Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, pp.
1 Ae 18, 1861 eISSN 2302-2035 | pISSN 3047-9614 Journal homepage https://jurnal.
id/index.
php/kinesik/index Political Economy of Digital Media Commodification: Kid Influencers on YouTube Ekonomi Politik Komodifikasi Media Digital: Influencer Anak di YouTube Andrea Soegiarto Postgraduate Communication Science.
FISIP.
University of Indonesia.
Depok.
Indonesia Keywords Kid influencers.
Commodification.
Political economy.
Digital media.
YouTube.
ABSTRACT
The political economy of media has evolved into a practice that spans various aspects of life.
Digital media platforms serve as channels for economic powers to influence consumer behavior for profit maximization.
This study examines how children become commodified as workers in the digital media culture industry through the phenomenon of Kid Influencers on YouTube.
Using qualitative methods and a political economy perspective, this research analyzes the Ryan's World and Super Duper Ziyan YouTube channels.
Data collection involved analyzing previous research on Kid Influencers and gathering information from popular children's YouTube The results indicate that YouTube's ability to reach targeted audiences enables children to become objects of worker commodification, as monetization creates economic exchange value.
This study reveals how capitalism infiltrates media, utilizing social platforms to expand business opportunities through content featuring children for child consumption.
Kata Kunci
ABSTRAK
Influencer anak.
Komodifikasi.
Ekonomi politik.
Media digital.
YouTube.
Ekonomi politik media telah berkembang menjadi sebuah praktik yang menjangkau berbagai aspek kehidupan.
Platform media digital menjadi saluran bagi kekuatan ekonomi untuk mempengaruhi perilaku konsumen demi memaksimalkan keuntungan.
Penelitian ini mengkaji bagaimana anakanak dikomodifikasi sebagai pekerja dalam industri budaya media digital melalui fenomena Kid Influencer di YouTube.
Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif dan perspektif ekonomi politik, penelitian ini menganalisis kanal YouTube Ryan's World dan Super Duper Ziyan.
Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menganalisis penelitian terdahulu mengenai Kid Influencer dan mengumpulkan informasi dari kanal-kanal YouTube anakanak yang populer.
Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kemampuan YouTube untuk menjangkau pemirsa yang ditargetkan memungkinkan anakanak menjadi objek komodifikasi pekerja, karena monetisasi menciptakan nilai tukar ekonomi.
Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bagaimana kapitalisme menyusup ke dalam media, memanfaatkan platform sosial untuk memperluas peluang bisnis melalui konten yang menampilkan anak-anak untuk konsumsi anak-anak.
Introduction The digital media landscape has dramatically transformed how content is created, consumed, and monetized.
Economic systems have evolved from bartering goods to Corresponding author Andrea Soegiarto.
Postgraduate Communication Science.
FISIP.
University of Indonesia.
Depok.
Indonesia.
Email: andre.
soegiarto@gmail.
https://doi.
org/10.
22487/ejk.
Received 7 March 2025.
Received in revised form 18 April 2025.
Accepted 19 April 2025 Published 23 April 2025.
Available online 8 May 2025 2302-2035 | 3047-9614 / A 2025 The Authors.
Managed by the Department of Communication Studies.
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences.
Tadulako University.
Published by Tadulako University.
This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license .
ttp://creativecommons.
org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.
0/).
Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 digital transactions, with media platforms becoming central to contemporary capitalism.
In this context, media organizations function not only as information providers but also as business entities requiring substantial capital to operate (McQuail, 2.
The economy has become an integral part of human existence, facilitating various needs through exchange mechanisms that have evolved from traditional bartering to sophisticated digital transactions.
At its core, economics represents a process of production, consumption, and distribution, where products of varying necessityAifrom primary to tertiary needsAiare created and circulated to satisfy human requirements.
Within this economic framework, media companies have emerged as crucial entities that fulfill society's informational and entertainment needs while simultaneously operating as business organizations with specific objectives.
Media companies, like other businesses, require substantial funding for operations, including employee salaries, infrastructure costs, and content creation.
Their revenue typically derives from multiple sources, including donations, government subsidies, and predominantly, advertising.
As Mosco .
argues, media content has increasingly become a commodity sold in markets where information dissemination is dictated by economic interests.
While some media organizations prioritize information provision over profitability, relying on donations or subsidies, the majority in today's freemarket environment pursue maximum financial returns.
The establishment of media companies demands significant capital investment, resulting in ownership concentration among large corporations with substantial financial These corporations often possess diverse media portfolios spanning multiple platforms and content types.
The centralization of media ownership into conglomerates, as documented by Tapsell .
, has significant implications for content diversity and economic power distribution.
In Indonesia, for example, media ownership has consolidated into eight major groups controlling television, print, online, and radio This concentration potentially limits the information available to audiences, as content across platforms owned by the same corporation tends to align with corporate values, interests, and objectives.
According to Bourdieu .
, media corporations operate through three major forms of capital that shape their influence in the media landscape.
First, economic capital represents monetary resources and ownership rights that provide the financial foundation for media operations.
Second, cultural capital manifests in three distinct forms: embodied state .
nternalized knowledge and disposition.
, objectified state .
aterial cultural objects like writings or painting.
, and institutionalized state .
ormally recognized Third, social capital consists of networks and connections that can be converted to economic advantages under certain conditions.
This comprehensive capital framework helps explain how media corporations maintain their dominance within communication ecosystems.
The interplay between these capital forms enables media corporations to exert extraordinary influence, as noted by Bourdieu in Durham & Kellner .
Television, for instance, possesses exceptional power to reach audiences, facilitating the transmission of information and values more effectively than print media.
Similarly.
McQuail .
highlights how mainstream media operate at the intersection of consumer and advertising markets, providing services to audiences while simultaneously selling audience access to This dual-market structure often results in content homogenization as media compete for limited revenue sources.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 The concentration of media ownership has profound implications for content creation and distribution.
As documented by Ross Tapsell's seven-year research.
Indonesian media has been consolidated under eight large conglomerates, including CT Corp.
Global Mediacom.
Electrical Technology.
Bakrie Group.
Media Group.
Lippo Group.
Jawa Pos Group, and Kompas Gramedia (Laksono, 2.
This concentration illustrates the centralization of media power and its potential impact on content diversity and public discourse.
Table 1.
Concentration of Media Ownership by Media Conglomerates in Indonesia Company Subsidiaries Owner Television Print Online Radio CT Corp Trans Corp Chairul Trans TV.
Detik.
CNN Tanjung Trans 7.
CNN
Global
MNC
Hary MNC.
Sindo Sindonews Trijaya FM.
Mediacom Tanoesoedib Global.
Newspaper Global
RCTI
Radio.
Radio
Dangdut
Global
MNC
Hary MNC.
Sindo Sindonews Trijaya FM.
Mediacom Tanoesoedib Global.
Newspaper Global
RCTI
Radio.
Radio Dangdut Electrical SCMA Eddy SCTV, com.
Elshinta Technology Group Kusnadi Indosiar OChannel Radio Sariaatmadja Bakrie Asia Media Abu Rizal TvOne.
Viva Group Vision Bakrie ANTV Media Group Surya Paloh Metro TV Media Indonesia Metrotv Lippo Group Television Media Indonesia Berita Satu James Riady Jawa Pos Group Dahlan Iskan Jakarta Globe Jawa Pos News One Jawa Pos Group Berita Satu Jawa Pos Fajar FM Kompas Gramedia Kompas Group Jakoeb Oetama Kompas TV Kompas Kompas Tribunnews Sonora Media institutions have become increasingly permeated by capitalist logic, where content is treated as a marketable commodity and information dissemination is governed by market forces.
Vincent Mosco .
defines media political economy as the study of social relations, particularly power dynamics, that reciprocally influence production, distribution, and consumption processes.
McQuail identifies five relational types affecting media operations: community relations, owner/client/supplier relationships, dominant pressure group influences, internal organizational factors, and audience These relationships often disadvantage audiences, as information access becomes mediated by other competing interests rather than public needs.
While Indonesian Law Number 40 of 1999 concerning the Press establishes five functions for mediaAiinformation provision, education, entertainment, social control, and economic institutionAithe economic function often overshadows others.
As media pursue financial objectives, content increasingly reflects commercial imperatives rather than journalistic values.
Mosco's .
key concepts of commodification, spatialization, and 2302-2035 | 3047-9614 https://doi.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 structuration help explain how media political economy operates, with commodification representing capitalism's drive to transform messages into marketable products.
Commodification manifests in three primary forms: content commodification .
ransforming information into marketable product.
, audience commodification .
ackaging viewers as sellable commodities to advertiser.
, and worker commodification .
reating labor skills and working hours as exchangeable commoditie.
These processes reflect capitalism's fundamental tendency to convert everything of value into tradable goods, often leading to spiritual and moral crises as mindless materialism displaces other In today's digital landscape, social media platforms featuring Kid Influencers have emerged as significant phenomena.
These platformsAiInstagram.
YouTube, and X .
ormerly Twitte.
Aishowcase child performers who create content targeting children as their primary audience.
Content creators produce these materials to satisfy children's entertainment and informational needs while simultaneously pursuing economic As Collins .
n Sihombing, 2.
, media plays a crucial role in children's socialization, helping them learn social roles, values, and behaviors through identification with media figures, making children particularly susceptible to external YouTube has gained particular prominence among young audiences, offering creative spaces for content focused on lifestyle, games, humor, sports, and fashion (Larrea-Ayala, 2.
As Hidalgo-Mary and Segarra-Saavedra .
YouTube provides a creative environment where young people can achieve empowerment and business development opportunities.
Kid Influencers operate their own YouTube channels, creating content specifically designed for child consumption.
The primary research objective of this study is to examine the commodification of children as workers in the digital media industry, specifically on YouTube, through the phenomenon of Kid Influencers.
By analyzing Ryan's World and Super Duper Ziyan as case studies, this research aims to understand how capitalism infiltrates children's content creation and consumption patterns, transforming children into commodified workers within digital platforms.
This study focuses specifically on YouTube channels featuring children as central performers, using the child's name as the channel identity.
By examining two popular channelsAiSuper Duper Ziyan (Indonesi.
and Ryan's World (United State.
Aithrough a literature review approach, this research investigates how these shows commodify children as Kid Influencers.
Previous research indicates that Kid Influencers have been exploited by profit-seeking entities to transform children into lucrative products across multiple industry sectors (Feller & Burroughs, 2.
Studies by Castillo-Abdul et al.
reveal that most popular Kid Influencers are between 10-12 years old and typically began their YouTube careers approximately five years before achieving substantial popularity, making them particularly vulnerable to exploitation.
Additionally.
Guzman Neyza .
identified significant gaps between technological advancement and regulatory frameworks, leaving children in monetized YouTube content inadequately YouTube represents the internet's foremost video-sharing platform, boasting over two billion usersAiapproximately one-third of all internet users globally.
As of 2024.
YouTube had over 2.
5 billion users worldwide, with India leading user numbers .
, followed by the United States .
and Indonesia .
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 YouTube ranks as the second most popular social media platform, positioned between Facebook and WhatsApp (Ceci, 2.
In this digital ecosystem, influencers represent professionals trusted by audiences to provide product or service recommendations (Castillo-Abdul et al.
, 2.
Influencers gain credibility through their perceived knowledge and experience in specific domains.
Research identifies three influencer categories: celebrity influencers .
stablished entertainment figures with large social media following.
, social media influencers .
ndividuals who achieved fame through social platforms and developed expertise in particular area.
, and micro-influencers .
imilar to social media influencers but with smaller yet highly engaged communitie.
Kid Influencers represent a specialized category of social media performers who, despite their youth, have developed substantial followings capable of influencing consumer behavior and cultural trends.
Previous research on child commodification in media shows indicates that children represent valuable commodities when appropriately packaged in audio-visual products (Yosef, 2.
Studies of South Korean television programs featuring children revealed that such shows function as profit-driven popular culture products operating according to market mechanisms.
Similarly.
Tur-Viyes et al.
demonstrated that YouTube content produced by children attracts brand interest for product promotion, with children's authentic communication style proving highly persuasive despite differing from conventional advertising approaches.
The legal framework surrounding child labor in digital media remains In Indonesia.
Law No.
13 of 2003 generally prohibits child employment (Article .
but provides exceptions for children aged 13-15 performing "light work" that doesn't interfere with their development (Article .
In the United States, the "California" Actor's Bill (Coogan Ac.
regulates child entertainment industry work, restricting working hours and requiring permits, but its application to digital content remains The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) faces challenges regulating internet-based entertainment due to difficulties distinguishing between protected speech and commercial performances, leaving children in internet-based content inadequately protected (Guzman Neyza, 2.
Previous research on content and advertising regulation on YouTube highlights how children's YouTube personalities are transformed into global brands, with companies leveraging Kid Influencers' fame to market toys, clothing, and lifestyle products across multiple industry sectors (Feller & Burroughs, 2.
This commodification process aligns with Mosco's .
political economy framework, where capitalism pursues capital accumulation through power relations that determine product consumption Cultural products, including children's content, traditionally contain historical values transmitted across generations.
However, commodification through commercialization and modernization threatens the authenticity of these cultural expressions (Mardatillah et al.
, 2.
When cultural products enter industrial processes, they become standardized, mass-produced, and manipulated, as Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer .
observed in their critique of the cultural industry, where cultural products are reproduced by capital owners primarily for profit generation.
Advertising functions as both a trendsetter and a shaper of modern consciousness, with producers using mass media for extensive promotional campaigns.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 advancements (Arviani, 2.
Kid Influencers, as cultural icons with substantial followings, attract capital owners seeking to utilize their services for product promotion and profit maximization.
The economic dynamics surrounding Kid Influencer content involve multiple beneficiaries: content creators receive payment for product promotions, advertisers reach targeted audiences effectively, and platforms share in advertising revenue.
This arrangement exemplifies the cultural industry's commodification processes, where children's performances generate economic value across a network of stakeholders.
Through this theoretical and contextual framework, this study investigates how children become commodified workers in the digital media landscape, focusing specifically on the phenomenon of Kid Influencers on YouTube.
By examining Ryan's World and Super Duper Ziyan as case studies, this research aims to understand the economic relationships, power dynamics, and ethical implications surrounding children's participation in digital content creation and distribution.
Political economy of media represents a critical approach to understanding how economic structures and power relations shape media content, production, and Vincent Mosco .
defines political economy as "the study of social relations, particularly power relations, that mutually constitute the production, distribution, and consumption of resources.
" Applied to communication and media, this approach examines how media institutions operate within capitalist systems and how economic imperatives influence media practices and content.
Political economy analysis is particularly concerned with ownership patterns, financing mechanisms, and regulatory structures that determine how media organizations As McQuail .
notes, media operate simultaneously in two markets:
delivering content to audiences while selling audience attention to advertisers.
This dualmarket structure creates inherent tensions between public interest goals and commercial Within the digital media landscape, political economy analysis has evolved to address new challenges including platform economies, data commodification, and algorithmic governance.
Mansell and Steinmueller .
argue that digital platforms have intensified commodification processes while creating new forms of economic concentration and control.
YouTube, as a subsidiary of Google (Alphabe.
, represents a significant node in this concentrated ownership structure, with implications for content creators and audiences.
Central to political economy analysis is the concept of commodification, which Mosco .
describes as "the process of transforming use values into exchange values.
In the media context, commodification manifests in three primary forms:
Content commodification refers to the transformation of communication and cultural expressions into marketable products.
As described by Hardy .
, this process converts messages from collections of information into systems of meaning with market For Kid Influencers, content commodification occurs when children's play, family interactions, and experiences are packaged as entertainment products designed to maximize viewership and engagement.
Audience commodification, a concept initially developed by Dallas Smythe .
, refers to the process by which media companies produce audiences to be sold to Smythe argued that the primary commodity produced by commercial media is not content but audiences whose attention can be packaged and sold.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 assets in this audience commodification process.
As Hesmondhalgh and Baker .
note, digital platforms have intensified this commodification through sophisticated data collection and audience segmentation capabilities.
Labor commodification represents the transformation of human work capacities into tradable commodities.
In the context of Kid Influencers, children's performances, personalities, and creative capacities become commodified as inputs in the production of marketable content.
Cohen .
extends this analysis to digital platforms, arguing that user participation represents a form of "free labor" that generates value for platform For child content creators, this raises significant questions about exploitation, consent, and appropriate compensation.
The analysis of Kid Influencers benefits from the Frankfurt School's critique of the cultural industry, particularly as articulated by Horkheimer and Adorno .
They argued that cultural production under capitalism undergoes industrialization processes that standardize, mass-produce, and commercialize cultural goods.
This industrialization undermines cultural authenticity while reinforcing dominant ideologies.
Horkheimer and Adorno .
maintained that the cultural industry manipulates consumers by creating false needs and promoting passive consumption rather than critical Their critique remains relevant in the digital age, where seemingly diverse content often follows predictable formats designed to maximize engagement and commercial potential.
As Fuchs .
notes, digital media platforms have intensified many aspects of the cultural industry while creating new mechanisms for audience For Kid Influencer content, the Frankfurt School perspective helps illuminate how seemingly spontaneous and authentic children's activities become standardized and commercialized through their integration into digital media economies.
What appears as children's creative expression often follows commercial imperatives dictated by platform algorithms, audience expectations, and marketing partnerships.
Pierre Bourdieu's .
theoretical framework concerning different forms of capital provides valuable insights for understanding Kid Influencers' position within digital media ecosystems.
Bourdieu identified three fundamental forms of capital.
Economic capital, material resources and financial assets directly convertible into money.
In the Kid Influencer context, this includes revenue from advertisements, sponsorships, and merchandise.
Cultural capital, knowledge, skills, and educational qualifications that provide advantages in social contexts.
For Kid Influencers, this includes performance skills, digital literacy, and understanding of platform dynamics.
Social capital, networks, connections, and relationships that provide access to opportunities and resources.
Kid Influencers accumulate social capital through their fan communities, industry connections, and collaborative relationships.
Additionally.
Bourdieu identified symbolic capital as the prestige and recognition that accrues from possessing other forms of capital.
For Kid Influencers, subscriber counts, view statistics, and industry recognition represent forms of symbolic capital that enhance their market value.
Bourdieu's framework helps explain how different forms of capital interact and convert into each other within the Kid Influencer ecosystem.
For example, the symbolic capital of popularity converts into economic capital through advertising revenue, while economic investments in production quality can enhance both cultural and symbolic 2302-2035 | 3047-9614 https://doi.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 The phenomenon of Kid Influencers intersects with broader theoretical frameworks concerning children's relationship with media.
Traditionally, research has focused on children as media consumers rather than producers.
Buckingham .
notes that digital platforms have disrupted this paradigm by enabling children to become content creators, raising new questions about agency, participation, and exploitation.
Theories of childhood and media must now account for children's complex positioning as simultaneously producers and consumersAiwhat Bruns .
terms "produsers.
" This dual role creates tensions between empowerment and exploitation that require nuanced theoretical frameworks.
Livingstone and Third .
argue that children's digital participation must be understood through both rights-based and protectionist perspectives, recognizing children's agency while acknowledging their For Kid Influencers, these theoretical tensions manifest in practical questions about consent, labor conditions, educational impacts, and long-term consequences.
Livingstone et al.
observe, children's digital footprints created through content creation may have unpredictable future implications for their privacy and identity This study integrates these theoretical frameworks to examine Kid Influencers as a complex socioeconomic phenomenon situated at the intersection of digital media economics, cultural production, and childhood.
The political economy approach provides the overarching framework, with specific attention to commodification processes operating across content, audience, and labor dimensions.
The Frankfurt School critique of the cultural industry helps illuminate how children's activities become standardized and commercialized, while Bourdieu's capital framework explains how various forms of value circulate and convert within Kid Influencer ecosystems.
Theories of childhood and digital participation provide necessary context for understanding children's unique positioning within these systems.
By applying this integrated theoretical framework to the case studies of Ryan's World and Super Duper Ziyan, this study aims to develop a comprehensive understanding of how children become commodified as workers in the digital media landscape, the economic relationships and power dynamics surrounding their participation, and the similarities and differences across global and Indonesian contexts.
Methods This study employs qualitative content analysis as its primary methodological approach to examine the commodification of children on YouTube through the Kid Influencer phenomenon.
Content analysis provides a systematic and objective means to analyze communication content (Krippendorff, 2.
, making it particularly suitable for identifying commodification patterns in digital media content.
This approach allows for deep examination of how children are positioned as economic actors within digital platforms and how their activities are transformed into valuable commodities.
The research utilized a literature review methodology, which Hart .
describes as an objective, thorough, and critical assessment of literature related to the research topic.
As Tranfield et al.
note, a systematic literature review provides a methodical approach to synthesizing previous research findings.
This method enables the identification of patterns, gaps, and contradictions in existing knowledge while establishing a foundation for new insights.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 Two YouTube channels featuring Kid Influencers were selected as the primary research objects.
Ryan's World (United State.
: A global channel with 32.
5 million subscribers and over 51.
6 billion views as of 2022, featuring Ryan Kaji who began his YouTube career at age 6.
The channel, originally launched as "Ryan ToysReview" in 2015, has evolved into a multimedia enterprise encompassing multiple YouTube channels, merchandise, television shows, and video games.
This channel represents one of the most commercially successful Kid Influencer operations globally.
Super Duper Ziyan (Indonesi.
: An Indonesian channel with 4.
5 million subscribers and 1.
6 billion views, starring Ziyan who began appearing in videos at a young age.
The channel features content predominantly in Bahasa Indonesia and has expanded to include multiple related channels featuring family members.
With 565 uploaded videos since its inception in 2017, this channel represents a significant presence in the Indonesian digital media landscape.
These channels were selected based on several criteria: substantial audience reach .
ubscriber and view count.
, commercial success .
vidence of monetization and brand partnership.
, longevity .
stablished presence over multiple year.
, and representation of different cultural contexts .
lobal/U.
and Indonesia.
This selection enables comparative analysis of commodification practices across cultural boundaries while maintaining focus on commercially significant examples of the Kid Influencer Data collection focused on gathering relevant information from academic literature, professional publications, and channel content analysis.
Key sources included academic research on Kid Influencers, digital media economics, and children's participation in online platforms, with particular attention to studies by Castillo-Abdul et .
Tur-Viyes et al.
, and Feller & Burroughs .
Industry reports and professional analyses from sources such as Forbes, which tracked the economic success of Kid Influencers (O'Connor, 2.
Publicly available channel data including subscriber counts, view statistics, and content descriptions from Socialblade.
and direct observation of channel content.
Regulatory documents including Indonesian Law No.
of 2003 concerning Manpower and analyses of US regulations affecting child digital labor (Guzman Neyza, 2020.
Riggio, 2.
The literature review process involved systematic search, selection, and analysis of relevant sources, followed by thematic organization of findings to identify patterns related to commodification processes, regulatory frameworks, and economic dynamics.
The collected data were analyzed through a structured content analysis framework designed to identify patterns of commodification.
This framework was developed based on Mosco's .
political economy theory with specific focus on three forms of commodification: .
content commodification: Analysis of how children's activities are transformed into marketable content, including formatting techniques, narrative structures, and commercial integration.
audience commodification: Examination of how child audiences are packaged and sold to advertisers through engagement metrics, demographic targeting, and platform algorithms.
worker commodification:
Investigation of how children's performances constitute labor that generates economic value, raising questions about exploitation, regulation, and compensation.
This framework was supplemented by Bourdieu's .
capital theory to analyze how economic, cultural, social, and symbolic capital interact in Kid Influencer ecosystems, as well as the Frankfurt School's cultural industry critique to examine standardization and commercialization processes.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 specific variations between the US and Indonesian examples, considering cultural, economic, and regulatory differences.
The comparative dimension of this study involved systematic analysis of similarities and differences between the two selected channels across multiple parameters: .
Commodification strategies: How commodification processes manifest in each channel, including variations in commercial integration techniques, branding approaches, and monetization methods.
Cultural adaptations: How commodification practices are adapted to different cultural contexts, including language, values, formats, and commercial partnerships relevant to specific markets.
scale and sophistication:
Differences in production values, business complexity, and commercial integration related to the channels' different market positions and resource level.
Regulatory responses: How each channel navigates different regulatory environments related to children's participation in commercial content.
This comparative approach allows for identification of both universal commodification patterns that transcend cultural boundaries and context-specific implementations shaped by local cultural, economic, and regulatory environments.
The analysis integrates findings with multiple theoretical frameworks to develop a comprehensive understanding of Kid Influencers as economic and cultural phenomena.
Political economy perspective by applying Mosco's .
commodification framework to understand how children and their activities are transformed into valuable economic Cultural industry theory using Horkheimer and Adorno .
critique to examine how seemingly diverse children's content follows standardized formats and commercial Bourdieu's capital theory and analyzing how different forms of capital .
conomic, cultural, social, symboli.
interact within Kid Influencer ecosystems.
Childhood studies perspectives and integrating considerations of children's agency, development, and rights within digital media environments (Livingstone & Third, 2.
This multidimensional theoretical approach enables analysis of Kid Influencers as complex phenomena situated at the intersection of digital media economics, cultural production, and contemporary childhood.
This methodological approach has several limitations that must be acknowledged.
Access limitations, the study relies on publicly available content and cannot access behind-the-scenes information such as specific contractual arrangements, exact revenue figures, or internal decision-making processes.
Child perspective, the method cannot directly capture children's subjective experiences, perceptions, or consent processes involved in content creation.
Platform algorithms, the study cannot fully account for how YouTube's recommendation algorithms influence content creation strategies and channel development.
Temporal scope, while the study examines content over time, it represents a snapshot of an evolving phenomenon that continues to develop in response to platform changes, regulatory pressures, and market Despite these limitations, content analysis provides a robust methodological foundation for examining the observable manifestations of commodification processes in Kid Influencer content.
The findings presented in the results section emerge directly from this methodological approach, offering empirically grounded insights into how children become commodified as workers in the digital media landscape.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 Results 1 Emergence and Growth of Kid Influencers on YouTube The analysis of the selected YouTube channels reveals significant metrics that demonstrate their commercial scale and impact:
Table 2.
Channel Growth and Performance Metrics Metric Ryan's World (US) Year Established Subscribers Total Views Videos Uploaded Additional Channels Reported Annual Revenue 2015 .
s "Ryan ToysReview") 5 million
6 billion
2,000
5 related channels Super Duper Ziyan (Indonesi.
5 million 6 billion 5 family-related channels $29.
5 million (Forbes, 2.
Not publicly disclosed Merchandise.
TV shows, mobile apps, video Merchandise, social media Brand Extensions Both channels show substantial growth in subscribers and viewership over time, indicating successful audience development and retention strategies.
The substantial view counts represent significant economic value through YouTube's monetization mechanisms and create opportunities for additional revenue streams.
2 Content Analysis Findings Analysis of video content from both channels identified several predominant content categories and commercial integration strategies:
Table 3.
Content Category Distribution Content Category Toy unboxing and reviews Challenges and games Educational/"learning" content Travel and experience vlogs Other content formats Ryan's World (%) Super Duper Ziyan (%) Table 4.
Commercial Integration Methods Commercial Integration Method Ryan's World Direct product reviews Frequently used with branded toys Branded content Integrated product Merchandise promotion Experiential marketing Formal brand partnerships with major toy companies Sophisticated integration within Heavy promotion of Ryan's World branded products Visits to theme parks, attractions with commercial tie-ins 2302-2035 | 3047-9614 https://doi.
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Super Duper Ziyan Frequently used with local and international brands Partnerships with Indonesian brands and some global companies Less sophisticated but frequent Limited own-brand merchandise Visits to Indonesian tourist destinations and entertainment venues Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 Table 4.
Cont.
Commercial Integration Method Average products per video .
oy review.
Average products per .
hallenges/game.
Ryan's World Super Duper Ziyan 4 products 8 products 2 products 9 products The frequency of commercial elements varied across content categories, with toy unboxing/reviews showing the highest concentration of product placement, followed by challenges/games.
Both channels demonstrated techniques for integrating commercial content within entertainment formats, often blurring the boundaries between entertainment and marketing.
3 Commodification Patterns Three forms of commodification were identified across both channels:
Table 5.
Commodification Patterns Comparison
Ryan's World
Super Duper Ziyan
Content Commodification Highly refined formats with consistent Developing format
Structured content formats Strategic content scheduling Consistent upload schedule Less regular scheduling Episodic content
Multiple series and themed content
Some episodic content
Developing signature Recognizable formulas Established catchphrases, visual styles Professional SEO and metadata Basic optimization Optimization for algorithm
Audience Commodification Sophisticated end-of-video engagement Calls to action
Simple subscription requests Viewer participation Occasional viewer
Regular challenges and comment requests Basic cross-channel
Cross-promotion Extensive cross-channel promotion Professional thumbnail design and title Algorithm optimization Improving thumbnail quality Worker Commodification Professional-level scripting and Performance elements Semi-structured performance Production schedule Evidence of regular, structured filming Less structured production Developing performance Persona development Well-established on-camera persona Early-stage personal Brand development Comprehensive personal branding Extended activities Multiple merchandise lines, appearances Limited extension activities Commodification Type
2302-2035 | 3047-9614
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 The data show that these commodification processes are not isolated but operate as interconnected systems, with content designed simultaneously to showcase the child performer, appeal to audience expectations, and integrate commercial elements.
4 Regulatory Context Analysis Analysis of the content with respect to regulatory frameworks revealed differences in compliance practices:
Table 6.
Regulatory Practices Comparison Regulatory Element Ryan's World (US) Consistent "#ad" or "sponsored" Sponsorship disclosures YouTube "Includes paid promotion" Paid promotion labels Advertisement Some distinction between content and ads Age-appropriate content COPPA-compliant restrictions Labor regulation No visible references Parental supervision Visible parental presence Educational content Emphasis on "educational value" Super Duper Ziyan (Indonesi.
Inconsistent disclosure practices Rare use of formal labels Integrated advertising without clear General child-friendly content No visible references Visible parental presence Less emphasis on educational Both channels operate in regulatory environments with limited specific provisions for digital child performers.
The observable content suggests adaptation to general advertising standards but reveals limited transparency regarding child labor protections, working conditions, or financial arrangements.
Discussions The findings reveal that Kid Influencer content represents a sophisticated form of multi-layered commodification that extends beyond traditional media models.
As Mosco .
theorizes, commodification transforms use values into exchange values, and in the case of Kid Influencers, this transformation operates simultaneously across content, audience, and labor dimensions.
The content commodification patterns identified align with Adorno and Horkheimer's .
4/2.
critique of the cultural industry, where seemingly diverse cultural expressions conform to standardized formats dictated by commercial Ryan's World and Super Duper Ziyan both present carefully structured content that appears spontaneous but follows predictable formats optimized for engagement and advertising integration.
This standardization reflects what Fuchs .
describes as the intensification of cultural industry processes in digital platforms.
The audience commodification evident in both channels extends Smythe's .
concept of audiences as commodities.
As Hesmondhalgh and Baker .
argue, digital platforms intensify this commodification through sophisticated analytics and targeting Both Ryan's World and Super Duper Ziyan effectively package their child audiences as valuable commodities for advertisers seeking access to young consumers, creating what Cohen .
describes as a "valorization of surveillance" where audience data becomes a primary source of value.
2302-2035 | 3047-9614
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22487/ejk.
Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 Most significantly, the worker commodification findings highlight how children's labor generates substantial economic value within digital media economies.
Unlike traditional child performers who are typically regulated under entertainment industry standards.
Kid Influencers operate in regulatory gray areas that potentially limit As Riggio .
observes, this represents a significant gap between technological advancement and regulatory frameworks.
The comparative analysis between Ryan's World and Super Duper Ziyan reveals both universal commodification strategies and culturally specific adaptations.
Both channels employ similar fundamental approaches to content creation, audience engagement, and commercial integration, suggesting that these commodification processes transcend cultural boundaries.
This supports Castillo-Abdul et al.
's .
observation that Kid Influencer formats have become globalized templates adopted across different markets.
However, significant cultural adaptations are evident.
Super Duper Ziyan places greater emphasis on family involvement and cultural experiences relevant to Indonesian audiences, while Ryan's World demonstrates more sophisticated production values and commercial integration techniques reflecting its larger scale and market position.
These differences align with Mardatillah et al.
's .
observation that commodification processes adapt to local cultural contexts while maintaining fundamental economic The regulatory differences between the U.
and Indonesian contexts appear to influence disclosure practices and commercial integration approaches.
Ryan's World demonstrates greater adherence to formal advertising disclosure requirements, likely reflecting the more developed regulatory oversight in the U.
As Guzman .
notes, even in developed regulatory environments, digital platforms create challenges for traditional regulatory approaches.
The economic structure surrounding Kid Influencer content involves multiple stakeholders in asymmetrical power relationships.
Platform providers .
rimarily YouTube/Googl.
establish the technical infrastructure and rules of operation while extracting significant value through revenue-sharing models.
Child performers and their families provide the essential creative labor but operate within platform constraints and depend on algorithmic systems they cannot control.
Advertisers gain access to valuable child audiences through both traditional advertising and integrated product features, while ancillary businesses including talent management agencies and merchandise producers participate in value extraction.
This economic ecosystem reflects McQuail's .
description of media operating in dual marketsAiserving both audience content needs and advertiser access needs simultaneously.
The substantial economic rewards associated with successful Kid Influencer channels create powerful incentives for parents to involve their children in content creation, potentially without adequate consideration of long-term impacts on child development, privacy, and well-being.
Applying Bourdieu's .
capital framework helps explain how Kid Influencers accumulate and convert different forms of capital.
The children acquire cultural capital through performance skills and platform expertise, social capital through fan communities and industry networks, and symbolic capital through subscriber counts and industry recognition.
These forms of capital then convert into economic capital through monetization, sponsorships, and merchandise sales.
This conversion process exemplifies 2302-2035 | 3047-9614 https://doi.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 what Livingstone and Third .
describe as the "monetization of childhood" in digital The findings highlight significant ethical concerns and regulatory gaps surrounding Kid Influencers.
The blending of play and work, entertainment and advertising, and public and private life creates complex situations that traditional regulatory frameworks are ill-equipped to address.
As Buckingham .
argues, children's digital participation involves tensions between empowerment and exploitation that require nuanced approaches.
The visible evidence of commodification across both channels raises questions about children's agency, consent, and long-term well-being.
While the content presents images of children enjoying their activities, the structured nature of the content suggests significant adult direction and commercial imperatives that may compromise authentic child expression.
This tension reflects what Stoilova et al.
identify as the complex negotiations between children's rights to participation and protection in digital Current regulatory frameworks in both the United States and Indonesia appear inadequate to address the specific circumstances of Kid Influencers.
Labor regulations designed for traditional workplaces struggle to address home-based content creation where parents are both guardians and de facto employers.
Advertising standards developed for traditional media face challenges in regulating the integrated nature of commercial content in Kid Influencer videos.
This regulatory inadequacy creates protection gaps that potentially expose children to exploitation while benefiting commercial interests.
Conclusion This study has examined the commodification of children as workers in the digital media landscape through the phenomenon of Kid Influencers on YouTube.
Through systematic analysis of relevant literature and comparative examination of Ryan's World and Super Duper Ziyan channels, several significant findings have emerged:
First, the research confirms Mosco's .
theoretical framework of commodification operating across multiple dimensions in Kid Influencer content.
Children become commodified workers when their performances generate economic value through monetization, sponsorships, and product placements.
Their content undergoes commodification as it transforms from authentic child expression into strategically designed marketing vehicles.
Simultaneously, child audiences become commodified as their attention is packaged and sold to advertisers seeking access to young consumers.
Second, the study identifies consistent commodification strategies employed across both global (Ryan's Worl.
and Indonesian (Super Duper Ziya.
contexts, including toy reviews, experiential content, product integration, and cross-platform While these strategies operate globally, their specific manifestations adapt to cultural contexts and audience preferences, demonstrating both the universality of commodification processes and their cultural specificity.
Third, the research documents substantial economic value generated through Kid Influencer content, with benefits distributed among multiple stakeholders including platforms, performers and their families, advertisers, and ancillary businesses.
This economic ecosystem creates powerful incentives for continued and expanded 2302-2035 | 3047-9614 https://doi.
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Soegiarto Kinesik, 12.
, 2025, 1-18, 1861 commodification practices while potentially compromising children's interests as both performers and audiences.
Fourth, the study highlights significant regulatory gaps in both United States and Indonesian contexts, where traditional child labor protections and media regulations have not adequately evolved to address the unique circumstances of children creating digital This regulatory inadequacy creates protection vulnerabilities that may expose children to exploitation while benefiting commercial interests.
These findings contribute to our understanding of digital media's political economy by illuminating how capitalism penetrates even spaces ostensibly created for children's entertainment and education.
The research provides empirical evidence for Mosco's theoretical framework of commodification while extending its application to the specific context of children's digital media participation.
The study's limitations include its reliance on publicly available information rather than direct access to internal business practices or decision-making processes.
Additionally, the focus on two prominent channels provides depth at the expense of breadth, potentially limiting generalizability across the diverse Kid Influencer landscape.
Future research should investigate a broader range of channels across different cultural contexts, potentially incorporating interviews with content creators, parents, platform representatives, and young audiences to develop a more comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon.
Longitudinal studies examining the long-term impacts of participation as Kid Influencers on child development would provide valuable insights currently absent from the literature.
As digital platforms continue to evolve, policymakers, parents, educators, and media companies must collaborate to develop appropriate protections that balance children's creative expression with safeguards against exploitation in the digital economy.
This research underscores the urgent need for regulatory frameworks specifically addressing digital content creation by children and provides a foundation for evidencebased policy development.
References