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| Article Negotiating Honor Through Indirectness: Off-Record Politeness Strategies in Sasak Elopement Rites Lalu Nurul Yaqin Malay Language.
Linguistics and Literature Program.
Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences.
Universiti Brunei Darussalam.
Brunei Darussalam
Submission Track
A B S T R A C T
Received: April 05, 2025 Final Revision: August 15, 2025 Accepted: August 18, 2025 Available Online: September 25, 2025 This study examines the off-record politeness strategies employed by the Pembayun Adat leaders during the Sasak elopement ceremony of the Sorong Serah ritual (Merari.
Using qualitative ethnography research.
The studyAos data were collected through participant observation, semistructured interviews, and sixteen-hour audio-visual recordings of fifteen Sorong Serah ceremonies conducted in Lombok Timur.
Indonesia.
The data analysis employs Brown and LevinsonAos .
politeness models, revealing four strategies: hinting, associative clues, overstating, and metaphorical.
These strategies enable Pembayun to manage face-threatening acts (FTA.
used in critique, requests, and negotiations with minimal risk of The results show that Pembayun politeness in this context is not merely a matter of linguistic preferences, but also a performance in cultural expectations of morality and ceremony.
The study suggests a need to theorize a more culturally situated approach to politeness that captures the nexus between communicationAos ethical and symbolic aspects in ritual By situating politeness in lived practices, this study contributes to cross-cultural pragmatics and ethnographic linguistics, providing relevant applications for intercultural communication, ritual language analysis, and culturally responsive dialogue strategies.
It advances politeness theory by emphasizing the need for culturally specific models that account for moral symbolism, high-context communication, and collectivist norms.
Keywords Merariq.
Sasak culture.
Southeast Asian linguistics, ritual discourse, face-saving Correspondence *E-mail: lalu.
yaqin@ubd.
INTRODUCTION
is a term for the consensual elopement that occurs when a man and woman agree beforehand to go through a culturally appropriate marriage process.
This tradition is viewed not as a rebellious or deviant act but as an expression of independence, emotional commitment, and communal agreement (Yaqin & Shanmuganathan, 2.
Central to this process is the Pembayun, an Adat .
ustomary La.
leader who orchestrates the interactions between the bride and groomAos families.
The Pembayun is a custodian of language and culture, enacting ritual speech at vital moments, such as sejati, selabar, and Sorong Serah rituals (Dhana, 2.
Marriage rituals in Southeast Asian societies, particularly in Indonesia, have long been recognized as important sociolinguistic practices that preserve cultural narratives, reinforce communal bonds, and promote the use of indigenous languages (Sukarno.
Xiang, 2.
Such ceremonies are usually coordinated through rich verbal interactions, often facilitated by cultural specialists who use communicative and symbolic functions.
Marriage in the Sasak of Lombok.
Indonesia, is deeply embedded within traditional ritual structures.
the core of this process is the merariq tradition, a culturally sanctioned type of elopement that These rituals outline the stages of the appears to be the polar opposite of its often- Merariq process and become a site of complex stigmatized interpretation in Western paradigms verbal negotiation.
For example.
Selabar includes (Riyanto et al.
, 2023.
Wei et al.
, 2.
Merariq discussions on dowries and ceremonial duties.
DOI: https://doi.
org/10.
25077/ar.
Under License of Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.
0 International.
Lalu Nurul Yaqin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol.
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whereas Sorong Serah involves the formal exchange of symbolic objects that signify familial These negotiations are performed in\ a politeness-based dialect interspersed with Sasak respect-based norms, which are displayed through honorifics, metaphors, and indirect cues, reflecting Sasak collectivism and moral behavioral cues.
noted by Yaqin et al.
, such discourse is more than performative.
it serves as an instrument for preserving cultural identity and social harmony.
Although Merariq is culturally central to Sasak society, relatively little linguistic research has been conducted in this area.
Previous research on the Sasak language has focused on dialectology, morphosyntax, and language variation (Austin & Nothofer, 2012.
Austin, 2014.
Burhanuddin et al.
Mahsun, 2007.
Mahyuni, 2.
Although these linguistic dimensions provide a solid basis, they do not encompass the pragmatic and sociocultural dimensions of communication.
hence, they overlook the complexities of ritual interactions.
More recently, some scholars in Indonesian sociolinguistics have begun to consider politeness and face work in local languages, such as Javanese (Mahmud, 2.
Sundanese (Sukarno, 2.
, and Minangkabau (Oktavianus & Revita, 2.
However, these studies typically extrapolate findings across ethnolinguistic groups or are situated outside ritual contexts, such as classrooms or casual conversations.
In contrast to this research, which explores politeness as a concept in less emotionally charged contexts, this study situates politeness within high-stakes ritualistic discourse, where failure to observe politeness norms risks interpersonal or intergroup discord.
had one of the most significant impacts on the field of linguistic pragmatics.
The theory suggests that people navigate social interactions using tact and strategies to maintain Aoface,Ao or the public selfimage that everyone wishes to present and uphold.
Brown and Levinson distinguish between the positive face .
anting to be liked and accepte.
and the negative face .
esiring to be unimpeded and autonomou.
Under this model, speakers negotiate face-threatening acts in one of five ordered ways: .
bald on-record .
ithout redres.
, .
positive politeness, .
negative politeness, .
off-record .
, or .
avoidance of the act In the case of Sasak, where indirectness is a preferred mode of preserving harmony and face, making off-record strategies will be more relevant than others for communication.
Nevertheless, this model has received criticism for its assumptions centered on Anglo society and limited cultural scope (Haugh & Kydyr, 2017.
Matsumoto, 1.
This new model should be adopted in cultures where relational and contextual factors prevail over individual autonomy (Nejad et al.
, 2.
This study adopted a culturally sensitive approach, drawing on Brown and Levinson work and incorporating discoursebased approaches (Kydyr & Mills, 2.
that highlight shared knowledge, ritual norms, and moral values.
This study aims to answer the following research question: How do Sasak Adat leaders (Pembayu.
off-record politeness strategies to mitigate face-threatening acts that arise in ritual interactions during the Merariq ceremonies? Based on the research question, the objectives of this study are: .
identifying and classifying the types of off-record politeness strategies contributed by Pembayun in the stages of Merariq rituals, .
analyzing how these strategies function in facilitating social harmony, avoiding conflict, and face-threatening acts.
As such, the study aims to contribute to theoretical models of politeness theory by advancing culturally situated understandings of indirectness and politeness in indigenous communicative practices.
Additionally, despite the centrality of politeness strategies in the negotiation of potentially face-threatening acts (FTA.
, such as criticism, refusal, or bargaining, the politeness strategies employed by Pembayun are even less well-studied.
The limited research on Sasak politeness constitutes a notable research gap, especially considering the crucial role of language in managing the ideological and interpersonal aspects of Merariq (Yaqin et al.
, 2.
It would be essential to fill this gap to expand the domain of politeness theory and contribute to understanding II.
METHODS
linguistic practices in ritual situations.
Research Design The present study adopts Brown and LevinsonAos .
politeness theory, which is a model that has This study employs qualitative ethnographic design to investigate the use of off-record politeness Lalu Nurul Yaqin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol.
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The chosen ceremony represents diverse cases of Merariq involving varying dowry negotiations and levels of interpersonal tension.
Each ritual was recorded in full, capturing the Sorong Serah ceremony, where politeness strategies were expected to be most visible.
The average duration of each recording ranged between 50 and 70 All informant of this study gave their informed consent, and their identities were kept confidential to protect their privacy.
Community Focusing on real-life ceremonial interactions elders provided their verbal approval for the ethical ensures authenticity and ecological validity, procedures, which adhered to the general standards enabling the study to document the verbal strategies of ethnographic research.
practiced in ritual performances.
This approach Analytical Procedure captures the nuance of politeness strategies Data analysis involved multiple steps, embedded in culturally significant speech acts, beginning with verbatim transcription of ritual allowing a more in-depth exploration of how discourse from the recorded interactions.
The meaning, respect, and social order are negotiated transcripts were examined using open coding and within ritual contexts.
thematic analysis to identify recurring politeness strategies by Pembayun (Adat leader.
in Sasak society during Merariq rituals.
Ethnographic work is necessary for exploring the sociolinguistic, pragmatic, symbolic, and social meanings of ritual language use.
This study applies HymesAos .
ethnography of communication framework by observing, analyzing, and interpreting participant observation and immersion in real-life communicative acts within the Sasak community.
Data Collection The primary data for this study were gathered through participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and audiovisual recordings of fifteen Merariq ceremonies conducted in Lombok Timur.
Indonesia.
The research sites were selected due to the continued practice and preservation of traditional Sasak marriage rituals in regions such as Sakra and Sakra Barat.
Approximately 16 hours of recorded interactions were obtained, capturing ceremonial speech exchanges between the male representatives of the bride and groomAos families.
Six participants from Pembayun were selected via purposive sampling to ensure they possessed deep cultural knowledge and had direct involvement in ritual negotiations.
They were identified based on their authoritative roles in multiple ceremonies and community recognition as cultural experts.
Each Pembayun represented either the groomAos Pembayun Penyerah (PP.
Pembayun Pisolo (PP.
, or the brideAos family Pembayun Penampi (PP.
, serving as the primary speakers during the ritual phases in Table 1.
strategies, particularly those that are off-record, such as metaphors, indirect hints, rhetorical questions, and associative cues.
These were analyzed in the broader cultural and ritual context in which they occurred.
The analytical framework drew upon Brown and LevinsonAos .
politeness model, particularly the concept of face-threatening acts (FTA.
and redressive strategies.
The coding process aimed to classify utterances according to how Pembayuns mitigated threats to face through indirect communication.
Where applicable, extracts from the transcriptions were triangulated with interview data to verify intended meanings and socio-cultural significance.
This combination allowed for a robust and emic understanding of politeness as practiced in the ritual discourse.
The entire data analysis process adopted the interactive model developed by Miles and Huberman .
This model consists of four parts that work together in a cycle: collecting data, reducing data, displaying data, and drawing conclusions.
As shown in Figure 1, these components work together to continually improve and enhance the understanding of the data throughout the research process.
Table 1.
Demographic Overview of Key Informants Data Set GroomAos Family (PPh / PP.
BrideAos Family (PP.
1Ae4 Male, 53 (PP.
Male, 50 (PP.
Male, 60 (PP.
5Ae8 Male, 53 (PP.
Male, 40 (PP.
Male, 60 (PP.
Male, 45 (PP.
9Ae12 Male, 53 (PP.
Male, 50 (PP.
Male, 60 (PP.
Male, 45 (PP.
Male, 60 (PP.
Lalu Nurul Yaqin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol.
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Fig.
Adopted the interactive model.
Miles and Huberman .
RESULTS The data analysis identified four types of offrecord politeness strategies: giving hints, associative clues, overstating, and using metaphors.
PPo.
PPh, and PPi used these strategies during the Merariq In this context, the Pembayun were not exempt from performing face-threatening acts (FTA.
toward their interlocutors .
and mitigated these acts through off-record politeness Extract 1: SSDP 09 PPi : Ngantos tanhane ubaye-ubaye jam tiga ampure, dawek, nunasan, nggih magrib mangkin, nggih dawek yenwonten sisip siwah dewek titiang sami dewek matur agungagung sinampure We waited until 3 oAoclock, but now it is Maghrib.
If there was any mistake.
I represent everyone here and sincerely apologize.
10 PPo : Ampure, ye narak sisip siwah kireng nelangkung atur piatur dewek titiang, tiang tunas gung agung sinampure.
My apologies if I was at fault earlier.
sincerely apologize.
Hinting Politeness: Indirect Criticism and Suggestion as an Off-Record Politeness Strategy Identifying one of the most dominant off-record politeness strategies used by Sasak Pembayun is giving hints, as seen in the analysis of ritual interactions in merariq ceremonies.
The strategy is often used indirectly to send criticisms, advice, or rejection .
specially during the Sorong Serah part of the ritua.
Sorong Serah is the last and highest ceremonial stage, which is conducted as a formal means of customary Law after the Merariq process.
The exchange generally occurs in the brideAos front yard, where representatives from both families meet and negotiate and resolve any outstanding issues symbolically.
PPi refers to the brideAos family, and PPo refers to the groomAos It is a politeness strategy that preserves face by providing an implicit message instead of an explicit one and allowing the recipient to interpret the speakerAos more delicate intention without In Extract 1.
PPi makes an implicit critique of the lateness of PPoAos arrival, without a more direct critique of PPi himself, by simply noting the passage of time and creating the impression of critique within the apology.
The judgment comes through indirectly, as PPi says it is already going to Maghrib .
rayer performed just after sunse.
and that it apologizes, all of which suggests a nag but not a resounding criticism.
PPo apologizes sincerely in response, and it is clear that PPi has communicated what PPo needed to hear most.
This exchange illustrates how PPi deliberately avoids expressing his disappointment explicitly.
Instead of issuing a direct complaint, he conveys his message through indirect cues, leaving it to PPo to interpret and respond appropriately.
Such an approach enables PPi to maintain politeness and social harmony by shielding PPoAos face from Lalu Nurul Yaqin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol.
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the threat of overt criticism.
Using this off-record strategy reinforces cultural expectations around tact and respect, especially in ceremonial contexts where preserving relational dignity is paramount.
The off-record nature of the criticism thus avoids confrontation and facilitates smooth interpersonal dynamics during the ritual.
and necessary action to the recipients.
PPh avoids issuing a direct command, instead employing the off-record strategy by emphasizing the importance of thoroughness, implying that incomplete offerings may not be acceptable.
This phrasing conveys the intended meaning while giving the impression that no pressure is involved.
Extract 2: SSDRPM The delegation of Pembayun interprets the utterance as a gentle reminder and takes the necessary actions based on PPhAos implied message.
In this context, the off-record strategy is deemed successful when there is a positive alignment between the speakerAos intention and the listenerAos Based on the research results, offrecord strategies are more effective than on-record approaches among the Pembayun.
In several instances observed during Merariq ceremonies, direct suggestions were occasionally misinterpreted, resulting in unintended or mismatched responses.
PPh PPo : Jam due wah te sak berangkat, bareh We will leave at two oAoclock.
: Sampun siap tiang pasang sapuk niki I am already ready with my sapuk .
raditional headscar.
Extract 2 the interaction between PPh and PPo regarding the agreement to conduct the Sorong Serah ceremony.
The dialogue occurs at the groomAos house while preparing arte berane, or ritualistic gifts to be sent to the brideAos house.
includes an off-record request, which implies that PPh should already be at the brideAos home before 2:00 PM, asthe ceremonial team will leave by that Rather than directly telling PPo to come early.
PPh says.
AuWe will leave at two oAoclock,Ay allowing PPo to infer the intended meaning.
Speakers may choose the off-record strategy when they believe that the illocutionary act expressed in a non-coercive manner can potentially threaten the recipientAos positive face.
Extract 4 illustrates the point in a conversation between PPh PPo responds humorously by saying he has and PPi, who are also close friends.
already donned the traditional headscarf .
Extract 4: SRDK signaling his readiness and understanding of the implied message.
This exchange illustrates 45 PPh : Kolok ceraken rombong no lek to Place the ceremonial bowl over there.
how off-record hinting successfully maintains PPi Lamun ne ceraken rombong biase lek julu politeness while ensuring coordination.
Pembayun taok ne tekolok also uses the strategy of giving hints when offering Usually, the ceremonial bowl is placed at Typically, this strategy is employed the front.
when the speaker wishes to perform a faceThis exchange highlights how PPi deflects threatening act (FTA) while avoiding the negative PPhAos instruction by referencing tradition.
The impact or undesirable consequences that could utterance in Extract 4 shows PPh suggesting follow, as further seen in extract 3.
to one of the delegations the placement of the Extract 3.
SSDS
ceremonial bowl .
eraken rombon.
, which is part of the offerings to the brideAos family.
PPi rejects 02 PPh : Lamun arak kurang, arte berane ance aji krame, biase jak bagian te sanget ketat the suggestion of using an off-record strategy.
Adat ne, jari selapuk sak eak te jauk harus does not explicitly state his refusal but emphasizes lengkap, adek te sak dek tesuruk tulak that the item is Auusually placed at the front,Ay If the ceremonial offerings and traditional implying that PPhAos suggestion deviates from symbols lack something, the strict rules in that region require everything to be customary practice.
From the contextual cues.
PPh complete, or they might ask us to return.
understands that his proposal may not be suitable Rather than issuing a direct order.
PPh according to tradition.
Extract 4 demonstrates that frames his warning as a general observation about even between close interlocutors such as PPh and customary expectations.
Extract 3 reflects PPhAos PPi, off-record politeness strategies are employed suggestion to the delegation to prepare ceremonial to preserve face and mitigate the threat of direct offerings for the Sorong Serah event.
He does so refusal.
Furthermore, off-record politeness is by merely giving a hint, leaving the interpretation evident in the rejection of specific proposals during Lalu Nurul Yaqin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol.
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bride-price negotiations, as illustrated in Extract 5.
Extract 5: SRDK PPh PPi Sepulu doang sik ne siep marak sak aturan keluarge mame Only ten, as per the request from the groomAos family.
Dek te bau beli sebie bawang, lamun tek itung ajian-ajian nani Looking at current prices, that is not enough to buy chili and onions.
and LevinsonAos politeness model to ritual situations while illustrating the necessity to consider culturespecific modes of indirectness in the linguistic approach (Brown & Levinson, 1.
Associative Clues as an Off-Record Politeness Strategy In Extract 5.
PPh proposes reducing the brideAos price to ten units, a suggestion made on behalf of the groomAos family.
PPi, who represents the brideAos family, meets this offer with a firm yet indirect rejection.
PPi replies with a culturally resonant analogy: AuThat is not enough to buy chili and onions if you look at current prices.
Ay This offrecord response implies that the proposed amount is insufficient without directly confronting the offer.
The strategy fosters harmony and consensus, aligning with the broader communicative ethos of Sasak ritual discourse.
By employing quotidian economic expressions.
PPi communicates not merely the rejection but one couched in the familiar and non-aggressive.
The solution preserves the other partyAos dignity.
It strikes a balance between being formal enough to respect everyoneAos dignity and informal enough to accommodate everyoneAos During Merariq, numerous indirect refusals are selected to minimize the possibility of conflict and preserve the cultural values of respect and PPiAos metaphor registers dissent while protecting mutual dignity, then draws from their common stock of social norms and ceremonial These extracts above show that Sasak Merariq rituals badly need hinting as a strategy of off-record It empowers speakers to share criticism, make suggestions, and manage disagreements without endangering relational harmony or social order.
In high-context or collectivist cultures .
ike SasaAk societ.
, hinting maintains the careful equilibrium between deference and assertiveness expected in ceremonial discourse.
Cultural scripts and communal knowledge that facilitate the understanding of messages, even when implicit, support the strategic use of hinting in these exchanges.
Hinting thus serves as a facesaving measure to reinforce community norms and facilitate respectful negotiation.
This observation confirms the applicability of Brown Sasak ritual discourse employs associative clues as an off-record politeness strategy.
The strategy enables speakers to direct listeners to a desired interpretation without explicitly stating it, instead drawing on relevant prior knowledge from shared culture and context.
Such techniques are employed regularly in Merariq, especially during the ceremonial negotiations known as Sorong Serah, which ultimately solidify traditional agreements made following elopement.
Politeness stems from nuanced language that focuses on cultural harmony and understanding, a shared interpretation of conduct, rather than issuing blunt instructions or resorting to aggression.
Extract 6: SRDK 51 PPi : Nunasan tang, ape symbol aji krame niki arak tejauk endah? Excuse me, is the aji krame symbol .
old ornamen.
also brought here? In the extract.
PPi smartly questions what is not being seen.
PPi inquires about the presence of customary goods that should be there .
ji kram.
, while during the ceremony.
PPi asks where this thing is.
PPiAos question, without a direct, explicit request, suggests that the item is essential and should be available or visible.
The utterance serves as an association cue, indicating that the item should nearby and perhaps even highlighting its exact positioning or visibility.
Interpretation of the subtext: The recipient moves the object forward.
PPi request was made Auwithout pressureAy with a minimized likelihood for threats in the AufaceAy and ceremonial decorum.
With a collective grasp of the customs, society employs these indirect strategies in its interactionsustaining communication, despite a firm reliance on high-context markers in Sasak communication, such as associative strategies.
Shared knowledge is crucial in these forms of cultural and ritual communication, where indirectness can occur, as it enables participants to pick up on nuances that are not explicitly stated.
The context and knowledge shared among members of a collectivist society help individuals infer deeper meanings in hints and Lalu Nurul Yaqin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol.
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In communities with a strong oral tradition, this dependency on common knowledge becomes even more pronounced, producing a dynamic where listeners fill in gaps for vague utterances in rituals with their embedded narratives and socialized knowledge.
In these contexts, associative meaning-making is crucial, as it fosters connections between linguistic expressions and their social and cultural consequences.
They are indirect by making criticisms or expressing needs, doing so in a way that avoids direct interaction with their interlocutors.
This roundabout approach gives face, encourages mutual understanding, and strengthens community ties.
Participants draw upon contextual clues and insights about community norms to navigate sexualized spaces, allowing them to communicate in a way that .
avoids offending.
overt confrontation.
Overstating as an Off-Record Politeness Strategy In extract 8, during the distribution of selawat .
ritual monetary gif.
PPi uses the word selapuk .
, an exaggeration that suggests a large This indirect request implies substantial financial requirement.
PPh responds with matching hyperbole, promising one million rupiahs without The exchange is light-hearted but purposeful: PPi avoids directly stating the amount needed, and PPh accepts the implication in kind.
The mutual use of exaggeration reflects shared cultural norms, allowing both parties to maintain politeness and humor while meeting the ritual Overstating is another off-record politeness Pembayun can overstate their utterances for communicative effect.
In that sense, it is essential to note that indirectness is not limited to understatement or exaggeration.
Still, it can also serve as a politeness strategy, particularly in situations involving humor, subtle rejection, or mild Exaggerations in ritual communication soften the force of an utterance, allowing speakers to disagree or make a request in a way that minimizes potential face threats.
PPhAos indirect response allows PPi to infer disapproval while maintaining face.
The exaggeration, embedded in humor and cultural reference to the Raden nobility, invites reconsideration of the proposal without creating This type of rhetorical exaggeration is common in Sasak ceremonial discourse as it communicates disagreement while preserving social cohesion.
Extract 8: SSDS PPi PPh : Selapuk ne mangkin eak mau selawat, pire keloek ne selawat niki? Everyone will receive selawat .
ift mone.
, so how many are there? : Sejute tang dek ne kurang sesenpun One million rupiah, not a single cent less.
Extract 7: SRDP Extract 9: SSDBK PPi PPh :
PPh PPi Lamun lek deriki aji satak ajin aji krame Here, the value of aji krame is usually two Ampure, tang, sai sak piyak kesepakatan masalah harge niki, bije jarin raden bae aji satus.
Excuse me, but who agreed to this price? Only those of the Raden lineage would have a value of one hundred.
In this exchange, which occurs during dowry negotiations in the Sorong Serah ceremony.
PPi proposes a figure for the ceremonial gold .
ji kram.
PPh responds with an exaggerated statement framed as a rhetorical question: AuOnly the Raden would price it at one hundred,Ay implying the proposed figure is too high for their social This overstatement serves as a subtle criticism and polite rejection, conveyed without Dek tenik nani jak selesai, sampe ne arak There is no way we will finish this now.
might go until subuh .
orning praye.
Lamun dekman lengkap arte berane niki,silak te penyalak obor If the offerings are not complete yet, let us go ahead and light the torches.
In extract 9, it occurs amid a prolonged PPh exaggerates the time expected to complete the discussion, joking that it might continue until subuh .
orning praye.
PPi responds with a similar overstatement, suggesting they light The use of hyperbole here softens the frustration felt over delays and avoids attributing Pembayun shared that exaggeration signals a cooperative stance and shared understanding.
Humor and overstatement function as tools to reduce interpersonal tension, preserving the face of Lalu Nurul Yaqin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol.
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all participants while still expressing dissatisfaction.
to critique, humble, or evaluate in a way that In Sasak culture, such exchanges are emblematic minimizes face loss and conforms to social norms.
of indirect confrontation wrapped in jest.
Extract 10: SSDJG In these cases, exaggeration is a deliberate 60 PPi : Ternyate dek dengan sembarangan, semaken and culturally salient form of off-record te petoes kau lapah Exaggeration is often employed as a Clearly, not just anyone moves like waking a politeness or mitigation device to maintain social hungry buffalo.
harmony in interactions within certain Southeast In the extract, 10 PPi delivers this utterance Asian cultures.
This strategic overstatement after witnessing another speaker perform a song.
mitigates requests or criticisms, helping speakers The metaphor Aulike waking a hungry buffaloAy is an emphasize their communicative goals without indirect compliment, indicating that the performer directly challenging the face of the interlocutor is powerful and energetic.
This metaphor is a (Astruc & Vanrell, 2016.
Duffau & Fox Tree, culturally embedded form of praise, allowing For instance, exaggeration can be purposely PPi to express admiration while avoiding overly employed .
, in ceremonie.
to amplify feelings direct flattery.
Using an animal metaphor familiar of gratitude or happiness, thereby orchestrating in SasakAos cultural imagery.
PPi draws on shared a sense of collective celebration and agreement knowledge to ensure the comment is positive yet (Rezaie, 2014.
Wang et al.
, 2.
Exaggeration is often correlated with humor Extract 11: SSDLSD or irony in ritual discourse and contributes to lessening the seriousness while reinforcing ties 65 PPi : Selapauk dedare anyong penek ne, sik tembang niki, lamun tiang jak jauk dunie among participants.
The mutual coherence of bekek langit humor provides everyone involved with a of All the young maidens would lose control Ausaving faceAy in a fraught social situation, serving hearing this song: my voice is as far from as a vehicle for commenting on otherwise loutish yours as the earth is from the sky.
or controversial opinions (Meiratnasari et al.
In extract 11.
PPi compliments PPhAos singing Syting & Gildore, 2.
These humorous a metaphor comparing their voices to the exaggerations are closely tied to oral traditions that value storytelling and embellishment, leading to an distance between earth and sky.
The expression enhanced communicative experience (Beschieru, serves two functions: praising PPh while Duffau & Fox Tree, 2.
In many simultaneously showing humility.
In Sasak culture.
Southeast Asian cultures, the norms of politeness direct self-praise is frowned upon, so PPi uses may be more relaxed and refer to the collective metaphor to avoid elevating himself while elevating values in some cultures and social hierarchies, the other speaker.
This strategy also preserves the where hyperbole is allowed more freely than social equilibrium between the interlocutors.
in individualistic cultures.
Hyperbole is often Extract 12: SSBP acceptable and appreciated when it serves to the 50 PPi : Halus manis subasaning raga lwir kadya benefit of group cohesion or a collective cause.
subasaning para ratu luwih.
On the other hand, there are various cases where The speech was so refined and sweet, like international students use excessive exaggeration in the words of noble kings.
their speech, which can be perceived as insincere or In this case.
PPi compares the speech of disrespectful to individuals, provoking a backlash another participant to that of royal figures.
The and highlighting the need to balance humor and metaphor honors the recipient and demonstrates (Getkham, 2.
high regard for their eloquence.
Such expressions Metaphorical Expression as an Off-Record reinforce cultural ideals of politeness and humility.
Politeness Strategy elevating the other partyAos status while implicitly In the Sasak marriage ceremony, metaphorical lowering the speakerAos own.
language is an essential off-the-record politeness It is consistent with local etiquette that Instead of using literal or direct language, prioritizes humility, especially in formal or speakers use culturally resonant metaphors ceremonial language.
With these examples.
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Metaphors protect literal meaning.
that is, metaphors are ambiguous compared to direct meaning: speakers could praise or criticize in a gentle, artistic, or socially acceptable manner.
They introduce a layer of abstraction that allows for interpretation without confrontation.
we are still telling the same story, but it requires an accepted level of familiarity with our cultural narrative, from the nightly news, to hang together.
In cultural and ritual communication, inferences about indirectness occur since shared knowledge enables the participants to understand the slight variations and implicit messages that are not explicitly stated.
In collectivist societies, the shared background knowledge among community memberAos fosters familiarity, making hints, associative meanings, and impressions more significant.
In communities with strong oral traditions, this dependence on the groupAos knowledge is further evident.
it allows for dynamic interaction between speakers and listeners, who can come to understand the significance of vague language or allusions made during performative rituals based on their own relevant social experiences and culturally determined Contextualizing linguistic expressions in relation to social and cultural events and associative meaning-making would be invaluable.
The implicit references in ritual discourse serve as politeness devices that allow members to articulate their needs or critiques without explicitly challenging their interlocutor.
This indirectness preserves face, encourages mutual understanding, and reinforces social bonds.
With both contextual clues and standard community norms, participants can approach complex social interactions in a more cohesive and socially relevant manner, allowing members to maintain a shared sense of interaction that is primarily respectful and civil.
Widely used across cultures, particularly in ritual or religious contexts, metaphor serves as a politeness strategy, allowing speakers to convey criticism or humility in a culturally significant Metaphorical language in Sasak and other Indonesian cultures is often rooted in elements of nature, spirituality, and communal living, reflecting the shared experiences and values of these cultures.
In particular, as a staple food, metaphors associated with rice represent abundance and prosperity, whereas the invocation of water brings about purification.
Pembayuns are handy devices for conveying criticism or humility Using metaphorical techniques can soften the face-threatening acts that may be inherent in speakersAo commentaries or critiques on the subject matter, which may need to be avoided in the deliberation process to create a more civilized discussion atmosphere.
(Meiratnasari et al.
, 2.
As an illustration, a speaker might note.
AuThe river flows quietly but carries stones,Ay strongly advising against reflection less verbally than directly admonishing a person.
Language remains a ritual in the Indonesian community, allowing them to critique and maintain social harmony, intimating their inseparable bond within the tapestry of culture.
Therefore, referencing metaphors also strengthens the variety of communication by reflecting the cultural values of respect and delicacy, so that the cultural context behind Sasak society and language, among others, should also be considered when articulating words (Astruc & Vanrell, 2016.
Widiana et al.
, 2.
Strategic Functions of Off-Record Politeness Strategies in Managing Social Dynamics This section systematically discloses how off-record politeness strategies were instantiated in the Sorong Serah of Sasak elopement practices, providing the communicative function, facesaving orientation, and correlation with Brown and LevinsonAos .
politeness theory for each strategy.
As examined in the preceding sections, the strategies of hinting, associative hints, overstatement, and metaphor have specific functions in mitigating face-threatening acts (FTA.
, particularly in negotiating sensitive topics such as dowry, role, and ritual obligations.
According to the Brown and Levinson model, speakers of an FTA .
ace-threatening ac.
can do so on-record or off-record.
In an on-record situation, speakers may then decide whether to rectify it through positive or negative politeness.
Off-record strategies that fit the Sasak Pembayuns involve the speaker blurring their intention, leaving it ambiguous and open to interpretation, which allows the speaker to avoid accountability and potential These strategies demonstrate the Sasak speakersAo preference for indirect, high-context communication which prioritizes relational harmony over confrontation.
The use of off-record politeness not only reflects strategic linguistic Lalu Nurul Yaqin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol.
12 No.
Table 2.
Off-Record Strategies in Sasak Merariq (Elopemen.
Functions and Face Orientation Strategy Hinting associative Clues Overstating Metaphorical Expression Communicative Function Indirectly criticizing or requesting without imposing Using shared cultural knowledge to infer meaning Exaggerating to reject, mock, or humorously critique Face-Saving Orientation Negative Face Positive Face Negative/Positive Face Encoding evaluation or humility via culturally resonant Positive Face behavior but also embodies the profound moral and cultural values embedded in the Sasak cultural Notably, such strategies rely heavily on shared interpretive frameworks between speaker and listener, reinforcing group identity and socio-cultural coherence.
Politeness strategies in cross-cultural pragmatics literature have been extensively categorized, primarily drawing on the foundational work of Brown and Levinson .
and subsequent adaptations and critiques.
Brown and Levinson .
classified politeness into positive, negative, and off-record strategies which enable individuals to navigate social interactions, strengthening the social bond or minimizing threats to one anotherAos face.
With the emergence of more nuanced frameworks, comparisons of off-record strategies between different speech communities have been made, including cross-cultural differences in requests and politeness strategies in American English and Saudi Arabic, which highlight the cultural specificity in these interactions (Tawalbeh & Al-Oqaily, 2.
The framework of Brown and Levinson .
remains helpful for analyzing the linguistic choices in the Sasak merariq ritual.
Nevertheless, it is crucial to note that the effectiveness of each strategy relies not only on its theoretical classification but also on how well-suited it is to local traditions and communicative expectations.
In this way, vague politeness serves the complex process of negotiating marriage alliances within Sasak culture by enabling socially valued exits that save face and offer flexibility of interpretation, both of which are essential for maintaining social Thus, while structures of politeness can be viewed through the lens of Brown and LevinsonAos theory, the actual practice of politeness among the Sasak is a delicate balancing act influenced by the context of the social environment and cultural IV.
DISCUSSION