Socratesand Suhrawardi: Historical Affinities? RoxanneD. Marcotte cAA Jl_e d-_ 1>a>.)'t <-' ou) f a4 O cS>jj <-:' ct :)t ,ll ,|-,i o-* ;l-e oq rt Ltj- Jts f 1-111 pte U Lt;o- .g.)){-.. \ \ 1\ eb dtf Lj! I t a 4--j t-:te a;jJl ,]! .sri 6j-Jl ---!r ,uKi!r, c-trl t-a".1u.}y*tJ ,: d a-tLaJrJot3lr .gr,t-J.ii: A l-b4i 0r-i.l:4 l;"-.b ,t e-l)\:ryl r"f rr! e---=- ql '.' t.6-+ dt-i ei)L-:*Yl dJ-Ji ,y C)l 'k t+--...If ;t* 0f LJ ."t -:!t a4j>.;." u:53 ,..rIjt+ t-6J(J 4{G c-#jf .a'-[-'1- g;iJl Jr-+l +-..--*taJ. iS* t+i, .--r(, I ,riJ' btja Je-"4 k-.u.:*: ,:-tt ,+*,Jt ct L.f ,;;-r.alJt ;tr*:-Yt * JlV .-- t_lldJ-J! J ;-Ut ;rl;JltC JLg oJrj ."r.-!t uJ- Jl Jl-J 1+A J-. .cl--i'Yt z 3s -t-5Jl bl ,t- J-.*lJ e+--.[t eU! 1.r.:.:-tbt j* Ji t^f ;^71.,Jt..l Ji / giJr (+utt) +*Yt C.:+tJJJI J1t-4 ijlri:-yt l.:---hJl,f *".1\: ^t-^,t) ilU*Jl ff d)l ;re a;";Lt Al-lami'nh,Vol. 40,No. 1,January- June2002 Afinttirs? andsuhrnzoatdi:Histoical RoxanneD. Marcotte,socrntes bt i-,. ,A: ,J L{-+ .j-r-" r-J e+-tr "-l)-:*) J'eig;:.1l9lty v\s 4-lrJ Jt-f a..J.*34'l qSjJl .b,A-,' Ca | ,-. ;2 -;Al 6+tlt .rii=t JEII lj,o J1tal .:j_-^It L-6er+Jl,Jyjl Abstrak socrates(46g-3ggsM)dan suhrawardi (m. 1191M) hidup di dua dunia yang sangat berbeda, baik secara waktu, tempat, budaya mauPun kepercayaanyang ada disekitar mereka. Perbedaanitu iuga mempunyai konsekuensi pada perbedaan hidup dan pemikiran mereka. walaupun demikian, anehnya,merekamempunyai kesamaan.Kesamaanmerekaadalah pada upaya mereka untuk menyingkap hakekat sesuatu. sedangkan i"ru*uur,yang lain adalahbahwa hidup merekasalna-samaberakhir secara tragis. Socratesyang tidak pemah menulis aPaPun,terkenal dengan metode alJettitcanya. Dialektika Socrates,sebagai uPaya investigasi kritis, adalah sarana untuk menjangkau hakekat sesuatu di luar kepercayaanumum saat itu. Dengan dialektika, socrates berusaha untuk melawan hegemoni kaum ugu-u*un dan masyarakat Athena saat itu yang acuh dengan kebenaran' D;enganmengenalkan penalaran induktil Socratesmencoba menyingkap hakekat universal tentang Tuhary tentang keadilan dll' suhrawardi, di pihak lain, mempunyai tujuan yang sama dengan socrates, tapi dengan metode yang berbeda.Misteri tentang perbedaan dalam kesamaaninilah yang akan disingkap dalam artikel ini. 1 BCE)and Suhrawardi(d.5S7 / 119I)belong ocrates(b.ca. 46g-d,.3gg to two different worlds, separated by time, place, culture' and beliefs. It is difficult to believe that men whose personalities, lives and thoughts were so different can share something in common' tltwould havebeen impossible to completethis articlewithout a FCAR Postdoctoral Researcherat the Fellowship (Quebec Government) and a yeir of residency as visiting de Rechercheen Franqais Institut the University oiTehran, Department of Philosophy and Al-lam{ah,Vol.40,No. L,January- Iune 2002 Dr. RoxanneD. Marcotte,Socrates andSuhrazaardi: HistoicnlAffrnities? Athens certainly provided an "agora" for socrates,while suhrawardi resorted to the patronage of local rulers in R0m and sham. socrates,who never wrote anything, was a man of the "dialogue" - the founder of the "art" of dialectical cross-examination,what has come to be known as the Socratic"maieutic."' Suhrawardi's "att" - if one may call it so - was, on the one hand, discursive (baf,thilya) and, one the other hand, the result of mystical intuition (dhawgt/ya).' But Suhrawardi proposesno similar Socratic maieutic,unlessone is willing to takeinto considerationsomeof Suhrawardi's short mystical and allegorical treatises,such as his Rtizib6/amdht-iSartydn, Iran, IFRL Special thanks go to Dr. seyyed Musa Dbadj, organizer of the conference Srrates, Pltilosopher of Dialogue and to Prof. Emeritus Hermann Landolt for having generously provided us with a copy of his paper "suhrawardi between Philosophy, Sufism and Ismailism: A Re-appraisal" which was read at Zanian University for the International Congress on suhrawardi fulylAug. 2fi)1 and which is forthcoming in Danqhnameh (Tehrary lran). 'fhe man and his thought are known through the works of others, cf. primary sources: Plato, Apologltz of Soqatsin rhe Dtalogaes ofPlato, trans. by Benjamin jawett, with The,kventlt Lette4trans.J. Harward (1952),vol.5 of TheGrcatBooksofthe weten world, ed. in chief Robert McHenry (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc., 1996),as well as the Criton, Phedon, Protagoras, Hippias, Phedre, and The Banque! cf. Aristophanes, Clouds; cf. Xenophon , Apology of sooaAs and The Banguef, cf. Diogene Laerce, hfq Doctines and,funtences of rllusfrious Philosophen,Il; cf. studies: olof Gigon, fukrats, ren Bildin dtaftng und c,wlrchte(Bem: Francke, 1947);cf. N. Gulley, The philosophy of socrates (London: MacMillan; New York st. Martin's Press, 1.968);cf. v. de MagarhiesVilhena, LePtobldmedeSosate:IeSosatehistongueetleSosatedePlaton(Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1952);cf . w. K. c. Guthrie, A rristory of Gteek philosophszvol. lll, ITteFifth Centuy EnlryIttuunent(Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,1969), 325-507*and 417-507for Soqates' philosophical significance. -Suhrawardi, I{tkmat al-Ishrig, in ldem, Oeuvres philosophiques et mystiques, vol' 2, ed. and intro. by Henry Corbin (reprint of 1952; Tdh6ran: Acad6mie Impdriale Iranienne de Philosophie ,/ Paris: Librairie Adrien Maisonneuve,l3gZ / 1977),9-260,er;p. 34,10.+11.1], [Hereafter, OPM, II]; d- ,9ohrawardi Le liwe dela agesre onentale. Kit6b Irtkmat al-Ishriq (with) Commentaira de Qolbddh Shinizf et MoIl6 Sadr6, trans. and notes Henry Corbin, ed. and intro. christian Janrbet (Paris: Verdier, 1986),85-90 [Hereafteq,Sagessel.For a recent English trarulation, cf. Suhrawardi, |he Phtlosohy of lltumtna: tion. A New Cntical Edia'on of the Text of l{tbnat allshriig, with English trans., notes, corrun. and intro. by John walbridge and Hossein ziai (Provo, utah: Brigham yound university Press, 1999);cf. Roxanne Marcotte, "Philosophical Reason versus Mystical Intuition - ShihAbal-Dftr Suhrawardi (d . 1197)," Anaguel de estudias draba z(1996): lCf,-126; cf. Idem, "M€taphysique n6oplatonicienne orientale et anthropologie philosophique (Avicenne et Sufuawardi)," rn Acta du XXVIIe Congres de lAssoaahon des Sociit& de Philosophie de Langue Frangaise:la mitaphystque son histoire, cntigue, enieux (Qudbec, 1&22ao0l 198)(Qu€bq: les pressesde l'Universit6 Laval / Paris: Librairie philosophique |. Vrin,20[o),79-f16. Al-lnnil'nh,Vol. 40,No. L,January- fune 2002 nnd Suhrnwnrdi:Histoical Affinities? RoxanneD. Marcotte, Socrntes as types of "dialogical" investigation into the essenceof reality.' Socrates'mission was one of critical investigation, a means to uncover, beyond corunon beliefs, the essenceof things. Reacting against the subterfugesof Sophistsunconcemedwith the truth, Socrates,accordingto Aristotle, introduced inductive reasoning to uncover universal essencesof etc.,by opposing particular examplesand questioningcomGod, of Justic_e, mon opinior,.'S.rhta*ardi's mission may presentsomeparallel with Socrates' aim to uncover universal essences,but the means to achieve this goal were completely different, since the discursive is at the service of the intuitive. In spite of these differences, both remained enigmas: Socratesfor Athenians and Suhrawardi for Aleppans. So why are they so easily associatedwith one another? This may be becausethey both faced a tragrc end. This has been the general intelpretation of the rapprochement that is often made between Socratesand Suhrawardi.'A closer look at the eventsthat surrounded their accusations and trials is necessaryto highlight some similarities: introduction of new ideas, conflict with the religions of Athens and Aleppo, and non-adherence to the officially recognized orthodoxy. They are perhaps brought together becauseSuhrawardi mentions Socratesby name and he gives him an important role to play in the history of the transmission of wisdom Qnkna|. More importantly, it must be emphasized that Suhrawardi's understanding of Socrates'place and role in the history of philosophy actually represents another chapter in the history of the interpretation of Greek thought, just tsuhrawardi Rfizi bE/an6'at-i Sfrllyin, in ldem, &uwe philosophigue et mysbQue, vol.3, ed. and intro. in Persian Seyyed Hossein Nasr, with French intro. Henry Corbin (reprint of. 1970; T6h6ran: Acad6mie Imp6riale Iranienne de Philosophie / Paris: Librairie Adrien Maisonneuve, 1396 / 1977),242-50 [hereafter, OPM, III]; cf. Idem, LArchange empourpri Qtnze traitds et r6ctls trad. du persan et de l'arabe parHenry Corbin (Paris:Fayard,,1976),267-7V;cf.Idem, ThePhilosoplaTalAllegonesand ' Mysfi'cal Tteatises.A Parallel Persian-English Text ed. and trans. with an intro. by W. M. Thackston(CostaMesa,CA:MazdaPub.,1999),33-42lareprintofSuhrawardi.TheMystical and Wstbnary Tteaabesof Shthabuddn YahyaSuhrawardi trans. W. M. Thackston (London: OctagonPress,1982)]; cf. Hermann Landolt, "Suhrawardi's "Talesof lnitiation," Review Article," ,loumal of the Anencan Onental Soctety 1,07(1987): 475-861. -Aristotle, Methaphisics, I,6and XIII,4 and Nicomacian Ethics,VI,3; T. Deman, Ze TdmotqnagedAnstotesurSocra,fe(Paris: Soci6t6d'Edition "Les Belles Lettres," 1942). ChristianJambetinhis introduction to Sohrawardi,,9agessq53;cf.John Walbridge, 7he Leaven of theAncients. Suhrawardiand thellentage of the Grceks(Albany,NY: State University of New York Press,2000),201. Al-fmi' ah,Vol.40,No. 1,January- June2002 Dr. RoxanneD. Marcotte, Socrates and Suhrawardi:Histoicnl as interesting and important as Nietzsche'sor Heidegger,sinterpretations of Socrates. The sociopolitical context of the Accusations and the Trials The drama of socrates' trial (in 399 BCE) comesto life inplato,s ApoIogy.'A recent study shedsnew light on the legal, cultural, and historical contexts of Socrates' trial, refusing to view Socratesas merely ironical (and thus insolent towards the jurors) and inviting his own condemnation (thus indifferent to the legal outcome of the trial), since there were no supplication and no fearful humility that might have eamed him the iurors, *L..u.t The sociopolitical context of Athens at the beginning oi trr" s" c. gig certainly provides the stageon which socrates'executionwas played: the end of the Peloponnesian war, the bloody episode of the Thhty Tyrants, and the reestablishment of democracy. Although Socrateshad served the city by participating in its nurnerous campaigns and as one of the presidents of the Assembly at the time of the triatof ihe generalsof the Arginusae Isles and courageously refused to put the illegal motion to the vote in spite of the fury of the multitude, he was still associatedwith Critias ind Alcibiades, who had belonged to his circle of friends, but who also personified the misfortunes of Athens. It did not matter that he had defied the orders"of the Thirty Tnants when they tried to implicate him in their misdeeds.- was socrates merely a scapegoatfor these recent events, or was it his refusal to acceptthe common opinion and his desire to view everything under a critical light, even Athenian democracy,its egalitarianism and its electoralprocessbasedon lot, that brought upon him the wrath of prominent Athenians? 'For socrates defense, cf. Plato, Apologst rza-24b2,24bg-30c1,30c1-35dg;and for his peroration,38c1,-39d9;39e140c3;40c442;s. plato's Apotogy(anearly dialogue) was w.rilten Ugfo-re_nis trip to Syracuse(ca.387) and during the first-decade foliowingSocrates, trial to which Plato was a witness (while Xenophon and Aristophanes were not-),cf. w. K. / f{tbtoty of Gteek phit^opqt io/. t( plato. ni uan and rrtb bungu"". 9. 9ytr1", Eadier (1975;Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University press, 19g6),53_4. lsnod -Thomas C. Bridkhouse and Nicholas D. smith, ,sirates on rliat (19g9; oxford: Clarendon Press,1990),vii. Rg!9 La -L^6gl Tenlee grrcq ue et ta ongznu de l,esprit rcien h.frque (p aris: Albin Michel, 1948),17&93;cf. N.G.L. Hammond and H.H.ftullard, Lhe Oxford ClassicalDicttonary {1970;Oxford: Clarendon Pres, 1979'1, 997-8s.v.,,Socrates.,, Al-lnru{ah,Vol.40,No. L,fanuary- fune 2002 Affinities? Historicnl andSufumoardi: RoxanneD. Marcotte, Socrntes similar observationsabout the sociopoliticalcontext of Aleppo between 1183and 1191.offer someinsight into Suhrawardi'stragic end. Aleppo had always resisted gahh al-Dn (d. 589 / 1193)more strongly than any the same year Suhrawardi arrived,'other city. Conquered n 579 / 1'1.83, further political unrest, at the hands threat of living under the city was still ef \fizari Isma,ilis whose stronghold was JabalAnqariyya (betweenAntioch and HamAh), the region West of Aleppo. Although they were vassalsof alMalik al-lAhn, tsmfi'?lis were not entirely submitted. Some attributed the to the IsmA'ilis.tt fire that damaged Aleppo's Great Mosque in 563 / 11,67-8 $ald\ al-Dn had also been the objegj of two assassinationattempts (570 / 1174and572 / 1176)at their hands." 1n572 / 117G7,they mounted a military expedition in the southwest of Aleppo; and in 575 / 1179-80,three yearsbefore Suhrawardi's arrival, N?ad agentswere sent tg Aleppo where they set fire to several locations in the city's market place.-The shi,i community of Aleppo constituted another cause for concem. The large Shi'i population had strongly resisted the opening of the first Sunni schools at the beginning of the century. Although Shi'is were tolerated by Nfir al-Dn Tangr (who ruled from 541 / 1146to 572 / 1176),n an attempt to counter unorthodox beliefs, the latter greatly encouragedthe revival of Sunnismby establishing at leastthree ShAf i madrasas,aF.Ianbalite and a Malikite hospices (zdwiya) and a number of convents (khdnqdh or dbei.'n fuss than nine years before Suhrawardi's arrival, Aleppo was the sceneofsectarianriotsbetween Sunnisand Shi'is.By the time of Suhrawardi's stay in Aleppo, animosity between the two communities had apparently toU. C. Lyons and D. E. P. ]ackson, fuIadin. The Potih:e of the IIoIy War(Canbridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982),773-200;R.Stephen Humplueys, From Saladinto tie Mongols. The Ayyubids of Damascus, 119&1250(Nbany, NY: State University of New Yo--rk,79m,25. "Nikita Eliss{eff, "Les monuments de N0r al-Dn. Inventaire, notes arch6ologiques et bibliographiques," Bultetin d6nde Orientalsl3 (1949-51):5-43,esp. 14. tbuit Ouftai, rhe Ismi'ilis (Cambidge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), "a 399. ttAor,"-Mu.i" Edd6,;'Une grande famille de shafiites al6pins, Les Banfi al-'Agami Revue du Monde Musulman et de Ia Militenan6e62 (79)l): 6l-71' siEcles," XIIe-XIIIe aux esp.64.,, ''Elisseeff, "Le monuments de NOr al-Din," 5-6,9'71',1.3,15;cf. H. A. R. Gibb, "The Careerof Nfrr al-Din," rn A llbtory of the Crusades,ed.K. M. Setton and M' W. Baldwin, 6 vols. (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), vol. 1 [entitled the First Hun dred Yearsl, 513-27. 6 Al-Jam{ah, Vol.40,No. 1,January- fune2002 Dr. RoxartneD. Marcotte,Socratesnnd Suhrauardi: HistoricnlAffini ties? decreased.Al-Malik al-?ahir's reign (after s9z / 1186)was marked by the distribution of patronage €unongall schoolsof jurisprudence, including the Imami shi'i,-- the establishment of a religious endowment on the newly completed shi'i Mashhad al-Husayn and his intercession with the ruler of Amia for the release of a shi'i genealogist.tt s"u*ir,gly shi'i connotations would not, therefore, have constituted a political or a social threa! since alMalik al-ZAhir adopted a conciliatory attitude towards the shi'is, a now tolerated minority. Aleppo also possessedits own indigenous aristocracy.predominantly shefi'i and Hanafi, the ulemas of Aleppo held important political positions: they were judges, teachers, and Imams. This indigenous aristocracy was still negotiating its religious authority with the new Ayyfrbid rulers who required their legitimizing acquiescence. In this case, the interests of the ruler and thoseof the leading sunni families mergea.tt ganl ar-Ddn'spolicy, however, favored shaf is through the removal from office of people who belonged to other schools of law. From then ory the grand gddibecomes a Shaf i. Feelingthreatenedby thesenew Shaf i nominations, the local F.Ianafi jurists'animosity may have increased against suhrawardi who, at least officially, belonged to the shef i school of jurisprudence and who may have benefited from this Ayyubid policy. Somehave argued that Sufis - like F.IaUai'Ayn aleud?At al-HamdAni or Suhrawardi - were always put to death for political reasons,rather than religious or,"r.tt Biographers do report suhrawardi's mystical inclination, ttO-avig Mgrray, An ASyubid Notable and I{ts Work. Ibn al-Adim and Aleppa as _ Portrayd tn lis Btbgraphical Dt'ctionary of Paple Associated en'th the City(Leiden: E. |. Br:ll, 1994),l3l, 132, 1.48;d. Sauvaget, "flalab," Encyclopedn of Islam,2nd ed., vol. 3 (1970),85a-90a,esp. 87a-b. -"According to Ibn'Adim, cf. Morray, An Ayyubid Notable 132 Roxanne D. Marcotte, "Suhrawardi al-Maqt0l, The Martyr of Alepp o,,, aleantara 22.2 (2ffi7):395419; cf. Anne-Marie Edd6, 'H6r6sie et pouvoir politique en syrie au XIIe sibcle:l'exdcution d'al-Suhrawardi enllg'[,," rn LaRehgion auiguei f'4poquemilEualeet modetne (chr6h'enti et islam). Actes du allogue organisd par Ie Cenne de recherche o"l{istoiresoctiJeetculturelledel'Occtdent XiI*Xn;sisle>i,deI'[.IniversitidepaiisXNantert'e et J'rtafitut uuuersitaire de France (Nanterrq 21-23jun 193) Extrait(Rome: A. Vauchez,1995),235-M. jlMonay, An Ayyubid Notable, 1234, lZ0. ' 'Marshal G. s. Hodgson, The &der of the Assassins. rTte struggle of the hrly Nr26tf rsmi'ilis Against the rslamic wodd (The Hague: Moutory 1955); cf. Carl Emsi, words of Extasy in sufrsm (Albany, NY: state University of New york press, 19g5). Al-lami'ah,Vol. 40,No. 1,January- June2002 7 andSuhrtantdi:HistoicalAfinities? RoxawreD. Marcotte,Socrates his harsh ascetic practices, even his execution of wondrous deeds, and his associationwith mysticr.toFo, Suhrawardi spiritual exercises(ny6(a) ate meansto accessdivine knowledge,even describingSufi practices(audition and remembrance of God's names) in such works as Safrr-i Sirnurglt and l{6lat al-TuftliSya." Socratesdid not share Suhrawardi's asceticismand Sufi inclinations, unless one is willing to consider Socrates' refusal to seek wealth and his refusal to receive money in return for his teaching (aswas customary at the time) as indications of some sort of mystical inclination or detachment of worldly affairs. But, Socrates'detachmentof worldly matter was probably more philosophical and intellectual than religious.- Socrates'care of the soul should be viewed in this light.ts Suhrawardi's Alleged Political Doctrine some have suggestedthat suhrawardi's tragic end is not alien to his attemptsto implement a "political doctrine" out of his "Illuminanve" (ishrAqfl philosophy which he would "have taught" to many leadersof the region.-toshuhr"ro.i, Nuzhatat-Arwaf; wa Rawdat al-Afreh fr Terflkh al-I{ukam6'wa aIFal^sifah,2 vol., ed. Kh0rshid A\mad (HaydarAbAd, 1976), vol. 2, 1?5; cf.Ibid', ed' ,Ali Abo Rayy6n (Alexandria: DAr al-Ma',rifa al-|ami'a,1.414 / 1993),605.Qulb Muhammad al-Dfnal-Shirid,sonof aphysicianof Shi€z whohadbeena disciple of Suhrawardi, later followed the teachings of two Sufi masters, one of them, Najib al*Din Buzghush al-Shirizi had also been one of Suhrawardi's disciples, cf. the introduction of Sayyid M. Mishkat in al-Dabb6/ (Tehran, l3I7s. / 1939 - 1320 / Qufb al-Dn shirAzl Durat al-frij li4hurat 7g42),vo1.1,J (iim)-G (qaQ(2t pp).At the time, suhrawardi would have been merely in hismid-twenties;cf.fohnWalbridge, ThekienceofMysh:calLrght' Qutbal'DltShiraziand the ilumhationist Ti,adifr'onin IslaaicPhilasophy(Cambridge: Harvard Center for Middle EastemStudie,1992\. "suhrawardi *nt-i S*rutg/r,in OPM, m, 31t1-32,cf. Idem , L'furhange 44942;cf.Idem, ThePhilosophicalAltegorioandMysfr'cal fieatires,97-105;cf. Suhrawardi cf.Idem, I- Archange empourpt6,392406;cf. Idem, I{6latal-luftit$ya,inOPM,III,252{6; fiea tirea 91''105. Mys hcal and Allegoria Ihe Phllosophical ct. Ibid.' 457'73Philosaphy,vol.3,467; of Gtek Alttbtory ]CuUnrie, 'Pluto, epology,{9d,and 30a; cf. the isceticism associatedwith the life of the soul found in Plato's Phaedo. 'nHosseit Ziai, "TlteSource and Nature of Authority: A Study of al-Suhrawardi's Illuminationist Political Doctrine ," in Ihe Political Aspec6 of lslamic Philasoph;z Essaysn I{onorof Muhsin S. Mahdied.Charles E. Butterworth (Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press,1992),294-334,322n.48;cf.Idem, "Al-Suhrawardi," Encyclopediaofklam, 2nd ed., vol.9 (7997):782a-7%b,esp.782a;cf. ]ohn Walbridge, "Politics, Plato's ,9eventh Epistle and the Failure of Suhrawardi's Political Ambitions," in ldem, the Leaven of the Anctents,201'-10. Vol.40,No. L,]anuary-June2002 Al-lnlni'nh, Dr. RoxanneD. Marcotte, Socrntes and Suhrawnrdi:HistoricalA History does not provide much clues, let alone proofs to support the claim that suhrawardi was an "advisor" to a number of local leaders and to alMalik al-76hir.E suhrawardi did gravitate around the powerful. seeking the favors of a patron or of his entourage was a corrunon practice for scholars of the time. This often led to the dedication of works to local rulers. Suhrawardi was indeed requested to write a sufiunary of the thoughts of the true sagesfor someone "deserving," most probably 'ImAd al-Dn Artuqid, the son of Qara Arslan.'" The Partri-nama may have been written for Rukn al-Drn sulayrnan s\3h (who ruled betweensg2 / ttgs to 600 / 1203), the son of Qelej Arslan.-' This certainly further incriminated Suhrawardi since salah al-Din had recently fought against the Artuqids before their submission into vassaldom. Although this fact is far from a proof that suhrawardi had any overt political activities, the question may certainly be raised as to why did someone who readily traveled to seek lcrowledge and live the life of a poor mystic*persist in attending the various local courts and that of alMalik al-Zdhk?One must, however, concede that Suhrawardi's works do contain elements that can easily have political implications. Suhrawardi establishes an ideal hierarchy of leadership (nydsa and khalffa) of which the earth is never devoid. An Imam fills the position of leadership, both spiritual and political, and he possesses divine knowledge. walbridge notes that Suhrawardi's project should not be viewed in light of Plato's idealistic politics of the Republic, but rather in terms of the Pythagorean and Neoplatonic notion of "divine men," that is, Suhrawardi's "diviniz ed" (muta,alhlt)rug"." This sage receives divine guidance and ultimately becomes the leader of, or the "pore" (gufb) for the community, whether he is present or absent.s The notion of pole alludes to the spiritual brotherhood of sufi readers who are said to secretly rule the world. This notion of pole is also --Ziai, "The Sourceand Nature of Authority," 338;cf. Walbri dge, TheLeaven of the Ancients, 208; cf . Marcotte, "Suhrawardi al-Maqt0l," 395419; cf. Nasr All6h pfrrjavAdi 'Imddi"," "Shaykh-i Ishr6q va Ta'lif-i n Ndmalt-yilqbiled. 'Ali DAvAd(Tehran: "Alwih-i IntishArAt-iHirmand, $n / D98), L-l'L;cf .Idem, "PartO-nimah va Tarjuma-yi Inglisi-yi An," Npshr-i D6rush, l6.t (1378/ 1999),55-63. 'osuhrawardi, Ahwih-i'Imidi in Idem, OPM, III, 1, 110.12-111.1. -'Nasr All6h POrjavddi, "Partfi-ndma va Thrjuma-yi Ingilisi-yi An ," tn Nasr-iD1nish 16.1(1379/ 1,999):50-63. -Walbridge, The Leaven of the Ancients,204-6. "Walbridge, 7he Leauenof the Anctents,209. -"Suhrawardi, I{tkmat a1-Ishri6g, 5, tL.12-1,2.13; cf. Idem, Sagesse,90-t. Al-fmi'ah, Vol. 40,No. L,fanuary- fune2002 Afinities? Historical nndSuhrawardi: RoxanneD. Marcotte,Socrates often identified with the hidden Imam of the Shi'i hadition and refers to his divine guardianship (wzl6ya).3tMo*orr"r, Suhrawardi alludes to a "maintainer of the book" (qdfml, an idea that, again, refers to the Shi'i Imams who are the maintainers of the revelation as the interpreters of the Qu'an (asmentioned in many shi'i hadiths).t' suhrawardi's divinely inspired Imam shares some aspectswith PLato'sidea of the philosopher-king and is reminiscent of Plato's attempt to reform Syracuseby instructing its tyrants rather than of Socrates' attempts at moral reformation of Athenians. The central aspect is here the divine and the connection the Imam is able to establish with the hidden world of light. The story reported by Ibn KhallikAn (d. 681 / 1?fl4 should, perhaps, be interpreted in this light. shaykh sayf al-Dn at-Amiai (d. 631 / 7233) reported that Suhrawardi, who at the time was in Aleppo, mentioned that "without doubt I will rule the earth" based on a dream in which he was drinking the water of the sea.Told that it might merely mean that he would attain fame through his knowledge, Suhrawardi rejected al-Amidi's interpretation." Did Suhrawardi really believe in his interpretation of the dream and attempt to counsel rulers in order to achieve his end and become the counselor of philosopher-kings? Or should one question the authenticity of this particular story written more than three quarters of a century l,aterand of which there is no earlier report? Mor€over, the Ism6'ili "Gt€at Resurrection' that was to bting a truly pure spiritual Islam had recently been proclaimed at Alamut (560 / 71,@). ttMrrhu*-"d'Ali Abff RayyAn, t'/qfiI al-Fata.h al-Ishr1giTa nda Shihib aIsuhnwardi(Cairo: Maktabat al-Anilff al-Mis.riyya, 1959),89-91.[Also to the Qarmatiyya, cf. Ibid^911. '?or irutance, in Kulayni's Uptl: Kttdb a|-fluiiat, identified by Henry Corbin' En isJamiranien,4 vols., - vol. 2- Sohrawatdietlesplatoru'a'aa de Pene(Pais: Gallimard, 1971,),?]n.22. "Ibn Khallikan (d. 5S1 / 1282), Wa.f6y,ital-A'yin wa Anb6'Abn6'al-Zamdn, d. IhsAn 'Abbas (Beirut DAr al-ThaqAfa,19fE),vol. 6,272; cf . Jbn KhalliikanS Biographcal Dktionary (Wafayit al-Afyin),4 vols., trans. Bn Mac Guckin de Slane (Paris: Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1843),vol. 4, 156;quoted inWalbidge, Zhe Leaven of theAnctenb,2}S. Sayf al-Dn al-Amidiwashimself dismissed from the chair he held atthemadrasa alrAziziyyaby al-Malik al-Ashraf, the Apnrbid rulerof Damascus,for having taught philosophy and theology, having evm been suspected of political tteTol, cf . Cail Brockelmann and Dominique Sourdel, "al-Amidi," Enqdopdia oflsJam,?nded-, vol. 1 (1960):434b;cf. Louis Pouzet, Damas au we ,DoIIesiMe. Weetstuctues rchgieurc dans une mCtropole islamigue(Beirut DAr al-Mashrig 1988),56 10 Al-lami'ah,Vol. 40,No. 1,January- June2002 Dt - RoxfrrneD. Marcofte,Socrates andSuhrawardi: HistoicalA\finities?. The ulamas of Aleppo and the Ayyobid rulers may have suspected suhrawardi of affiliation with these groups. In his al-Mas./t6ri, wa aIMu!6rafr6[ suhrawardi alludes to a secret key, a sort of secret writing of which he only provides a sample and which, ?fcording to Corbin, strongly resemblesthe secretalphabet of the fupf ilis.* Oddly enough, the ulamas of Aleppo did not, however, use this particular work against suhrawardi during his trial. In addition, despite suhrawardi's overt rejection of any transmigration of the soul, some of his statements on bodies (barzakft) are ambiguous and could support the opposite conclusion and thus echo an IsmA'ili stance(e.g.,al-Sijistani)." Possible Ism6'ili affinities must be counterbalanced by both the fact that no biographical work mention any association between Suhrawardi and the Bat?inis el lspf ilis and, more important, the fact that Suhrawardi adopts stancesthat are in opposition to Isma'ili doctrines. Suhrawardi,s appeal for independent judgment ($zhed is clearly in opposition to any IsmA'ili doctrine of exclusive direct spiritual instruction {ta.Iir?t)as proclaimed by Hasan-i $abbah.suhrawardi's identification of the Necessary Being with the Light of lights is incompatible with Isma,ili negative (apophatic) theology. And finally, in his Maq6m6t al-gtfisya, suhrawardi rejects beliefs he explicitly attributes to the Assassins.'oThe Assassins (fiashishisya),the local syrurr epithet given to the followers of Nizari branch of the Isma'ili,"' still presented a political threat for galah al-Din. Any suspicion of secret leanings towards shi'ism (interpreted as a Crypto-shi,ism) raised the specter of conversion to Nizari Isma'fism or BAtiniyya (CryptoIsma'ilism) during this period of social, political and religiorrs .r.nert.# ihi, threat may have weighed heavily in salah al-Din's decision to have asuhrawardi , al-Mashdn'wa al-Mut6rah61,in suhraward i, oeuurephilosophtgue et myshque, vol. 1.,ed. and intro. Henry Corbin (reprint of l94s; T6h6ian: aciaemie Imp6riale Iranienne de Philosophie / Paris: Librairie Adrien Maisonneuve,1296 / 1976), 193-506,esp. 194.12-195.2[Hereafter,opM,rl;cf. Ibid.,\2zs,s0s.12-6; cf. Corbin, Entblam tuantenr;t.2,21-2,22n.20; cf. Corbin's intro. to Suhrawardi OpM, II, ,27 n.Sg. --Landolt, "Suhrawardi's "Thlesof Initiation,,, Review Article,', 4g2b-4g5a.Orphics and Pythagoreans,it should be noted, also believed in transmigration of the soul. --suhrawardi, Kaltmatal-Tasawwuflor Maqimatal-stitfiyyal,ed., intro., and notes Emile Maalouf (Beirut DAr al-Mashriq, 7993),60.1. -'The term was used in a polemicaltract (al-Htdiiyatal4nnnyya) issued by the Caliph al-Amir against his Nizari opponents, cf. Bernard Lewis, ,,Hashishiyya,,' t.timig Encydopedt'a of Islam, 2nd ed., v ol. Z (1971), Z67b-268b,esp.26Tband 26g. --Morray, An Ayyubid Notable and His Work, 149. Al-ffmi'ah,Vol.40,No. 1.,January- )une2002 11 Histoical and Suhratoardi: RoxanneD. Marcotte, Socrates Suhrawardi executed.t' The Religious context - orthodoxy, Heresy (zandaga) official Religion, and Accusations against Socrates The religious context provides further insight into similarities between Socrates'and Suhrawardi'stragic ends.Threegoodcitizensdenounced Socratesas an impious Athenian, an accusationthat led to the belief that he was ,,areligious,"perhapson accountof Aristophane;' portrayal of an atheist Socrates,and for which the.ydemanded his death.-"Three formal charges were laid againstSocrates."The first chargewas that he did not recognize the gods that the state recognized.Implicit in this accusationwere charges of atheism (although no law against atheism aPPearsto have existed),not for his orthopraxy but for his orthodoxy, having applied some of his critical method to conventional religious beliefs of the time. For instance, Socrates defines the standard of righteousness or iustice as a moral standard that does not depend on the Gods and the accomplishmentof what might please the Gods (in the senseof Pl_ety),since justice and righteousness are more general conceptsthan piety."'It may be that Socratesbelieved that law and God (or Gods) could not come into conflict, he statesthat "I have been commanded to do this [i.e., practice philosophy] by the Gods, both by oracles, by dreams, and in every way in which divinity had ever commanded a man to do anything."- The first charge was thus construed as a violation of the law agiinst impiety whose extension was vague'* The second charge was that socrates introduced new deities. It too consistedin avague accusationthathas oftenbeenassociatedwith hisviews regarding either the powers of nature (nature philosopher) or the daimonion IQylzdn-fFarhangivol. "Furid"hM,r,takif,,,Dawlat-iMusta'ial-iShaykh-iMaqt0l," LJ8(Aug,.2000),9-11,esp. 1L [special issue on Suhrawardi]' 18,no. *pl"to Aristophanes of being responsible for Socrates' death, cf. Plato, i.*""r Lawa X, 888a-905d. Plato, 18a-20e;cf. ApoJosy, ' ""pluto, Apology,Z4bg-c1.The charge was studied by the King-Archon at the preliminary hearing, chaiges that are also mentioned by Diogene Laertius and Xenophon. '?lato's Eu th whro, 12c'd. n'Pl"to, Arootogy, 31.a8and lbid., 33c4-7. Socrateshighlights the moral significance of his mission following his own idea of justice, cf. Plato, Apology,29d4-5' *B.idkho.6" u.rd S*ittt, Socrateson Ihal314;cf. Plato, Euthydemus,l2e2-3. L2 At-fmi'ah,Vol. 40,No. L,|anuary- fune2002 Dr. RoxarvteD. Marcotte,Socrates andSuhrawardi: Historical Affinities? (accordingto Plato) to which he often alludes.ns But no namesare provided for the divinities (not gods) that Socratesis alleged to have introduced. In fact, the secondcharge depends on the first. For the prosecutor,Maletus (later executedfor his role in the trial.of Socrates),the only recognized Gods were those decreed by the state.* In fact, these two chargeswere never clearly formulated or pressedvery hard. The third charge was that he corrupted the youth, again, a vague charge for which Socrateseven requestedclarification from the prosecutor, Maletus who had no choicebut to concedethat it was related to Socrates teachingsregarding the first two charger." Ff" was thus accusedof having a subversive influence on the minds of young men, in spite of the fact that no witnesses were ever brought forth to substantiate this last accusation. His obedienceto the Gods was, howevex, steadfast for they had sent him to the city for its good.s He was not doing it for personal reasonsand denied that he was a teacher or that he was remunerated, but to no avail. Perhaps,his association with men who had been most prominent in attacks on democracy in Athens could not be forgiven. Or, perhaps, the potential danger that critical thinking representedfor the classof the rhetoriciary the sophists, and the jurists could not be tolerated. In *y case,it remains an open issue. This, however, would be where the religious and the political converge. Accusations against Suhrawardi The jurists of Aleppo succeedin bringing against suhrawardi similar chargesof irreligiosity which were to find their way into Ibn shaddad's (d. 684/ 1285)biography of $alA\ al-Din asbeing the real causeof Suhrawardi's execution, namely, of "not recognizing the ordinances of Islamic laws, and of paying no regard to the doctrines of the faith.-neNo details are provided *Pluto, Apologl+31c7d5 --Bridkhouse and smith, soaats on 7h43+6. Maletus' (a poet) accusation was countersigned by Anytus (a politician) and Lycon (a rhetorician). Plato, ApoIogX+26b24; cf. Bridkhouse and Smith, Soqate on ln"al,36-7. 'Plato, Apology,Z9c. --Ibn shaddAd (Baha'al-Dn Yffsuf IbnMfi'), Nawidiral-sulfiinyya wa ar-Mah1sn al-hisufi1ya(Cairo: al-DAral-Mis.riyyalil-Ta'lifwal-Tarjuman, 7964),10;if.rdem, '&Iadna, o+ whatBefeIISultan hisuf(salah&-Dln). (1137-1193 A.D.), trans. sirCharles w. wilson, compared with the original Arabic and annotated by Conder (London: Commiftee of the PalestineExploration Fund,'t897),10-1;cf.Ibnfawzi (d.654 / 7zs6),al-Muntaz.im frnrfrh al-Muliik waal-Uman. Al-lami'nh;Yol.4ONo. t, ]anuary.June2002 13 and Suhraantdi:Histoicnl Afinities? RoxanneD. Marcotte, Socrates of the true nature of the accusationslaid against Suhrawardi, and there is no mention of any pottical activities or political reasons. Ttte Bustdn al'ImAd al-Din al-IsfahAni, a work known to Shams al-Din al/6mi'of ShahrazOriand written only a few years after the tragic event, is the only work that contains, in some details, an account of the probable course of the trial: And all the jurists gathered andhad an assembly convmed forhim. Amongstall of his works, there was an exegetical work of the Qur'an based on his own opinion (ra,1), a book which he entitled al-Ragm alQudsl and another book which was said to belong to him, the al-Alwif, al-'ImddiSyathat were used against him in the dispute. They did not know, however, what to say to him regarding jurisprudence 'You said in your works that God is able to createa ('iltn al-uqfi|.They said to him, Prophet, whereas this is impossible.'Then, he said to them, There is no limit to His divine foreordainment.Isn'tHe the All-mighty? If He willssomething, itcannotbe 'Indeed." He said, 'So, God is capableof all things.'They impossible.'They said, 'Except the creation of a Prophet, since it is impossible.' He said, 'So, is it said, 'You have indeed become an infidel impossible absolutely or not?'They said, (kiffarta)." They then construed grounds [for his condemnation], because,on the whole, he was lacking in reason - though not in knowledge - and amongst tall th9 'inspired by the world signs of his lack of reascrrl was that he caUedhis [own] soul of Malak0t (ni ! al-mu hlyad bil-malakfi )' .n In this passage,'Imad aLDn al-Igfahani mentions four important elements.First, he notesthatiurisprudence ('ilm al-ugfiI1wasnot used against Suhrawardi. Those who were accusing him were the ones whom he had surpassedin disputation uPon his arrival in Aleppo (at the al-F.IalAwiyya madrasa). Having had wind of Suhrawardi's intellectual abilities, al-Malik aLzehir is said to have convened a gathering of jurists and theologians of all schools of jurisprudence in the citadel where, again, Suhrawardi gained the upper hand over the religious leaders of Aleppo with his Proofs and logical demonstrationsand for which al-Malik al-ZAhir took a liking to him.-The ulamas knew very well that they were no match for him in this field. second, al-Igfahani notes that three of suhrawardi's works were used against him: a Qur'anic exegesis,a work entitled al-Ragm al-Qtdsi and his t,I*ad al-Zam2n,ed.. Claude al-Dn al,IsfahAni, Bustiin at-/6mi'ti-/am6'Taw*fkh Bullebn dEtudes al-/6mii" IeBustin Me/XIie siecle: "Une syriennedu chronique Cahery Onenta-les7-8 (L937-38):11358, esp. 150-1. t'yaqttt ,ebd Allah al-Hamauri), MuJam al-tJdab6'Iil-Ydgti{,20vo1s.,ed. Ahmad liUn -Bak esp.315 [the Arabic trans(cairo: Dir al-Ma'mffn, 1936-8),vol. 79,31,4-?0, Farid RifA,i ' lation is by Yahy6 Ibn KhAlid lbn Barmakl; cf. Ibn Abi Ugaybi'a, Ulnin al-Anbd fr labaqdt al-Atibb6', ed.Nizir RidA (Beirur DAr Maktabat al-$ayAh, 1965)'6U- 14 Vol.40,No. 1,|anuary- June2002 Al-Jwni'ah, Dt. Roxarrrre D. Marcotte,Socrntes andSuhrawardi: Historical Affinities? aI-AIwEIt al-'hnadisrya. The Qur'anic exegesis,mentioned in shams al-Dm al-Shahraz0ri's(fl.680 / 1282)bibliography of Suhrawardi's works, is now lost. The two other works used against him do indeed carry the hallmark of highlysuspicious non-Islamic traditions that could easilybring on charges of heretical beliefs (zandaqa). The accusation of holding heretical beliefs (and of heresy QIhe{ in some sources)"'is most revealing. A vague term, zandaga could encompassany type of irreligiosity, but especially teachings associatedwith ancient pre-Islamic Iranian religions and teachings that minimized revelation and the prophetic role of Muhammad."' Indeed, suhrawardi is unconcemed with the "orthodory" of the source of divine knowledge. In his sa6r-i sitnurgh, he has no quakns in reporting side-byside sayings attributed to 'Umar and to 'Ali, regarding the possibility of vision of the divine. From 'Umar, he reports,"My heart has seenmy Lord,', and from 'Ali, he reports, -If the veil had been lifted, my certitude would not have been greater,"* although his biographers have all reported that he was a ShAfit and, therefore, a Sunni.'" More incriminatin& howev€r, is his appeal to the teachings of Ancient Iran. al-Raqm (or al-Ragitr) alQudsiused against suhrawardi may actually correspond to al-winddt wa al-Taqdisdt Although al-w6n'ddt wa al-Taqdisdt includes nurnerous Qur'anic verses and explicitly professes unicity, this work does include numerous Zoroastrian (Gnostic and Neoplatonic) elementr.* b:r theseal-Winddt, one finds the God of gods utlbn lcrulIkan, Wa.fayit al-Ay'iln wa Abni'al-Zmin,8 vols., ed. IhsAn,AbbAs (BeirutDArsAdir,1977),vot.6,272and273;;cf.Idem,Ibn.KhalL,kanbBiographicalvol.4, 156and 158. sPouzet, Datnas a u WIe / XIIe sitle 255-ffi. Suhrawardi , Safrr-i Simfirgh, 4,317.5-14.; cf. Idem, LArcltange empoutpr1, 452. -YAq0t, Mulbm al-Udab6'Iil-Yigt[, vol.19,314.; cf. Ibn KhallikAn, Wafayilt atA'yi6n, uol.6,272; cf. Idem, Ibn l{lrallikan's Bfugraphical Dictionary, vol.4, 156. --Landolt, "Suhrawardi's "Thlesof Initiation," rt81a-482b.Corbin , rcadrngal-Raqitn al-Qudsi also believes that this work may correspond to al-wiiridit, cl. corbin, "Prol6gomdnes," in Suhrawardi, OPM, I, VI n.9. Regarding what Corbin has called Suhrawardi's fuok ofl{outs, cf . Suhrawardi, "strophes liturgiques et offices divins ( Windit wa Tagdnsdl.Extraits traduits de l'arabe," chap. in ldem, LArchange empourpr{,47g-Slz (the translation, 48-98; cf. Corbin, En islam iranien, vol.2, 126-40)which rhackston believes is still unpublished (!), cf. Suhrawardi, The Philosophical Allegories and Mystical Tieatises.A ParaIIeI Perctan-English rext ed. and trans. with into. by w. M. Thackston (Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Pub-, 1999), xiv; cf. the fragment entitled Wayhah-yi 'Uty"-y, Iliihi ed. M. Mo'in in Malallah-yi Amizish ua Paruanbh (Tehran, fei+;; reprintid in Suhrawardi,9il Risilah azshaykh-irshriq. al-Alwif, al-'rmfldisya. Kafumatal-Tasawwtf. Al-lami'ah,Vol.40,No. L,January-June2002 15 : HistoicalAfinities? andSuhrazoardi D. Marcotte,Socrates Roxanne assimilated to Ohrmaz (Ahura Mazdaof the Avesta),and the "divine spirit," i.e., Gabriel, assimilatedto the Zoroastrianangbl Serosh-light(Sraoshadof the Avesta).In addition, Suhrawardi includes a number of.Zoroastrianarchangels such as Bahman-light (Vohu-Mana of the Avesta) and Shahrivar lXshathra vairiya of the Avesta), the third of the Amahraspandr.utTh" zoroastrian stamp of these al-Wdriddtis further attested by the fact that they have becomepart of the liturgy of the Zoroastrians under the leadership of their grand priest Azar KayvAn who emigrated (from ShirAz or its surroundings) !g Moghul India in the end of the 1.6'' or the beginning of the L7t century.o Chapters 10 and 1l of. al-Alwdl! al-'ImddiSya, another work cited against Suhrawardi, appeal once more to ancient lranian traditions. Suhrawardi describes Hurakhsh, the conqueror of darkness, the "face" of God on whose order he provides light and createsdays. He is the "Light of light. in the world of bodies, parallel to the first being who is the "Light of light' in the world of intelligencesand souls." ln addition, aI-AJw6haI'hndd$yaincorporates Nrmerous themes from Firdaws?'s Shdh-ndmaarrd a number of pre-Islamic figures such as Goshtasp, Feredin, AfrAsiAb and the royal light of glory Qcayin klturn)?. It should be noted that a century after suhrawardi's death, the theme of a retum to ancient Iran was taken uP by one of his followers. A telling example is the symbolic retum of the Mongol lf-rcran AbAqAto Ancient Iran and the use of esoteric themes (taken from Firdawsi's ShAh-ndma)fot the construction of his summer palace at what is today known as Thkht-i sulayman. Yt-Kran Abaqn wanted to rebuild the palace of Kay Khusruw on the ancient Sassanidsite of the sanctuary of Shiz n AzatbaylAn(South of MarAgha)where newly crowned kings made their pilgrimage. This project a1-Lana46t d, with Persian intro. Naiaf{huli Llabibi, Engl. preface seyyed Hossein Nasr (Tehran: IntishArAt-i Aniuman-i ShAhanshAhi-yi Falsafah-yi kAn,l397 / Dm,18 n.1 (of the introduction). ttSuhrawardi, al-Wdndit wa al-Tagdisdt, in ldem, LAr&ange empoutpt€, 487, 490. $Corbin, .h islam iraruen, v oL.2, 355'7,25;8;cf.'sayyid Muhammad KAzim ImAmi, Falsafah dar Inin-i Biistdn uaMabfldi'I{ilonat at-Ishniq uaAlkir va Athdr ua ITidkhcIlahyi Suhra wardi(Tehran: Sikkah, 1353/ 7974)-ri Zindisiinitts.rhiuwardi, Ahwih-i 'ImidiSya, in Idem, OPM, III, 90'2, 182.2'184'11;cf' Idem, L'Arch anse emeo wpr4 10&1 0. *S"uhta*ardi', Alwih-i 'IrnAdiyya, in Idem, OPM,III,93-5 ,184.12-188'4;cf' Idem, L A rchange empo utpt€, 110-3. t6 Al-lami'nluVol.40,No. 1,January- June2002 Dr. RoxanneD. Marcottg Socrates and Suhrawardi:Histoical was instigated by none other than eutb al-Din (Mahmfid Ibn Mas,od) alshirAzi a commentor of suhrawardi's rttktnat al-rshrilg (the commentary was finished:r;-694/ 1Z9S).t' Appealing to traditions of ancient Irary suhrawardi's works exhibited dualistic tendencies.The whole idea of light, importantinGnostic circles, is central to suhrawardi's light ontology.Ibn Taymiy.ya(d.7zg / Lg2g)noted that suhrawardi's light ontology shared much with Zoroastrianism and resqonsible for the charges of.zandagathat were brought against -1" it:va_s him. rn his Awdz-i Par-i Gibrd'{ suhrawardi's trvo-winged angel may be interpreted as an allusion to "Gnostic dualism." Moreover, the two-winged angel may be associatedwith the two-faceted nature of the second emanation found in al-sijistani's"(Isma'ili) universal soul, an idea that may have originated in Gnosticism.o'Gnosticismmay certainly be traced to parallel developments originating in Ancient persia's religious traditionsf or to Hermetic (Egyptian) traditions thatwere introduced into the Islamic world.tu Further Gnostic elements are found in Suhrawardi's conception of the human soul asthe "guiding light" (nfirmudabbit), as-opposedto the ,,tenebrous substance" Qawhar glzdsig) of sublunary matter.* Human souls are to retum to their place of origin: the realm of pure light, As such, suhrawardi also sharesmuch with someonelike the sufi Naim al-Din Kubra (d,.7r7 / t22t).6? ttA. 'I-e s. Mulikian{hirvani, sh6h-n6nela gnose soufie et le pouvoir mongol,,, A siattQue 272.34 (19U), 249-gg7. /o umaI--Henri Laoust, Les schisma data I'islam. Intduch'on i une 6tude de Ia religion m usulmane (Paris: Payot, 1965),2gl. -Landolt, "suhrawardi's "Thlesof Initiation ,, Review Article,,, 4g2b,4g3a;cf. Rudolf Macuch, "Greek and oriental sources of Avicenna's and sohrawardi,s Theosophies,,, Grarco-Arabt ca 2 (1983):9-22. HenryCorbin, Lemotilszoroasbt'etadatalaphitosopluedeSohrawardishaykh-_ olllhieq @b. 587,t 1191),foreward M. pour6-Darro.ra getreran: Editions du couirier, 132s/ o'Corbin, 1246). En ulam iranien, v.2,244; cf. A. E. Affifi, "The Influence of Hermetic LiteratureonMoslemThought," Bulletnofthekhoolof'MentalandAfn'canSchooll3.4 (1951):&10-55. oos,rhrawardi, .{fi'lonat al-rshr6g, !09-11,,rcz.g-l0g.16 and Ibid, r2g,121,.g-l22.ll [Hereaft"er,OPM, II]; cf. Suhrawardi, Saguse,gg-1,0l and 112-3. " Landolt, "Suhrawardi's "Thles of Initiation,,, Review Article,,, 4g1a; cf. Henrv Corbin, TheMan ofLghtn rraruan Sufism,trans. N. pierson (Boulder - London: Shambhala, 1978). Al-lfmi'ah,Vol.40,No. 1,January-June2002 1.7 HistoicalAffinities? andSuhrawardi: RoxanreD.Marcofte,Socrates Third, al-IsfahAni reports the more incriminating accusationof claiming that prophecy was still possible,if it was something willed by God. Suhrawardiargued rationally about the orthodox claim that Muhammad is the SeaIof Prophecy.On the doctrinal level, however, the consequenceof his answer was a rejection of the absolutecharacterof Muf,ammad's prophetic revelation. One should not forget that Suhrawardi believed that divine lights, to which all prophetshad an access,remain accessibleto those who truly engagein the pursuit of wisdom (intuitive knowledge)' The fourth and final accusationbrought againstsuhrawardi was that he describedhis soul as "inspired by the World of Malak0t." In a sense,he was accusedof claiming to receivespiritual assistance(tafudl. This could easily have been,again, interpreted as an IsmA'ili position that can be traced back to the works of such thinkers as Hamid al-Din Kirmani @.417 / 1021) or NAsir Khrusraw (d. ca. 470/ nn), the latter frequelllY referring to the aht-i ta'Snd,a term by which the da'wahreferred itself'* of all these accusations,the second and the fourth aPPearto allude to suhrawardi's conception of the universality of wisdom (fiikma) and to the possibility of accessingthis divine knowledge through various means whether prophetic or mystical. This would certainly have qualified Suhrawardi as a holder of hereticalbeliefs. Similarly, the third chargewould placeSuhrawardi oubide the realm of strict orthodory. In short, Suhrawardi and Socratesthus share in common their unorthodox views with respectto the prevalent views of Athens and of Aleppo and the potential danger they representedfor Athenians and Aleppans. Two Tragic Ends Once Socrates'death sentencewas handed down, ib execution was delayed on account of the religious calendar. During this period, Socrates refused to flee (following Criton's advice) and continued to holg gatherings with his friends.t Socrates'daimorubn, as he himself states,'"did not sound an "alarm" at the prospect of the tragic outcome of the trial. He resiliently concluded that his own death would not be an evil'^ Moreover, he believed that'it would be wrong to disobey God's commands through ol-ut dolt, "suhrawardi's "Tales of hitiation," Review Article," 482b. tcf. Pl"to, Phado. ^Pl"to, Aplqy,40a3-c3. "Bridkhouse and Smith, Socrats on 7iia1237-57'esp.23841. 18 Al-lfmi'ah,Vol.40,No. L,|anuary- fune2002 fear of death,"" obeying willingly God, rather than the Atheniur,r.t' Hu continued to hold gatherings with his disciples and friends and, thirty days later, he drank the deadly hemlock. It was similarly argued that Sufuawardi did not flee and seek refuge in a saferplace, in spite of threats upon his life.toB,rt was he in a position to flee? According to some accounts, he was sent to prison, after being accused*of impiety by the ulamas, and before having his death sentenceissued.'" If this was the case,he would not have been able to escapethe execution.Biographicalaccountsdo not allude to any similar Socraticdrama, where Suhrawardi would have willingly acceptedhis fate as a iust end. In addition, reports on the events surrounding the exact nature of his death are highly contradictory. Shahraz0ri notes that the real causeof his death is uncertain.Somesourcesreport that he died deprived of food, that he starved himself to death, still others, that he was strangled, and others that he was killed with a sword or, more tragically, that he was thrown off the walls of the citadel and set on fire, even crucified,like F.IatlAj.t6 Socratic Prototype of the Sage Throughout history, the most pervas*e image of Socrateshas been that of the prototype of the sage (l!akittt)." This is certainly true of the Apology,2k. )hto, '-Plato, Apologl+29d. ^Christian Jambetin his introduction to Sohravardi, Saguse,S3, -Ibn Shadd6d, al-Nawiidir al-Sul!6nryya,10; cf. Idem, 'fuIadn} or I{ltat kfell Sultan {isu110-1; cf. Ibn Abi Usaybi'a, 'Uyfin, 642. '"Marcotte, "suhrawardial-MaqttI," 395479;d.slurnsal-Dnal-Shahraziri, Nuzhat aLArweh wa Rawdatal-Afrih, eds.by of,to Spies and S. K. Khatad, in thtre Treattseson Mystrcism byShihabuddin SultrawerdiMagtul(Stuttgarh Kohlhamrner, 1935),vol. L,90127, esp.98; cf. Idem, nerikh al-flukami' "Nuzhat al-Arwiilt wa Rawdat al-Afnih'| ed. Ab0 Shuwirab (no place:fam'iyyat al-Da'wa al-IslAmiyya,1397 / 19ffi),375-96,esp.380;cf. the Persian trans. of Maqq0d 'Ali Tabrizi, intro. Muhammad Taqi Dinish-Pazhfih and Muhammad Surfir MawlA'i (Tehran:IntishirAt-i 'Ilmi va Farhangi, 1366 / 1987)4U-74, esp.461.Another Persiantranslation, made by piyA' al-Din Durri (Tehran,L3l7 / 1938),is reported by Nasr, who used the latter for his study, cf. Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Thtee Muslim Sages.Auicenna -Suhrawardi-Ibn Arabi(Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1969),56; cf. YAq0t, MuJam, vol 19, 376;ct.Ibn Shaddid, AIawidtr,l0; cf. Idem, 'Saladn'; or What BefellSultan Y0sutlA);cf .IbnKhallikAn, Wafayi4tal-Ay'tin,vol.6,273;ef. IbnI(ItaII*an's, Biognplp rca/ Dt ch onary, v ol. 4, 157-8. "This image found its way into Stoicism, Skepticism, and the humanism of Cicero, before its introduction into Christendom (Ficin). -June2002 Al-lami'ah, Vol.40,No.1.,January 19 and Suhrmoardi:Histoical Affinities? RoxanneD. Marcotte, Socrates Arabo-Persianworld whoseknowledge of Socrates'thought was very fragmentary and mostly indirect.'- There does not apPearto have been any Socraticmaieutic kind of familiarity with Plato'sdialogues.As a consequence, is almost completely absent in Arabic and Persiansources.By the same token,Socrates'deathwas known only via quotations,perhapsmainly from treatiseswith Socrates'name that consistedof wise sayings,biographical stories,and excerptsfromPlato'sApology.In the samefashion,Suhrawardi's knowledge of Socrates,as well as of Plato was, therefore,fragmentaryand indirect." Nonetheless,the place and the role attributed to Socratesprovide a glimpse into Suhrawardi's conception of the history of philosophy or, more accurately,of the history of illumination of divine lights. Although Plato appears more prominently in Suhrawardi's works (for which he even provides a quote*) than Socrates,Suhrawardi's two-fold origin of the sources and transmitters of divine knowledge does indude Socrates. For Suhrawardi individuals have, of all time, been inspired by the metaphysical world of light. The common denominator between all true sages is their ability to have direct vision (mushdhada) of divine lights. Suhrawardi mentions that these are the lights that Hermes and Plato contemplated,tt th" "rorrrce of the light of glory" (khura) which instructed Zarathoustra and Kay Khusraw, and to which even Empedoclesalluded." Suhrawardi and his disciple+ in fact, conceived of Greek and Persiansages in a distinctirely Neoplatonic m.rnne{, such that Plato, Socratesand their predecessorswere capable, like prophets, to accessthe divine world.t' Mystical intuition is at the heart of their noble philosophy of light, resembling the Greek Pythagoreanand Platonist traditions. Shahraz0rinotes that only a few sagescontemplatedthesedivine lights, among whom were those who preceded Aristotle (ImAm al-bahtfi * induding Socratesand Plato and who pursued intuitive as well as discursive knowledge, a characterisonui AlorL Sosates in Mdfuual Arabic I'tterature(Leidm-|erusalem: E. I. BriU, 19911;d. Yves Marquet "Socrate et les lkhwAn as-Safa,"/oumal Asiafrgue286.2 (1998): 40949. 'W"lbridg", Lhe Leaven of the Ana1ents,88-90and 96. lSuhrawardi, aI- Talwihet, 86, 112-G10. ]]Suhrawardi, fltknat al-Ishrflg, 765, 156.3-6;cf. Idem, Sagesse,150. "'suhrawardi , I{ilanat al-Ishridg 766,156.1'l'-157 .3; cf..Idem,Sagesse,151;cf. Idem, AlwA\;i-'ImAdiyya,inOPM,In,93,185.7*187.9;cf. Idem, LArcltangeenpoutpri,lll'2. -Corbin notes that Illuminatrornsts (ishrdqiy7nAflwere the best inskuctors of what he identifies as an "Islamic Hellenism," d. Sohravardi L'Arclnnge empourp@,9i. 20 Al-lamlah,Vol.40,No. L,]anuary- ]une2002 tic that sets them apart from prophets and mystics'e Socrates,therefore,partakesin this spiritual lineage of sagesthat have, throughout history,accessedthis world of light. Sages,likeprophets, belong to all nations and all epochs, whether from the west (Greece, Mesopotamia,or Egypt) or the East (Persiaor even Hind), or from the three prophetic traditior,s.o'Srrh.awardi can then bring together,side by side, Plato, Zarathoustra (Zotoaster), mystics and prophets. Moreover, Suhrawardi adduces a Qur'anic verse (Q., 7:759)to corroborate the fact that there exists "a community guided by the Truth" and which he associates with all ancient Persian rulers and sages (not the maifi) that were guided by these divine lights.85They were all capable of visions, similar to Plotinus' and Zarathoustra'secstasy,Hermes' vision, or the Prophet'smi'rdis and similar to Suhrawardi's own vision of a Plotinian Aristotle that instructed him about the essenceof knowledg".o S.rh.uwardi writes: Most indications of prophets, and of the pillars of wisdom refer to these [lights]. plato and those before him, like Socrates,and those who have preceded them like Hermes, Agathadaemon and Empedocles, have all had this vision. Most of them have expldtly declared that they have contemplated(slfihada) them in the world of light.se Suhrawardi's Socratesclearly partakes in this spiritual genealogy of prophets, sages,and mystics capable of contemplating the world of light. Illuminationists (ishreqiy7n2n)such as Qutb al-Dtn al-ShirAzi Shamsal-Din al-Shahrazffri (who even provides q.roi. from Socrates*), o, Wadod al" eshahrazrfri, Shar/t lttkma t at-Ishrag, in oPM, II, 2-8; cf . "Pr6f.ace" in suhrawardi, on Mystiasm sagesse,TT-M, esp.80. Extracts are edited in otto spies, ed-. 77ure Tte-afrses Allegones Thephilosopfucal Suhrawerdi Magul,90-121; cf. Suhrawardi o/snmamaan W.M. Thackston introand trans. Tu4,ed., anaUysdat fieatirc.AParaltetPenian-English (Costa ix-xiii. 1999), Pub., Mazda CA: Mesa, ' 150' lus.tn.awardi, esuhrawardi,, ltikmatal-Ishriq,165,15634;cf.Idem,Sagesse, Kalima t al-$hfryya 55, 177.12-5; cf . Idem, L'Archange r70. ttsuhrawardi, at-7zthuililt ffi-7 ,1L3.2-9;d.Shaltrazffri's prefaceto lls Sharh-iHtkmat at-khrdq, in Suhrawardi, Sagese,241'n.28 and242n.29. 8tor a translation of Ihe account found in Suhrawardi's al-TalwXhii| cf, "Appendix II. Suhrawardi's Dream of Aristotle," in Walbridge, The Leaven of the Anctents,225-9;cf ' the Plotinian vision found inthe Enneads,Iv,8, 1. 'lsuhrawardi, Irtkmat al-Ishriq, 165,756.3-5;cf. Idem, fuge.se, 150' mshahraz0ri, n.9; cf. Ibid.,242 Shart!Lliknatat-7sfu6g,nSrivawardi, Sagesse,238 n.31, 243n.32, 253 n.48. Al-lami'nh,Vol. 40,No. L,fanuary- fune2002 21 Histoical Afinities? RoxanneD. Marcotte,Sooatesand Suhrmpardi: Tabrizft have all included Socratesamong the sageswho were inspired by the world of divine lights and, in a sense,have madehim divne (muta hXih). Philosophy of History - Transmission of "wisdom" Suhrawardi's conception of history consists of the history of direct personal experimces of the world of divine lighb.o Revelationaland mystical experiencesof exceptional individuals in their quest for knowledge wisdom (furknai - become the yardsticks of humanity's progress. In the Islamic world, transmission of knowledge generally occurs genealogically, for instance, the model of mystical genealogies(master-disciple relationship), or orally, on the model of hadith literature. Suhrawardi appears to allude to a similar proc€ssin his understanding of the transmission of this divine knowledge for which mystical genealogiescertainly provided a model, hence,the importance of mystics who are equally able to accessthe world of light such as $allAj, described as one of the spiritual leaders or poles,- or AbO Yazid Baspmi qd Sahl Tustad (disciple of DhO al-Nffn altutiqri)tnand Junayd and Shibli.esIn a similar fashion, Shahrazffri alludes to an oral transmission of knowledge that, agarn,does not differ significantly from the disciple'master relationship: Plato - the seal of sages(khAhm a/lilcazat al4hawgilya) - received this knowledge from Socrates,Socrates from Pythagoras, Pythagoras from Empedocles, and so on until Agathadaemon (i.e- Seth, the son of Adam) and Hermes (or the prophet "Wudtd (Ibn Muhanmad) Tabrizi's com.urentary (finished n gg0 / 1524) on Sufuawardi's al-Alwih al-'Imddjyabrings together $allAj, Socrates,Plato, al-Iawhari (in his &M64) and'AH al-Qadir Gili's (account of Halli), cf. Corbtn, L'Ardtange 11&9 n.13 (ms. RAgib,853);cf. Suhrawardi, Alw,6l-i'ImAdiyya, in OPM,I11,26,128.104; 102and 118n.13. ldem, LjArcInnge 'Tor Suhrawardi's account of Greek philosophy, cf. Walbridge, 7he Leaven of the A n cien!p;,27-35,esp.30-l. --Suhrawardi, Lughat-i Mfirdn,in OPM, III, 294-311,esp.5, 297.L-3and,18,302,1,-4; cf . Ide4, fu frr-i Sim urgh, in OPM, III, 13, 328.6-9. "suhrawardi, Tatwilldt in OPM, I, 55, 70.7-74.8; ldem,I'tiqdd in OPM, II, 7, 267.1.-2;ldem,flilatal-lufiAl$ya,inOPM, m,9,259.8-10;cf.Idem, L'Archange 399;cf.Idem,ThePhilosophicalAllegoriesandMysticalTreatises,50.;cf. Idem, RbilataIAbral,llnOPll'/,,Ill,451-71,*p.,16,M5.77-8.Awork attributed toSuhrawardi alsocontains referenc"es to thesemystics, cf. Idem, Bustin alQuliib,52,370.9-72 and 60, 377.1,-2. --Suhrawardi, Patt0-nima, in OPM, III, 2-81,esp.87,75.75-76.4;cf..lderr., 7he Book of Radiance. A Parallel Englbh-Persian Text, ed. and trans. with an intro. by Hossein Ziai (CostaMesa, CA: Mazda Pub.,1998),79-ffi. 22 -iune 2002 Al-lam{ah, Vol.40,No.L,January Dr. RoxanneD.Marcotte,Socrates andSuhrmoardi: HistoricalAffinities? Idris)." History, however, is not unidirectional. Transmissionof this knowledge was interrupted, such that only those who have accessto the worlcl of light can revive this divine knowledge. suhrawardi writes: "It is their noble and illuminated wisdom, to which the spiritual experiencesof plato and his predecessorsamong the sagesare also witness, and which we have brought to life again in our book called lt?iknat al-Ishr6q."ezAmong the predecessorsof Plato, Socratesfigures preeminently. Abt al-Barakat alBaghdAdi's(d. 547/ 7152)similar conceptof history found inhis at-Mu'tabar fr al-r{?ikna, presents the history of philosophy in terrns of its oral transmission.'- with the appearanceof the written text, in order to save this perennial and divine knowledge from extinction, these truths and realities were veiled behind obscure symbols. The teachings of these philosophelq became distorted, corrupted, and their true meaning was eventually lost." At about the time of al-FArAbi(d. 339 / 950),Abff al-Hasan al-Amiri (d. 381 / 992)presenteda similar concept of history as an oral transmission of knowledge charactefized by its use of symbols. Al-Amiri portrayed a *Shahraz0ri, Sharh llztanat al-Isfuilq,in Suhrawardi, Sagase,242-3 n.3land 253 n'46 and n.48. For an attempt at classification of the westem and eastem traditions, cf. Seyyid Hossein Nast "Shihab d-D0n Suhrawardi," in Idem, The Islamic Intellectual Li.adid-onin Persia, ed. Mehdi Amin Razavi (Richmond, UK: Curzon, Press, 1996), l2S-lS3; cf . Sufuawardi's more complex intellectual genealogy in walbridge, ITzeLeaven of the Ancients, 29-31,;cf. Shahraztri's commentary in OPM, II, 301.18-20;cf. Suhrawardi, a1Mufera$et in OPM, I,223,502.13-503. 6, where he mentions Plato. -' Suhrawardi IGIima t aI-9.dfr5ya, 55, 117.12-5; cf . Idem, L'Ardtange 170;cf.Corbtn, LeMoti&zorusfrietadaralaphilmpluedesohrawardi,24;d.shahrazfrli^, sharlr{tknatal-rslu€g,insuhrawardi,sagesse,Sl-2;cf.Corbin, frtklamiranien,vol.2, 29. "Pl"to', use of symbols is reported in Shahrazriri'sNuzhat al-Arwdh, ed. Ahmad, vol.t, 170;cf. Ibid,ed.AbtRayyAn,g0;cf.Walbridge, IheLeavenof theAncientgg0. Regarding Plato's unwritten doctrines, cf. |.N. Findlay, Plato: The wntten and tfnwritten Dochtnes (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974) artd Hans f . Kraemer, plato and tlze Foundatt'ons of Metaphysics: A work on the rh*ry of the Pnnaples and [,Inwritten Drctnnes ofPlatq ed. and trans. |ohn R. Catan (Albany, NY: state University of New york Press,1990). --Abfr al-BarakAtal-BaghdAdi lQtdbal-Mu'tabarfral-f{r,kma,ed. Yaltkaya Serefeddin, 3 vols. (HaydardbAd:fam'iyyat D6lirat al-Ma'Arif al-'UthmAniyya,1357 / 1938-9),vol.7, 2.7-?.17;cf. Shlomo Pines, "Nouvelles 6tudes sur Awhad al-ZamAn Abu'l-BarakAt alBaghdAdi," lnldem,studtenAbu?Barakfltal-BaghdildiPhyaleandMetaphysia-voI. 1 of rhe Collected works of shlomo Pines (5 vols.) $erusalem: The Magnes press, The Hebrew University; Leiden: E.I. BriU, 1979),96-108. Al-lamiah,Vol.4ONo. 1.,January- June2002 23 Histoiul Affnities? andSuhrmttardi: D. Marcotte,Souates Roxarcre successionof philosophersthat went back to the legendaryLuqmAn,who was succeededby Empedocles(a student of LuqmAn and / or David), then by Pythagoras (a student of Empedoclesand Solomoruor Solomon's students in Egypt), then by Socrates(a student of Pythagoras)and, finally, by Plato who was influencedby both Socratesand Pythagoras. The importance of the use of symbols in the history of the transmissionof knowledge is equally important for Suhrawardi who writes that: This scienceis the very intuition of the inspired and illuminated Plato, the guide and master of philosophy, and of thosewho camebefore him, up to Plato's time, including such mighty pillars of philosophy as Empedocles, Pythagoras,and others.The words of the Ancients are symbolic and not op"r io ,"fututior,.tot For Suhrawardi intuitive knowledge - in part, inspirational and, at times, revelational - was only expressedsymbolically, a position that could only be the causeof further susprcion for the ulemas of Aleppo.tot Suhrawardi's account of the place and the role of Socratesin the history of "illumination" is not an accurate understanding of the history of Greek thotight. It corresponds to a later Islamic reconstruction. Moreovet Suhrawardi's portrayal of SocratesaPPearsto be at odds with Socrates' own claims. This may be illustrated by taking into consideration two aspects of Socrates'life: the Delphic oracle and Socrates'daimorubn. At the Delphic sanctuary,the Pythia (priestess)informed Chaerephonthat Socrates is the wisest of mortals.'"' Socratesinterpreted the Delphic oracle as the sign of a divine mission for his life, deciding to pursue a life of virtue and ttFor e*ample, al-Amiri's mention of Plato's use of symbols,cf. Abfi al-Hasanal'aJAal-Abadin Everett K. Rowson, A Muslim Philosopher on the AmiO ,Kitib al-Amad SouI and lts Fa,fe(New Haven: American Oriental Society, 7988),70; cf.l{albridge, The Leaven of theAncien9,334.; cf.Ibn fuljul (d.987), labaqdtal-A.tibb6'wa al-IIukam4ied. Fu'Ad Sayyid (Cairo: Institut frangais d'arch6ologie orientale,l951),42-3. A similar account found its way into Ibn Khald0n's work, cf. Ibn Khaldfin, TheMuqaddimah: An Introduc' ttbn to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal (Princeton: Princeton University Press,1958),vol. 3,114-5;cf. Idem, Muqaddimat aJ-AIIama lbn l&aldfin,4th ed. (Beirut DAr al-Kitib al'Ilmiyy4 1978),480. '"'suhrawardi, cf. Idem, Sagesse,88; cf. Idem, a/It*mat al-Ishrdq,4, 10.1'1.-15; Talwihat86,11,2.2-3. ' ttNot only prophets, but also sages,cf. Shahraz0ri's preface tohis Sharh ltikmat al-lshni,g in Suhrawardi, Saguse, 243 n.32. '-Plato, Apologl+ 21a;cf . Xenophon, Apology, 14. 24 Al-Jam{ah,Vol.40,No. L,January-}une 2002 to seek "to know thyself.'tonBut what was the nature of the Delphic oracle? The oracle was certainly not an,inspiration coming from the world of light that revealed the essenceof kue knowledge to Socratesin a fashion similar to suhrawardi's Plotinian Aristotle. The oracle was communicated to his friend. As for the care of the self (of the soul), as an embodiment of the "know thyself" that became the focal point of socrates teadrings, it constituted the prerequisite for a good life and belonged, first and foremost, to the ethical, rather than the mysticaf or even the religious realm.tou The second aspect of Socrates'life is lrirs daimonion described as a sign that d*1)F acted as a divine monitor, a "voice from God" (nnostpro. bably Apollo)'"" that consisted in an alarm that warned him against doing anything wrong. Although Socratesbelieved in different forms of divination, such as oracles and dreams,totro-" even requiring inteqpretatio*,t* his,datrnonion was characterized by its "uninforrrativeness."'- It did not instruct Socratesregarding the nafure of knowledge and, once more, appears to be distinct frorn Suhrawardlff's understanding of divine illumination. suhrawardi's horizon was primarily metaphysical, while socrates' metaphysical horizon appears to be characterized by an absenceof illumination in the Suhrawardian sense.Socrates'metaphysicalhorizon is best understood in light of its ethicat finality. Suhrawardi's concept of history has repercussions on the doctrinal level. Ti'ue l.rrowledge about reality is achieved through either discursive (bahthryy) me:urs (the approach of al-FArAbi(d. 339 / 950) and Avicenna (d,.429 / L$n ) or through intuitive means,what Suhrawardi regards as the "experiential" (dhawqisya) and the "presential" (I!udhri), the latter having priority over discursivemeans.suhrawardi doesnot, however,limit '*Pluto, Apologlt2lb and lbid.,23 b. -*Plato, 23b-29e;cf. Ibid.,30d-e and 30a;cf. Plato, FirstAlabiaCes. --'Socrates refers,at times, to Apollo, cf. Plato, Apology,2gd; sometimes,he appeal t9 qods, in the plural, cf. Ibid.,41d; bui he appears to have i-bias for a supreme governor of the universe, perhaps a supreme spirit cf. Bridkhouse and Smith, Srrites on frial +ZS6. Guthrie prefers to consider socratesas "guided by a simple religious faith," cf. Guthrie, A History of Grek Philosophst vol. 3, ,183. 'Plato, Aroology, 33c4-7. '""Plato, 21b3-7.And his respectof the Gods is translated into his own quest for the "fortunes of the good are not neglectedby the Gods," cf. Plato, Apotogy,4ld. ---Plato, Apology,21d5-6 and 22el-5; Bridkhouse andSmith, fucrates on Iiial,23757,esp.245-56. Al-ffm{ah,Vol. 4ONo. L,January- June2002 25 RoxanneD. Marcotte,Socrates andSuhrmoardi: Histoical Afinities? intuitive (inspirational) knowledge to prophets alone. The uneasiness of the ulamas'of Aleppo with some of Suhrawardi's statements found in a/Wdnddtand aI-AIwAIt al-'Imddtyya is, therefore, euite understandable. In reviving the ancient wisdom of Illuminationists, both eastem and westem, Suhrawardi distinguishes between a historical world and an ahistorical reality. This dual conception of history locates truth at the level of a transhistorical reality accessedby sages, mystics, and prophets of all times."o Consequently, prophets who receive revelation are informed about realities that belong to the same world of light from which sages and mystics are informed. The difference between sages and mystics lies in the fact that sages, as opposed to Sufis, are able to apply discursive reason to their experiences, and to explain them. One may add that Suhrawardi's conception of history is not entirely at odds with the prophetic tradition. Sages,mystics and prophets all have an accessto the same source of light, such that sages,mystics and prophets cannot disagree about this divine reality. Only their language differs and, in a sense, conceals the truth. Shahrazriri notes that sages use symbols to convey their teachings in a fashion similar to prophets whose revelations are written in symbols (something to which even Avicenna alludes in a number of his works); likewise, the sages of Persia have established their teachings upon the symbols of light and darknerr.ttt Shuh.uztri explains that all sages, in fact, professed unicity (tawhidy of God,"' echoing Suhrawardi's daim. hr his aI-AIwdh aI-'ImEdiSVa, Suhrawardi notes that ancient mges, such as Hurakhsh, professed unicity."'The monotheism of Plato appears to have been a popular view. This view found ib way into Shahrastani's work. The latter even admitted not having had accessto Plato's ttoJ"*b"t', introduction to Sohravardi Sagesse,59{/il;cf.Henry Corbin , En islam iranien,vol.2,345; Corbin devetoped similar ideas of "ahistory" and denounced historicism (method and philosophy), d. RoxanneMarcotte, "Phenomenology through the Eyes of an Iranologist Henry Corbin (1903-7978),' ZheBuIIedn. 7he r{enry Martyn rtudtu te of Islant\f,tudiu 14 (1995):5$70, er;p.57-9. "'Shahraz0ri, Shafi l{il