Journal of Islamic Law
ISSN: 2721-5040 (e) & 2721-5032 (p)
Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024, pp. 269-287
https://doi.org/10.24260/jil.v5i2.2725

Between Adherence to Madhhab and Adaptation to Context: Fatwās
on Female Leadership in Nahdlatul Ulama-Affiliated Islamic
Higher Education Institutions
Nur Hannan,1 M. Syamsul Huda,1 Mohamad Anang Firdaus,2 Abdillah Afabih,3*
Yayan Musthofa4
1UIN Sunan Ampel, Surabaya, Indonesia
2IAIN Kediri, Indonesia

3Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng, Jombang, Indonesia
4Universitas Hasyim Asy’ari, Jombang, Indonesia
*Correspondence: abdillah@tebuireng.ac.id
*Received: 06-03-2024 | Revised: 01-06-2024, 30-08-2024 | Accepted: 30-08-2024

Abstract
The issue of women in leadership has been a longstanding topic of debate among
classical Islamic jurists, eliciting diverse responses from mainstream Islamic
organizations in Indonesia. This article presents a comparative analysis of fatwās
(Islamic legal opinions) issued by the Forum of Bahtsul Masail (FBM) at two Nahdlatul
Ulama (NU)-affiliated Islamic higher education institutions: Ma’had Aly Hasyim
Asy’ari Tebuireng, which prohibits female leadership, and Ma’had Aly Salafiyah
Syafi’iyah Situbondo, which permits it. Through a combination of literature-based and
empirical approaches, the article highlights a significant contrast in the istinbāṭ al-aḥkām
(derivation of legal rulings) employed by these two FBMs. FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim
Asy’ari Tebuireng adopts the qawlī (literal) method, adhering to the majority views of
classical Islamic jurists. In contrast, FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo
employs a manhājī (methodological) approach, incorporating minority opinions and
reinterpreting texts within the context of modern societal changes. These contrasting
fatwās reflect a broader tension between taqlīd (adherence to precedent) and adaptation
to evolving social contexts. Furthermore, this article argues that the educational
backgrounds of the FBM actors, as well as the curricula taught in their respective
pesantren (Islamic boarding schools), contribute to the differences in fatwās. These
differences reflect the internal dynamics within the fatwā production process in NU.
[Isu kepemimpinan perempuan telah lama menjadi topik perdebatan di kalangan ahli hukum Islam
klasik yang telah memicu beragam respons di kalangan organisasi masyarakat Islam arus utama di
Indonesia. Artikel ini menganalisis secara komparatif fatwa dari Forum Bahtsul Masail (FBM) di
dua ma’had aly yang berafiliasi dengan Nahdlatul Ulama (NU): Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari
Tebuireng, yang melarang perempuan menjadi pemimpin, dan Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah
Situbondo, yang memperbolehkannya. Artikel ini, dengan mengombinasikan pendekatan
kepustakaan dan empiris, menemukan bahwa kedua FBM menggunakan metode penggalian hukum
(istinbāṭ al-aḥkām) yang berbeda. FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng menerapkan
metode qawlī, merujuk pada pendapat mayoritas ulama fikih, sementara FBM Ma’had Aly
Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo menggunakan metode manhājī, mengadopsi pendapat ulama
minoritas dan melakukan interpretasi (ulang) terhadap teks. Perbedaan fatwa tersebut dipengaruhi

Copyright © 2024 by Author(s)
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.

Hannan et al.

oleh pendekatan yang berbeda antara taklid dalam bermazhab dan adaptasi terhadap perubahan
sosial. Lebih jauh, artikel ini berargumentasi bahwa latar belakang pendidikan para aktor FBM,
serta kurikulum yang diajarkan di masing-masing pesantren, berkontribusi pada perbedaan fatwa
yang dihasilkan. Perbedaan-perbedaan ini mencerminkan dinamika internal dalam proses produksi
fatwa di kalangan NU.]
Keywords: Fatwā, Female Leadership, Istinbāṭ al-Aḥkām, Ma’had Aly, Nahdlatul Ulama.
Introduction
In addition to the issue of non-Muslim leadership, female leadership remains a controversial
topic in fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), eliciting diverse responses from various fatwā (Islamic
legal opinion) institutions across the Muslim world.1 In Saudi Arabia, the Dār al-Iftā’ issued
a fatwā prohibiting women from assuming leadership roles, while in Turkey, the Diyanet
permits women to hold such positions.2 In Indonesia, several mainstream Islamic fatwā
bodies have produced conflicting rulings regarding women in leadership roles.3 However,
they unanimously prohibit women from serving as prayer leaders.4 Concerning the leadership
of non-Muslims, the Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI, Council of Indonesian Ulama) has
issued conservative fatwās that are seen as limiting democratic processes.5 Not only does the
MUI prohibit non-Muslims from holding leadership roles, but it also forbids Muslims from
wearing non-Muslim religious symbols.6 Although these fatwās have sparked public
controversy, they have also fostered constructive discussions among various religious groups
in Indonesia.7
The debate over women’s leadership extends beyond Indonesia’s mainstream fatwā
bodies into their internal deliberations. This is evident in the contrasting fatwās issued by the
forum of bahtsul masail (religious deliberations), known as Forum Bahtsul Masail (FBM), at

1

2
3
4

5

6

7

See: Sareh Larijani, “Muṭahharī’s Approach to the Right of Women to Issue Fatwas,” Contemporary Islam 18,
no. 1 (1 April 2024): 115–31; Mun’im Sirry, “Fatwas and Their Controversy: The Case of the Council of
Indonesian Ulama (MUI),” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, no. 1 (February 2013): 100–117; Sümeyra
Yakar dan Emine Enise Yakar, “The Approach of the Fiqh Council of North America towards Identity
Problems of Contemporary Muslim Minorities,” Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 34, no. 1–2
(Desember 17, 2021): 44–63.
Emine Enise Yakar, “Women’s Political Leadership: One Question and Two Divergent Fatwās,” Journal of
Law and Religion 37, no. 2 (May 2022): 332–62.
Mhd Syahnan and Ja’far Ja’far, “Examining Religious Moderation of the al-Jam’iyatul Washliyah Fatwa
Council,” Journal of Indonesian Islam 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 21–46.
See: Nurun Najwah et al., “The Rejection of Women Imams in Indonesia: Between Religious and SocioCultural Texts,” Journal of International Women’s Studies 24, no. 5 (August 24, 2022): 1–16; Busyro Busyro et
al., “Female Imam and Khatib: The Shifting in Worship Traditions from Progressive to Conservative in
Sungai Landia, West Sumatra, Indonesia,” JURIS (Jurnal Ilmiah Syariah) 22, no. 1 (June 13, 2023): 39–51.
See: Syafiq Hasyim, “Fatwas and Democracy: Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI, Indonesian Ulema Council)
and Rising Conservatism in Indonesian Islam,” TRaNS: Trans-Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia
8, no. 1 (May 2020): 21–35; Moh Wahib, “Implementation of the Minority Fiqh Concept for the Papuan
Muslim Community/Implementasi Konsep Fikih Minoritas bagi Komunitas Muslim Papua,” De Jure: Jurnal
Hukum dan Syar’iah 13, no. 1 (July 28, 2021): 97–112.
Makyun Subuki, Hilmi Akmal, and Syihaabul Hudaa, “Identity and Piety: Critical Discourse Analysis on
Indonesian Ulema Council’s Fatwa about the Law Using Non-Moslim Religious Attributes,” AHKAM:
Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 23, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 423–48.
Sirry, “Fatwas and Their Controversy,” 100–17.

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two Islamic higher education institutions (ma’had aly) affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).8
The FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng adopts a conservative stance, prohibiting
women from leadership roles. In contrast, the FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah
Situbondo takes a more contextual approach, explicitly permitting women to hold leadership
positions.9 Although both institutions are recognized for their strong Islamic heritage (turāth),
they display divergent religious attitudes on the same legal issue, utilizing distinct approaches
to istinbāṭ al-aḥkām (derivation of legal rulings). Despite their shared affiliation with NU, the
different religious perspectives on women’s leadership form the central focus of this article’s
analysis.
As the largest Islamic organization in Indonesia,10 NU has issued numerous fatwās and
religious recommendations addressing socio-religious issues, including the child-free
movement,11 disability rights,12 religious practices during the COVID-19 pandemic,13
ecological crises,14 and economic challenges.15 Ahmad Zahro16 and M. Afif Yuniarto17 have
examined several Islamic legal methods used by NU in formulating fatwās, such as qawlī
(literal), ilḥāqī (analogical), and manhājī (methodological). Jamaludin has identified a significant
shift toward the manhājī method since the NU National Congress of Ulama in Bandar
Lampung in 1992.18 In addition to the Lajnah Bahtsul Masail (LBM, Special Council of
Bahtsul Masail), several scholars have analyzed the use of istinbāṭ al-aḥkām in various pesantrens
(Islamic boarding schools) affiliated with NU in fatwā production.19 Achmad Kemal Riza
8
9
10
11
12
13

14

15

16
17

18

19

Ahmad Munjin Nasih, “Lembaga Fatwa Keagamaan di Indonesia (Telaah atas Lembaga Majlis Tarjih dan
Lajnah Bathsul Masail),” De Jure: Jurnal Hukum dan Syar’iah 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 67–78.
Kholilur Rohman and Doni Eka Saputra, eds., Fikih Progresif: Bunga Rampai Pemikiran Santri Ma’had Aly dalam
Buletin Tanwirul Afkar (Situbondo: Ibrahimy Press, 2014), 921.
Martin van Bruinessen, Contemporary Developments in Indonesian Islam: Explaining the ‘Conservative Turn’ (ISEAS
Publishing, 2013), 21.
Imam Syafi’i et al., “Childfree in Islamic Law Perspective of Nahdlatul Ulama,” Al-Ahkam 33, no. 1 (April
30, 2023): 1–22.
Arif Maftuhin, “Mosques for All: Nahdlatul Ulama and the Promotion of the Rights of People with
Disabilities,” Journal of Indonesian Islam 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 247–70.
See: Mashuri Mashuri, Iffatin Nur, and Muhammad Ngizzul Muttaqin, “Maqāṣid Sharī’ah Flexibility to
Overcome COVID-19 in Indonesia: From Government Policies to Fatwā of Council of Indonesian Ulema
(MUI), Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), and Muhammadiyah,” De Jure: Jurnal Hukum dan Syar’iah 13, no. 2
(December 31, 2021): 240–63; Musda Asmara, “Komparasi Fatwa Ulama Indonesia dalam Menyikapi
Pandemi Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19),” Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 16, no. 1 (May
30, 2022): 29–44.
Moh. Mufid, “Green Fatwas in Bahtsul Masāil: Nahdlatul Ulama’s Response to the Discourse on the
Environmental Crisis in Indonesia,” AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 15, no. 2 (December 29,
2020): 173–200.
Zainal Abidin et al., “Al-Wasathiyah fî al-Iqtishâd al-Islâmî: Ârâ’u ‘Ulamâ Jam’Iyati “Nahdlatul Ulama” bi
Jawa al-Syarqiyah Haula “al-Taraddud” bi Sya’ini Fatâwa al-Fawâid al-Mashrîfiyah,” AL-IHKAM: Jurnal
Hukum & Pranata Sosial 18, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 246–83.
Ahmad Zahro, Tradisi Intelektual NU: Lajnah Bahtsul Masa’il, 1926-1999, 1 (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2004), 168.
M. Afif Yuniarto, “Metode Mazhab Manhajī Nahdlatul Ulama: Studi Pandangan Aktivis Bahtsul Masail
Jawa Timur Tentang Metode Istinbāt al-Aḥkām Hasil Muktamar Ke-33’ (Masters, Surabaya, UIN Sunan
Ampel, 2017).
Jamaludin Jamaludin, “Perkembangan Ijtihad Nahdlatul Ulama dalam Bahtsul Masail dan Relevansinya
dengan Perkembangan Zaman (Kajian terhadap Keputusan Lajnah Bahtsul Masail)’ (Masters, Semarang,
Unissula, 2015).
See: Ainol Yaqin, Moch Cholid Wardi, and Achmad Mulyadi, “Actualization of Moderation in Reasoning
at Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo Situbondo and Its Influence on Istinbâth of Islamic Law,” ALIHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 17, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 434–57; Mohamad Sobirin and

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found that a dynamic exists within NU, where senior scholars prefer the qawlī method, while
younger scholars tend to avoid it and instead use ijtihād (legal interpretation based on primary
sources) to meet modern demands.20 Michael Laffan suggests that this dynamic arises from
differences in religious understanding, socio-political contexts, interpretations of legal
sources, and educational backgrounds.21 This article adds complexity to the findings of Riza
and Laffan by providing evidence of the differing fatwās on female leadership issued by FBM
Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng and FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo.
It argues that these differences are not only rooted in variations in istinbāṭ al-aḥkām methods
but also in the educational backgrounds of those involved in the bahtsul masail process and
the curricula taught at these institutions.
This article combines literature-based and empirical research through a comparative
approach. The literature review involves analyzing fatwās from the bahtsul masail forums on
the issue of women’s leadership, as formulated by FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari
Tebuireng and FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo. These fatwās were drawn
from the documentation of the maha santris (undergraduate students of pesantren) of Ma’had
Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng, published in 2019 under the title Kumpulan Bahtsul Masail:
Menyingkap Problematika Masyarakat, and from the documentation of the maha santris of
Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo, published in 2014 under the title Fikih Progresif:
Bunga Rampai Pemikiran Santri Ma’had Aly dalam Buletin Tanwirul Afkar. The empirical study
involved interviews with the actors participating in these two bahtsul masail forums. The
collected data were then analyzed comparatively, using Wael B. Hallaq’s theory of authority.22
Bahtsul Masail in Nahdlatul Ulama and Ma’had Aly
NU is an Islamic social organization founded on the principle of wasatiyyah (moderation),
accommodating positive local customs (ma’rūf), and demonstrating tolerance toward the
diversity of Indonesian society. Historically, NU emerged as one of Indonesia’s leading socioreligious organizations, representing the pesantren community in the fight against colonialism.
NU was established on January 31, 1926, in Surabaya by KH. M. Hasyim Asy’ari and a group
of kiais (traditional Islamic scholars), founders of prominent pesantrens.23 NU is recognized
for uniting traditionalist Islamic groups, upholding the Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamā‘ah sect (the
largest branch of Sunnī Islam), following the Shāfiʿī madhhab (school of Islamic law) in fiqh,24

20
21
22
23
24

Karimatul Khasanah, “The Pesantren Scholars’ Fatwa on Global Warming and Climate Change: An
Integrative Analysis of Islamic Law, Theology, and Environmental Sciences on the Practice of
Multidisciplinary Ijtihad,” Cogent Arts & Humanities 10, no. 1 (December 31, 2023): 2193023.
Achmad Kemal Riza, “Contemporary Fatawa of Nahdlatul Ulama: Between Observing the Madhhab and
Adapting the Context,” Journal of Indonesian Islam 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 35–65.
Michael Laffan, “The Fatwā Debated? Shūrā in One Indonesian Context,” Islamic Law and Society 12, no. 1
(2005): 93–122.
Wael B. Hallaq, Authority, Continuity, and Change in Islamic Law (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2005).
Abdul Hakim Mahfudz et al., Hadratussyaikh KH. M. Hasyim Asy’ari Pemersatu Umat Islam Indonesia, 3
(Jombang: Pustaka Tebuireng, 2024), 101–2.
Yasrul Huda, Jajat Burhanuddin, and Mahmood Kooria, “Strengthening the Shafi‘i Madhhab: Malay Kitab
Jawi of Fiqh in the 19th Century,” JURIS (Jurnal Ilmiah Syariah) 22, no. 2 (December 15, 2023): 259–73.

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and preserving the sanad tradition (chain of knowledge transmission), which is central to the
pesantren education system.25
The organizational structure of NU comprises three main tiers. First is the Syuriyah
(Supreme Council), which serves as the deliberative body responsible for the highest
decisions within the organization. The Syuriyah consists entirely of Islamic scholars (ʿulamā’)
and functions as NU's controller, supervisor, and policymaker. Second is the Tanfidziyah
(Administrative Council), the daily executive body that implements the policies the Syuriyah
determines. Its members manage NU’s daily activities based on the Syuriyah’s decisions.
Lastly, the Mustasyar (Advisory Council) functions as the advisory body to NU leadership.
These three levels exist throughout all tiers of NU, from the national level (PBNU),
provincial (PWNU), district (PCNU), and subdistrict (Ranting) to village level (MWC).26
Of these four structural components, the Syuriyah holds the highest authority within
NU, having the power to issue fatwās. Besides overseeing and controlling the organization,
the Syuriyah plays a central role in managing socio-religious activities and addressing legal
issues within the Muslim community by issuing fatwās.27 These fatwās are binding for all NU
members, including those in the Tanfidziyah.28 The fatwā issuance process is carried out
through bahtsul masail. Based on the recommendations of the 1989 NU National Congress
and the 1990 NU Leadership Council’s decision, a special committee was established to
conduct bahtsul masail, now known as the Lembaga Bahtsul Masail (LBM, Special Council of
Bahtsul Masail).29 At least six key components are involved in the bahtsul masail process:
validator (muṣaḥḥiḥ), formulator, moderator, secretary, participants, and expert resource
persons.30 Through the LBM, NU has established a structured mechanism for discussing and
issuing fatwās that align with the evolving socio-religious context. Creating this specialized
fatwā-producing body demonstrates NU’s commitment to ensuring that the fatwās they issue
remain relevant and accessible to NU members and the wider community.31
In general, LBM NU employs three main methods of istinbāṭ al-aḥkām in producing
fatwās: qawlī, ilḥāqī, and manhājī.32 The qawlī method addresses issues by tracing various
opinions (qawl) of the Islamic jurists of madhhab or ʿulamā’ who follow these jurists (wajh or
aṣḥāb al-imām) found in reliable sources (al-kutub al-mu’tabarah). The ilḥāqī method applies
analogies, linking new cases that lack explicit rulings to older cases with established rulings,
also found in al-kutub al-mu’tabarah. The manhājī method derives legal rulings by using the
methodologies employed by Islamic jurists. Ahmad Zahro noted that the manhājī method is
25

26
27
28
29
30
31
32

Faried F. Saenong, “Chapter 6 Nahdlatul Ulama (NU): A Grassroots Movement Advocating Moderate
Islam,” in Handbook of Islamic Sects and Movements, ed. Muhammad Afzal Upal and Carole M. Cusack (BRILL,
2021), 132–33.
Saenong, 138. See also: Robin Bush, Nahdlatul Ulama and the Struggle for Power within Islam and Politics in
Indonesia, 1st ed. (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009), 14–5.
Riza, “Contemporary Fatawa of Nahdlatul Ulama,” 35–36.
Faisal Ismail, “The Nahdlatul Ulama: Its Early History and Contribution to the Establishment of Indonesian
State,” Journal of Indonesian Islam 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 247–82.
Luthfi Hadi Aminuddin, Dari Qawli hingga Manhaji: Dinamika Metode Penetapan Fatwa Hukum Islam di Nahdlatul
Ulama (Surabaya: PW LTN NU Jawa Timur, 2022), 92.
Idris Mahmudi, “Metodologi Pembaharuan Hukum Islam dalam Perspektif Pemikiran Hazairin,” Al-Fikra:
Jurnal Ilmiah Keislaman 5, no. 2 (July 28, 2017): 175.
Aminuddin, Dari Qawlī hingga Manhaji, 99.
Zahro, Tradisi Intelektual NU, 168.

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the least utilized in NU’s fatwās. Of the 428 fatwās issued from 1926 to 1999, 362 (84.6%)
were based on the qawlī method, 33 (7.7%) on the ilḥāqī method, 8 (1.9%) on the manhājī
method, and 25 (5.8%) used unclear methods. Abd. Basid argues that fatwās derived through
the qawlī method are generally regarded as the best way to understand the Islamic primary
sources (Qur’an and hadith) relevant to legal rulings.33
Over time, however, the increasingly complex socio-religious issues society faces have
rendered the qawlī method insufficient.34 This has prompted NU kiais to address emerging
problems using the manhājī method, as formalized by the NU National Congress of Ulama
in Bandar Lampung in 1992.35 Following the manhājī method means adhering to Islamic
jurists’ reasoning and legal principles.36 The methodologies employed in this approach
include bayānī (textual), qiyāsī (analogical reasoning), and istiṣlāḥī or maqāṣidī (public interest
or purposive approach).37 Based on these considerations, Jamaludin contends that LBM NU
has gradually shifted from the qawlī method to the manhājī method in responding to various
religious issues in Muslim communities.38
Historically, NU has been closely linked with the pesantren system,39 which has
preserved the tradition of bahtsul masail. For centuries, pesantrens have formed ḥalaqah
(discussion circles) to address legal issues based on al-kutub al-mu’tabarah.40 Among the
various educational levels in pesantren is the ma’had aly, the highest form of education in the
pesantren system, equivalent to higher education institutions. Ma’had Aly continues the
tradition of bahtsul masail, now formally known as the FBM. Through ijtihād and specific
istinbāṭ al-aḥkām, FBM analyzes new issues comprehensively using a variety of Islamic legal
methodologies.41 This bahtsul masail tradition aligns with the founding goal of ma’had aly: to
produce Islamic jurists who are scientifically rigorous, open-minded, responsible, and
contribute to the nation while promoting the understanding that Islam is a religion for all.42
For Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng, bahtsul masail trains maha santris to be sensitive
and attentive to new societal issues.43 For Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo, bahtsul
masail is an opportunity to address contemporary Islamic legal issues comprehensively and

33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43

Abd. Basid, “Bahth Al Masa’il dan Wacana Pemikiran Fiqh: Sebuah Studi Perkembangan Pemikiran Hukum
Islam Nahdatul Ulama’ Tahun 1985-1995’ (Surabaya, IAIN Sunan Ampel, 1999), 130.
Imam Yahya, Dinamika Ijtihad NU, 1 (Semarang: Walisongo Press, 2009), 114.
Yahya, Dinamika Ijtihad NU, 114.
Nahdlatul Ulama, ed., Solusi Problematika Aktual Hukum Islam: Keputusan Muktamar, Munas, dan Konbes
Nahdlatul Ulama, 1926-2010 M (Surabaya: Khalista, 2007), 151.
Yuniarto, “Metode Mazhab Manhaji Nahdlatul Ulama,” 77.
Jamaludin, “Perkembangan Ijtihad Nahdlatul Ulama dalam Bahtsul Masail dan Relevansinya dengan
Perkembangan Zaman,” 96–9.
Yanwar Pribadi, “Religious Networks in Madura: Pesantren, Nahdlatul Ulama, and Kiai as the Core of
Santri Culture,” Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 51, no. 1 (June 15, 2013): 1–32.
Ahmad Munjin Nasih, “Bahtsul Masail dan Problematikanya di Kalangan Masyarakat Muslim Tradisional,”
Al-Qanun: Jurnal Pemikiran dan Pembaharuan Hukum Islam 12, no. 1 (2009): 106–29.
Yūsuf al-Qarḍāwī, Dirāsāt fī Fiqh al-Maqāṣid al-Sharīʿah Bayn al-Maqāṣid al-Kulliyyah wa al-Nuṣūṣ al-Juz’iyyah
(Cairo: Dār al-Shurūq, n.d.), 53.
“Decree of the Minister of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia No. 284 of 2001 on the Ma’had
Aly,” Articles 5 and 6.
Pengurus FBM Putra Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari, Kumpulan Bahtsul Masail, 4.

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scholastically. In addressing such issues, FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo
combines Islamic jurists’ opinions (aqwāl al-fuqahā) with their developed istinbāṭ al-aḥkām.44
The bahtsul masail activities in ma’had aly involve more than merely referencing the
Islamic jurists’ opinions; they also require verification through a set of Islamic legal
methodologies, such as qawā’id uṣūliyah (Islamic jurisprudence fundamentals), qawā’id fiqhiyyah
(Islamic legal maxims), and qawā’id maqāṣidiyah (objectives of Islamic law). Additionally, the
primary basis for their deliberation must focus on the maṣlahah (public interest) and mafsadah
(harm) that may arise from the legal decision made.45 In practice, bahtsul masail actors often
combine both qawlī and manhājī methods.46 When a particular case has no precedent in
classical texts, they resort to the manhājī method. The application of the manhājī method in
bahtsul masail aims to produce fiqh that leads to justice and public welfare for Muslims,
especially when specific provisions in classical fiqh books no longer apply. In this context,
bahtsul masail actors are expected to master the qawā’id uṣūliyah, qawā’id fiqhiyyah, qawā’id
maqāṣidiyah, and various methodologies in uṣūl fiqh, such as maṣlaḥah (public interest), istiḥsān
(juristic preference), and ‘urf (custom), along with other Islamic legal methodologies that
support the application of the manhājī method.47
Fatwās Regarding Female Leadership: Methods and Islamic Legal Reasoning
The question of whether women can serve as leaders, either as judges (qāḍī) or heads of state,
is a longstanding issue in Islamic law that the four prominent Sunnī Islamic jurists have
debated. The Ḥanafī madhhab tends to be more flexible, permitting women to serve as judges,
particularly in cases involving family law or matters between women, but not in cases of
hudūd (prescribed punishments) and qiṣāṣ (retribution).48 The Mālikī and Shāfi‘ī madhhabs are
generally more conservative, usually opposing female leadership as head of state but allowing
limited judicial roles based on necessity and competence.49 The Ḥanbalī madhhab holds the
strictest view, completely forbidding women from holding leadership positions.50 However,
in the modern era, some contemporary scholars have reinterpreted these traditional views,
leading to more progressive and moderate positions that support female leadership based on
social necessity, competence, and the promotion of gender equality.51
44
45

46
47
48
49

50
51

Ma’had Aly Situbondo, “Profil Majalah Tanwirul Afkar,” Ma’had Aly Situbondo (blog), December 17, 2023,
https://maalysitubondo.ac.id/profil-majalah-tanwirul-afkar/.
Ainol Yaqin, Moch. Cholid Wardi, and Achmad Mulyadi, “Actualization of Moderation in Reasoning at
Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo Situbondo and Its Influence on Istinbâth of Islamic Law,” ALIHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 17, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 434–57.
Abdul Wafi, Reformasi Bermazhab Dalam NU: Studi Pergeseran Metode Bahtsul Masail dari Qauli ke Manhaji
(Pamekasan: Duta Media Publishing, 2022), 408.
ʿAbdullāh bin Bayyah, Alāqah Maqāṣid al-Sharīʿah bi Uṣūl al-Fiqh (Jeddah: Maktabah Makkiyah, n.d.), 23.
Muhammad bin Ibrahim al-Musa, Abdullah bin Muhammad al-Mutlak, and Abdullah bin Muhammad alThayyar, Al-Fiqh al-Muyassar, vol. 8 (Riyadh: Mamlakah al-Arabiyyah al-Suudiyah, 2012), 67.
See: Al-Qāḍī Abū Muḥammad ‘Abd al-Wahhāb bin ‘Alī bin Naṣr al-Baghdādī al-Mālikī, Al-Isyrāf ‘alā Naqṭi
Masā’il al-Khilāf, vol. 2 (Dār Ibn Ḥazm, 1999), 956; Al-Māwardī, Al-Aḥkām al-Sulṭāniyyah (Kairo: Dār alḤadīth, 2006), 57.
Abī Muḥammad ‘Abdillāh bin Aḥmad bin Muḥammad bin Qudāmah al-Ḥanbalī, Al-Mughnī, vol. 14 (Riyāḍ:
Dār ‘Ālam al-Kutub, 1997), 12–3.
See: Muhammad Rikza Muqtada et al., “Fiqh Contestation on Women’s Public Leadership in Indonesia and
Malaysia: Reproducing Qur’anic and Hadith Interpretations,” AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial
19, no. 1 (June 30, 2024): 221–48; Mohd Anuar Ramli et al., “Muslim-Malay Women in Political Leadership:

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In addition to the perspectives of the four prominent Sunnī Islamic jurists, the FBM
Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng and FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo
have issued differing fatwās on the issue of women’s leadership. Through their respective
bahtsul masail forums, Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng issued a fatwā prohibiting women
from leadership roles. In contrast, Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo issued a fatwā
permitting it. These differences stem from the two institutions’ choices of Islamic jurists’
opinions and their respective methods of istinbāṭ al-aḥkām. FBM Ma’had Aly Tebuireng
applies the qawlī method, adhering to the majority view of classical Islamic jurists. At the
same time, FBM Ma’had Aly Situbondo employs the manhājī method, allowing for the
contextual reinterpretation of the hadith. The differences in method and Islamic legal
reasoning used by these two institutions are summarized in Table 1.
Table 1
Methods and Islamic Legal Reasoning in Fatwās on Female Leadership
Forum of
No.
Fatwā
Method
Islamic Legal Reasoning
Bahtsul Masail
1.
Ma’had Aly
Women cannot
Qawlī
Follows the majority view of
Hasyim Asy’ari
be leaders
classical Islamic jurists
Tebuireng
2.
Ma’had Aly
Women can be Manhājī
Follows the minority view of
Salafiyah
leaders
classical Islamic jurists and
Syafi’iyah
reinterprets the hadith in the
Situbondo
modern context
FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng: The Qawlī Method
FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng issued a fatwā prohibiting women from holding
leadership positions, relying on the opinions of classical Islamic jurists as found in
authoritative religious texts (commonly referred to in Indonesia as kitab kuning). Using the
qawlī method, the actors in the bahtsul masail forum referred to the majority opinion of
classical Islamic jurists, who stipulate that leaders must be male (dhukurah). They based their
fatwā on kitab kuning, such as Tuhfat al-Aḥwadhī Sharḥ Sunan al-Tirmidhī by Abū al-‘Ulā
Muḥammad ‘Abd al-Raḥmān al-Mubārakfūrī and al-Fiqh al-Islamī wa Adillatuh by Wahbah alZuḥailī. These two works form the basis for FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng’s
fatwā, prohibiting women from holding leadership roles locally and nationally.52
Although Islamic jurists have differing opinions on the permissibility of women
becoming leaders, FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng followed the majority view,
prohibiting women from assuming leadership roles. This prohibition is based on a hadith
narrated by al-Bukhārī:53

52
53

Navigating Challenges and Shaping the Future,” Mazahib 23, no. 1 (June 29, 2024): 305–50; Pitrotussaadah
Pitrotussaadah, Eva Fadhilah, and Faisal Zulfikar, “Islamic Law and Gender: A Misconception of Roles
and Responsibilities in Parenting,” De Jure: Jurnal Hukum dan Syar’iah 15, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 331–
42.
Pengurus FBM Putra Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari, Kumpulan Bahtsul Masail, 235.
Abū ‘Abdillāh Muḥammad ibn Ismā‘īl ibn Ibrāhīm al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, vol. 5 (Bayrūt: Dār al-Fikr,
1994), 160.

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It was narrated from Abu Bakrah that Allah protected me with something I heard from the Messenger
of Allah (peace be upon him) during the Battle of Jamal when I was about to join the horsemen and
fight alongside them. Abu Bakrah said, “News came that the people of Persia had appointed the
emperor’s daughter as their queen. When the Messenger of Allah heard of this, he said, ‘A nation
that entrusts its affairs to a woman will never prosper.’”
This hadith is understood as a response to the appointment of a woman as the ruler
of Persia, with the Prophet commenting that any nation that entrusts its affairs to a woman
will not succeed. In Tuhfat al-Aḥwadhī Sharḥ Sunan al-Tirmidhī, al-Khaṭṭābī, as cited by alMubārakfūrī, interpreted this hadith as a prohibition against women serving as judges or
leaders. Additionally, al-Khaṭṭābī drew an analogy between the prohibition of women serving
as leaders and their inability to act as legal guardians (walī) in marriage, as a woman cannot
serve as her guardian nor marry others.54 Based on this hadith and the analogy with legal
guardianship, the majority of classical Islamic jurists ruled against women’s leadership.
From this hadith, Islamic jurists derived seven essential qualifications for leadership:
intelligence, maturity, freedom, justice, Islam, being male, and the ability to exercise ijtihād.
While the first three qualifications are agreed upon, scholars differ regarding the remaining
four, including the male leader requirement. Most Islamic jurists, except those of the Ḥanafī
madhhab, argue that a judge or leader must be male. They contend that leadership requires
intellectual perfection and the ability to manage societal affairs, which they claim women
lack. Moreover, leaders must interact with various individuals, such as witnesses and litigants,
in interactions that women are discouraged from engaging in to avoid temptation. Al-Zuḥailī
argues that these factors justify why women cannot be appointed judges or high-level leaders.
Additionally, al-Zuḥailī emphasized that there are no historical examples of female leaders
during the time of the Prophet, his companions, or subsequent generations.55
Thus, the hadith narrated by al-Bukhārī serves as the primary legal basis for prohibiting
female leadership. It establishes one of the conditions for leadership as being male. Women
are deemed unfit for leadership due to their perceived lack of intelligence and their restricted
freedom to interact with others, unlike men. In addition to this hadith, many Islamic jurists
analogize the prohibition of women becoming leaders with the prohibition of women acting
as guardians in marriage. FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng affirmed this Islamic
legal reasoning by relying on the kitab kuning of al-Mubārakfūrī and al-Zuḥailī.56 As a result,
FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng issued a fatwā prohibiting female leadership
based on the qawlī method.
FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng formulated this prohibition following a
bahtsul masail forum held at Pesantren Tebuireng on December 26, 2019. Maha santri and
santri (high school Islamic student) from Pesantren Tebuireng and santri from other local
54

55
56

See: Abū al-‘Ulā Muḥammad ‘Abd al-Raḥmān bin ‘Abd al-Raḥīm al-Mubārakfūrī, Tuhfat al-Aḥwadhī Sharḥ
Sunan al-Tirmidhī, vol. 6 (Bayrūt: Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1353 H), 447; Toha Andiko, Zurifah Nurdin,
and Ahmed Abdul Malik, “Reactualization of Wali Mujbir in the Modern Era: Maqasid Sharia Analysis of
Imam Shafi’i’s Concept Regarding Wali’s Ijbar Right,” Al-Risalah: Forum Kajian Hukum dan Sosial
Kemasyarakatan 23, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 274–91; Anggi Prasetyo and Ilyya Muhsin, “The Practice of
Ṣiḥah Marriage among the Rifa’iyah Congregation in Sociological and Islamic Marriage Law Perspectives,”
Al-’Adalah 20, no. 2 (March 7, 2024): 235–56.
Wahbah al-Zuḥailī, Al-Fiqh al-Islamī wa Adillatuh, vol. 8 (Damaskus: Dār Al-Fikr, 1985), 86.
Pengurus FBM Putra Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari, Kumpulan Bahtsul Masail, 418.

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pesantrens attended the forum. They included representatives from Ma’had Aly Hasyim
Asy’ari Tebuireng, Ma’had Aly Tarbiyatun Nasyiin Pacul Gowang, Fordisaf (Forum Diskusi
Santri Salaf) of Pesantren Tebuireng, MAKK (Madrasah Aliyah Khusus Keagamaan) of
Pesantren Tebuireng, Madrasah Muallimin Hasyim Asy’ari of Pesantren Tebuireng, SMA
Abdul Wahid Hasyim of Pesantren Tebuireng, Pesantren Aqobah, Pesantren Darul Falah,
Pesantren Tarbiyatun Nasyiin Pacul Gowang, Pesantren Mambaul Hikam, and Pesantren
Madrasatul Qur’an Tebuireng. The bahtsul masail forum’s formulator was Said Ridwan, a
senior kiai at Pesantren Tebuireng in Jombang, and the discussion was supervised by KH.
Mahfudz Ali Amari, a mentor for weekly fiqh studies. The muṣaḥḥiḥ responsible for the final
decisions was KH. Mukhlis Dimyati, senior kiai at Pesantren Darul Falah in Jombang.57
FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo: The Manhājī Method
FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo issued a fatwā permitting women to serve as
leaders. While most classical Islamic jurists prohibit women’s leadership, the actors in this
forum chose to follow the minority view, which allows women to hold leadership roles. They
referred to the opinion of Abū Ḥanīfah, who permits women to serve as judges, and Jarīr alṬabarī, who permits women to assume leadership positions in all areas.58 However, alMāwardī viewed al-Ṭabarī’s opinion as flawed, as it went against the consensus (ijmā‘) of the
classical Islamic jurists.59 Although they acknowledged the hadith narrated by al-Bukhārī,
often cited by those who oppose female leadership, FBM Ma’had Aly Situbondo followed
the minority view and reinterpreted the hadith in a modern context.
Employing the manhājī method, FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo
presented three key legal arguments for permitting female leadership.60 First, they argued that
the matān (wording) of the hadith narrated by al-Bukhārī does not meet the strict criteria
required for it to serve as a basis for legal prohibition. Using the method of istiqrā’ nuṣūṣ
(comprehensive analysis of Islamic primary sources), FBM Situbondo examined the hadith
in detail. Theoretically, the hadith can be understood as a prohibition (nahy) only if it meets
at least four conditions: it must explicitly state that the act is forbidden, the text must use
specific prohibitive language, it must be accompanied by a punishment (‘uqūbah), or it must
use another grammatical structure indicating a clear obligation. FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah
Syafi’iyah Situbondo contends that the wording of the hadith, which uses the phrase lan
yufliḥa (will not succeed), does not meet these conditions.
Second, FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo argued that the censure in the
hadith cannot be understood literally but must be considered in its historical context (asbāb
al-wurūd). The hadith refers specifically to the Persian Empire, which was Zoroastrian and
had appointed Buwārān bint Sarāwaih as queen. During her reign, Persia experienced a

57
58
59

60

Ahmad Wasil Syahrir, Interview with Head of the Bahtsul Masail Forum at Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari, 7
February 2021.
Al-Zuḥailī, Al-Fiqh al-Islamī wa Adillatuh, vol. 8, 5937.
See: Al-Māwardī, Al-Aḥkām al-Sulṭāniyyah, 110; Muhamad Fajar Pramono and Amir Sahidin, “Maqāṣid alSharī’ah Values in al-Māwardī’s Concept of the Caliphate,” Al-Ahkam 31, no. 2 (October 31, 2021): 203–
22.
Kholilur Rohman and Doni Eka Saputra, eds., Fikih Progresif, 921–4.

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significant decline and eventual collapse. Therefore, the Prophet’s comment61 that “a nation
will never succeed that makes a woman their ruler” was, in their view, applicable only to this
particular case and cannot be generalized. This interpretation aligns with the Islamic legal
maxim, al-‘ibrah bi khuṣūṣ al-sabab lā bi ‘umūm al-lafẓ (the particularity of the cause is more
important than the generality of the text).62
Third, FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo asserted that the legal
arguments used by most classical Islamic jurists to prohibit female leadership must be
understood contextually. In the time of the Prophet, women did not enjoy the same social
or political rights as men, which influenced the perception of their leadership capacity.63 This
social inequality explains why women were seen as unfit for leadership at the time, a view
that may no longer apply in the present day. In modern Indonesia, men and women have
equal access to education, politics, and other fields.64 Thus, the rationale used by classical
Islamic jurists is no longer valid. For FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo,
leadership is based not on gender but on qualities such as honesty, justice, courage, and
responsibility. Therefore, FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo permits women
to assume leadership positions at both local and national levels using the manhājī method.
This fatwā was issued following a bahtsul masail discussion published in the Bulletin Tanwirul
Afkar, Edition 4, on August 22, 1997.65
Debating the Legality of Women in Leadership: Taqlīd versus Contextual Adaptation
The issue of female leadership in Islamic law continues to spark significant debate,
particularly regarding the differences in legal interpretation between taqlīd (adherence to legal
precedents) and adaptation to contemporary social contexts. This debate is reflected in the
differing fatwās issued by two ma’had alys affiliated with NU: FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari
Tebuireng and FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo. These two institutions take
different methodological positions in interpreting the permissibility of female leadership.
FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng employs the qawlī method, which relies on the
majority views of classical Islamic jurists without contextualizing these opinions to
accommodate modern changes. On the other hand, FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah
Situbondo adopts the more dynamic manhājī method, allowing for reinterpreting the Qur’an
and hadith in light of contemporary social contexts.
The qawlī method used by FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng demonstrates
strong adherence to the majority opinion of classical Islamic jurists, which holds that
maleness is a necessary qualification for leadership. This position strictly follows the decision

61
62
63
64

65

Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, vol. 5, 160.
Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī, Jam‘ al-Jawāmi‘, vol. 1 (Kairo: Al-Azhar al-Sharīf, 2005), 150.
Linda Firdawaty et al., “Husein Muhammad’s Thoughts on Gender Equality in Islamic Inheritance Law,”
Al-’Adalah 19, no. 2 (April 16, 2023): 223–44.
See: Angraini binti Ramli and Radwan Jamal Elatrash, “Woman Participation in Politics: Toward an Ideal
Model in the Perspective of Siyasa al-Shar’iyya,” Al-Risalah: Forum Kajian Hukum dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan
21, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 1–11; Wiwit Pratiwi et al., “Evaluation of the Fulfillment of Political Rights for
Persons with Disabilities to Welcome the 2024 General Election,” Volksgeist: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum dan Konstitusi
6, no. 1 (June 27, 2023): 19–32.
Kholilur Rohman and Doni Eka Saputra, eds., Fikih Progresif, 923.

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made at the NU National Congress of Ulama in Bandar Lampung in 1992.66 The stance is
primarily based on a hadith narrated by al-Bukhārī, in which the Prophet Muhammad stated
that a nation would not prosper if led by a woman.67 Furthermore, an analogy with the rules
of marriage guardianship, which prohibit women from serving as legal guardians, reinforces
the view that women lack the intelligence and capacity required for leadership, qualities men
deem to possess.68 This approach reflects a cautious stance (iḥtiyāṭ) in legal interpretation,
emphasizing commitment to classical legal traditions and authority without considering the
evolving social dynamics.
Conversely, FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo takes a more progressive
approach using the manhājī method, allowing for reinterpreting the Qur’an and hadith within
a modern context. They argue that, given its historical context, the hadith used by the
majority of classical Islamic jurists to prohibit female leadership does not carry an absolute
prohibition. The hadith was a response to the specific situation of Buwārān bint Sarāwaih,
the ruler of Persia, whose reign led to the decline of her nation. Understanding the asbāb alwurūd of this hadith, they conclude that the prohibition cannot be applied universally.
Furthermore, during the time of the Prophet, women did not have equal access to education,
politics, and other spheres,69 making the prohibition situational and not relevant in today’s
context, where women have access to the same opportunities as men.70
This difference in methodology highlights the tension between adherence to a specific
madhhab and the need for contextual adaptation by Muslim communities when addressing
contemporary issues. Taqlīd, as practiced by FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng,
emphasizes loyalty to the majority opinions of classical Islamic jurists as a way of maintaining
the purity of Islamic law without interference from social changes that could be perceived as
undermining its originality. In this context, the fatwās produced tend to be conservative,
apologetic, and textual,71 ensuring that the views of classical Islamic jurists remain the guiding
principles in addressing socio-religious issues. In contrast, the manhājī method used by FBM
Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo offers greater flexibility in confronting the
challenges of modernity. They aim to align the interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith with
social change, particularly concerning gender equality,72 without compromising the integrity

66
67
68
69
70

71

72

Yahya, Dinamika Ijtihad NU, 114.
Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, vol. 5, 160.
Abū al-‘Ulā Muḥammad ‘Abd al-Raḥmān bin ‘Abd al-Raḥīm al-Mubārakfūrī, Tuhfat al-Aḥwadhī Sharḥ Sunan
al-Tirmidhī, vol. 6 (Bayrūt: Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1353 H), 447.
C. Jones-Pauly, “Gender Relations,” in The Ashgate Research Companion to Islamic Law, ed. Rudolph Peters and
P. J. Bearman (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2014), 137–49.
Fathonah K. Daud and Aden Rosadi, “Dinamika Hukum Keluarga Islam dan Isu Gender di Iran: Antara
Pemikiran Elit Sekuler dan Ulama Islam,” Volksgeist: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum dan Konstitusi 4, no. 2 (November
30, 2021): 205–2020.
See: Meirison Meirison, Desmadi Saharuddin, and Husnul Fatarib, “The Dynamics of Islamic Jurisprudence
in the Eyes of Contemporary Muslims,” El-Mashlahah 12, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 70–83; Muhammad Iqbal
Juliansyahzen et al., “Between Sharia, Gender, and Science in the Construction of “Iddah: The Response
of Banyumas” Ulamas,” El-Mashlahah 14, no. 1 (June 30, 2024): 189–210.
See: Mohamed Sulthan Ismiya Begum et al., “Gender Equity in Muslim Family Law: Modern and
Contemporary ‘Ulamā’s View,” Al-Ahkam 34, no. 2 (October 31, 2024): 221–56; Achmad Mudhofar ’Afif,
Maskur Rosyid, and Lutfi Lutfi, “Gender Equality in Islamic Sharia (The Study of Bisri Mustofa’s Thought
in al-Ibrīz li Ma’rifah Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-’Azīz),” Syariah: Jurnal Hukum dan Pemikiran 22, no. 1 (June 9, 2022):

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of Islamic law itself. In this approach, leadership is no longer based on gender but on
competence and personal integrity. This approach aligns with the dominant trend within NU,
as noted by M. Ali Haedar, where ijtihād and legal flexibility are increasingly prioritized over
strict adherence to a particular madhhab.73
Moreover, the difference in the fatwā method between these two ma’had alys can also
be understood in light of the background of the participants in the bahtsul masail forums and
the curricula they follow. The participants in the bahtsul masail forum at Ma’had Aly Hasyim
Asy’ari Tebuireng are mostly maha santri and santri. Their curriculum primarily focuses on
hadith studies rather than the tools of ijtihād, such as uṣūl al-fiqh (Islamic legal theory) and
maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah (objectives of Islamic law). This emphasis leads to their tendency to employ
the qawlī method in their ijtihād.74 On the other hand, the participants in the FBM Ma’had
Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo forum are primarily maha santris trained to become Islamic
jurists capable of adapting to modern times. A partial interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith
often leads to rigid and radical legal rulings, hence the need for a more comprehensive
reading that involves various relevant disciplines, as emphasized in the manhājī method.75
Despite the relatively young age and academic experience of the bahtsul masail
participants at both ma’had aly, their differing methods of istinbāṭ al-aḥkām reflect a diversity
of approaches to Islamic legal reasoning among younger scholars. This finding contradicts
the argument made by Riza, who suggested that younger scholars tend to abandon the qawlī
method in favor of ijtihād in responding to modern challenges.76 This article demonstrates
that the methodology difference is not limited to the divide between senior and junior
scholars but also among young scholars affiliated with different pesantrens. This supports
Laffan’s finding that these dynamics are shaped by differences in religious understanding,
socio-political contexts, interpretations of legal sources, and educational backgrounds.77
Despite these differences in fatwās, the variation in the methods and Islamic legal reasoning
used by the two ma’had alys highlights the diverse perspectives within NU regarding socioreligious issues, with each drawing on the rich tradition of Islamic heritage.78

73

74
75
76
77

78

69–88; Nastangin Nastangin and Muhammad Chairul Huda, “The Role of Career Women in Creating a
Sakinah Family: From Mubadalah (Mutuality) Perspective,” Al-’Adalah 19, no. 1 (June 20, 2022): 123–40.
See: M. Ali Haidar, Nahdatul Ulama dan Islam di Indonesia: Pendekatan Fikih dalam Politik (Jakarta: Gramedia
Pustaka Utama, 1994), 72; Muflikhatul Khoiroh and Abd Syakur Syakur, “The Flexibility of Islamic Law in
the Ganjur Tradition in Lamongan, Indonesia,” Ijtihad: Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 23, no.
2 (December 25, 2023): 139–59.
Ahmad Wasil Syahrir, Interview with Head of the Bahtsul Masail Forum at Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari,
February 7, 2021.
Muyiddin Khotib, Interview with the Masyayikh of the Bahtsul Masail Forum at Ma’had Aly Salafiyah
Syafi’iyah Situbondo, June 23, 2021.
Riza, “Contemporary Fatawa of Nahdlatul Ulama,” 35–65.
Laffan, “The Fatwā Debated?” 93–122. See also: Muhammad Lutfi Hakim et al., “Between Exclusivity and
Inclusivity of Institutions: Examining the Role of the Indonesian Ulema Council and Its Political Fatwa in
Handling the Spread of Covid-19,” Khazanah Hukum 5, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 230–44.
Fathorrahman et al., “Dynamics of Thought in the Fiqh of Civilization Halaqah at Pesantren Affiliated with
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in Yogyakarta,” Ijtihad: Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 24, no. 1 (July
23, 2024): 71–95.

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Conclusion
The differing fatwās on female leadership issued by FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari
Tebuireng and FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo reflect contrasting
methodological approaches within NU. FBM Ma’had Aly Hasyim Asy’ari Tebuireng’s
adherence to the qawlī method, rooted in classical jurisprudence and its commitment to legal
precedent, produces conservative fatwās that align with the majority opinions of classical
Islamic jurists. In contrast, FBM Ma’had Aly Salafiyah Syafi’iyah Situbondo’s use of the
manhājī method, which embraces the reinterpretation of textual sources in light of
contemporary social contexts, results in more progressive rulings that allow for female
leadership. These findings highlight the internal diversity within NU’s legal reasoning,
demonstrating how varying approaches to istinbāṭ al-aḥkām contribute to different religious
stances on the same issue.
This study reinforces the importance of considering both taqlīd and ijtihād in the
broader framework of Islamic legal interpretation, particularly in relation to evolving social
norms such as gender equality. The divergence in fatwā methodologies illustrates how Islamic
legal institutions negotiate the tension between preserving traditional authority and adapting
to modernity. However, the research is limited by its focus on only two ma’had alys affiliated
with NU, which may not fully represent the diversity of thought across the broader Islamic
community in Indonesia. Future research could benefit from expanding the scope to include
more institutions and conducting longitudinal studies on how NU’s fatwās evolve in response
to further societal changes.
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