this case.
Identifying vocabulary is important because word choice not only represents media attitudes but also shapes public perceptions of the conflict.
Table 3.
Positive Vocabulary with the Highest Frequency .
ource: data analysi.
Vocabulary (Positiv.
Freq.
Vocabulary (Positiv.
Freq.
Pendidikan (Educatio.
Perlindungan (Protectio.
Penyelesaian (Settlemen.
Menjamin (Guaranteein.
Pengawasan (Supervisio.
Menenangkan (Calmin.
Kondusif (Conduciv.
Mendorong (Encouragin.
Disiplin (Disciplin.
Klarifikasi (Clarificatio.
Pendampingan (Accompanimen.
Rekonsiliasi (Reconciliatio.
Kebijakan (Polic.
Pencegahan (Preventio.
Komunikasi (Communicatio.
Ae Ae We identified that the most frequently occurring positive vocabulary items were pendidikan .
, penyelesaian .
, pengawasan .
, disiplin .
, and pendampingan .
These lexical choices embody an institutional discourse that highlights both normative and solutionoriented dimensions, including protection, policy, communication, and reconciliation.
They reveal the presence of terms that stress resolution and social stability, although their overall proportion is much smaller compared to vocabulary with negative connotations.
The predominance of the word pendidikan, for example, illustrates that media coverage still tends to frame this case within an institutional narrative, rather than addressing it purely as an issue of individual rights violations.
Such a tendency is not surprising, as educational institutions serve as normative arenas that act as reference points for resolving social disputes.
However, the dominance of pendidikan also carries the implication of reducing the lived experiences of the victims into what seems like a mere component of school administration problems.
Other words, including penyelesaian, rekonsiliasi, and pendampingan, indicate the existence of discursive spaces for peace-oriented narratives, though their prominence remains weak in intensity.
The use of such vocabulary functions as a symbolic mediator, one that has the potential to redirect public perception away from polarization and toward dialogue.
Yet, because their frequency and proportion remain minimal, these positive narratives are ultimately overshadowed by the dominance of negative vocabulary.
Consequently, even though solution-oriented discourse does emerge in some instances, media outlets appear to contribute more extensively to the construction of conflict than to the facilitation of Jurnal ASPIKOM.
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Negative Vocabulary with the Highest Frequency .
ource: data analysi.
Vocabulary (Negativ.
Freq.
Vocabulary (Negativ.
Freq Pemaksaan (Forcin.
Menampik (Denyin.
Pelanggaran (Violatio.
Menjamin (Guaranteein.
Bertentangan (Contradictor.
Trauma (Traum.
Penonaktifkan (Deactivatio.
Terintimidasi (Intimidate.
Mengadukan (Reportin.
Penderitaan (Sufferin.
Mewajibkan (Obligatin.
Dipojokkan (Cornere.
Masalah (Proble.
Menyalahi (Violatin.
Perundungan (Bullyin.
Ae Ae Conversely, the negative vocabulary is far more dominant, with strikingly high frequencies, such as pemaksaan .
, pelanggaran .
, bertentangan .
, penonaktifan .
, perundungan .
, and masalah .
These are further reinforced by stigma-laden and sufferingrelated terms such as menjatuhkan, trauma, terintimidasi, and dipojokkan.
The dominance of such negative vocabulary illustrates how the media framed the jilbab coercion case in Banguntapan not as a mere matter of administrative policy differences, but as a serious The placement of pemaksaan and pelanggaran at the very top emphasizes that public discourse is directed toward a logic of criminalization and human rights violation.
Consequently, the issue is not perceived as a normative controversy but as a manifestation of structural injustice.
The appearance of terms like perundungan, trauma, and terintimidasi further reinforces the perception that the victims are in a vulnerable position and suffer significant psychological harm.
Thus, negative vocabulary functions as a symbolic marker that sharpens the dichotomy between the dominant actor .
he school institutio.
and the subordinated actor .
he female student victi.
In contrast to the mere distribution of tones, vocabulary analysis uncovers the linguistic mechanisms of framing.
The deliberate choice of pemaksaan instead of a neutral term such as Auuniform regulation,Ay for instance, shifts the meaning from administrative policy toward a rights violation.
This supports the thesis that framing operates at the micro-level through the choice of diction (Entman, 1993.
Reese, 2.
Such words become Auconflict markersAy that shape public perception, positioning the jilbab case as a symbol of domination and discrimination, rather than a mere technical matter of school policy.
Moreover, negative vocabulary strengthens the bias between ingroups and outgroups.
As Shamoa-Nir and Razpurker-Apfeld .
argue, intergroup prejudice can be triggered by linguistic cues that emphasize identity separation.
In this context, words such as terintimidasi and dipojokkan construct an image that non-hijab students occupy a vulnerable position, whereas the school institution stands as the dominant party.
This vocabulary fosters a Aunegative psychological repertoireAy that nurtures suspicion and resistance between groups.
However, on the other side, the presence of positive vocabulary creates an opening for reframing in the sense articulated by Lederach .
Words such as pendidikan, rekonsiliasi, and pendampingan may function as entry points toward conflict transformation, as they signal the existence of discursive spaces for peaceful solutions.
This resonates with the approach of peace journalism (Lynch & McGoldrick, 2.
, which emphasizes the constructive use of language to shift public discourse from polarization toward dialogue.
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Sentiment analysis and actor mapping in media coverage of the forced hijab case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan Therefore, while the distribution of sentiments reflects the general tone of news coverage, the analysis of vocabulary reveals how concrete lexical choices serve as framing devices: shaping stereotypes, reaffirming power relations, and at the same time opening or closing the possibilities for conflict transformation.
In addition, the mapping of actors in news coverage indicates that the media placed educational institutions such as SMAN 1 Banguntapan, as well as regional government actors such as the Dinas Pendidikan.
Pemuda, dan Olahraga (Disdikpor.
DIY, at the center of attention.
As a result, the voices of victims, the female students and their parents, tended to be marginalized, revealing that the media positioned this conflict as primarily an institutional problem rather than an issue of the victimsAo personal experience.
The use of negative vocabulary such as pemaksaan .
and pelanggaran .
also played a key role in shifting the meaning of the case from a matter of administrative policy to one of serious rights violations.
Conclusion This study concludes that Indonesian online media framed the alleged jilbab coercion case at SMAN 1 Banguntapan primarily as a social conflict, emphasizing human rights violations, intergroup tensions, and polarized narratives rather than reconciliation or relational restoration.
Media coverage was dominated by negative sentiment and centered largely on institutional and governmental actors, while the voices of victims and civil society organizations were marginalized.
This pattern indicates that news reporting positioned the conflict mainly as an administrative and political issue, rather than as a lived social and psychological experience.
These findings highlight how media framing may normalize exclusionary discourses and shape public perceptions of intolerance in religion-related school controversies.
Although this study is limited to online news coverage within a specific temporal frame, it contributes to a deeper understanding of media sentiment in intra-religious conflict.
Future research should expand the analysis to social media platforms and explore the application of conflict-sensitive and peace journalism approaches to foster more restorative and inclusive reporting practices in educational settings.
Acknowledgements The authors would like to express sincere gratitude to the Department of Communication Science.
Universitas Gadjah Mada, for providing valuable academic support and scholarly guidance throughout this research.
Special thanks are extended to the supervisor for insightful direction and constructive feedback, as well as to the research assistant for their dedicated contributions in data collection and analysis.
References