Jurnal Borneo Administrator Volume 21 .
2025: 247-260
P-ISSN: 1858-0300.
E-ISSN: 2407-6767
DOI: 10.
24258/jba.
Accredited by KEMENDIKTISAINTEK No.
10/C/C3/DT.
00/2025
ARTICLE
The Implementation of Asymmetric Fiscal Decentralization in Developing Non-Traditional Security in Papua Hendy Setiawan1*.
Yendra Erison2, and Choirunnisa3 Department of Government Science.
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences.
Universitas Selamat Sri.
Batang.
Indonesia Department of Political Science.
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences.
Universitas Islam Darul AoUlum.
Lamongan.
Indonesia Departemen of Communication.
Faculty of Communication.
Universitas Pamulang.
South Tangerang.
Indonesia How to cite: Setiawan.
Hendy.
Erison.
Yendra.
, & Choirunnisa.
The Implementation of Asymmetric Fiscal Decentralization in Developing Non-Traditional Security in Papua.
Jurnal Borneo Administrator, 21.
, 247-260.
https://doi.
org/10.
24258/jba.
Article History Received: 21 February 2025 Accepted: 5 Novermber 2025 Keywords:
Asymmetric Fiscal Decentralization.
Non-traditional Security Politics.
Special Autonomy.
ABSTRACT
This article aims to discuss the relevance of implementing asymmetric fiscal decentralization in building non-traditional security in Papua.
For over two decades.
Papua has had a special autonomy status.
Under the legal basis of Law Number 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua, which was followed in 2002 by the asymmetric fiscal decentralization policy of the Central Government, it provides space for Papua to improve and develop non-traditional forms of security that are more dynamic and welfare-oriented.
This study uses a qualitative method with a documentary analysis approach.
This study utilizes accurate document data, which is analyzed using existing techniques.
The results of the study indicate that the asymmetric fiscal decentralization policy has not been fully implemented in developing non-traditional forms of security .
uman securit.
This was identified as an area where numerous human security problems persist, ranging from unfulfilled food needs to a weak social life within society, including poverty and low human development.
All of which are markers that such security problems are a nontraditional threat to Papua.
Therefore, the state must review the special autonomy policy that can create non-traditional security and is oriented towards the welfare of Papua.
INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this article is to discuss the impact of fiscal decentralization on the development of non-traditional security in Papua.
The problems in Papua are so complex and numerous that they will always be interesting, one of which is the implementation of fiscal The year 1999 in Indonesia marked a significant moment in the history of the division of national and subnational government authority, as decentralization policies began to be implemented in the context of welfare transformation (Raza et al.
, 2.
This also occurred in the Papua region, where the decentralization of the autonomous region is essentially a demonstration of the Central Government's commitment to regulating, managing, and designing central and regional political relations to achieve justice and harmony in these * Corresponding Author Email : hendysetiawan2020@mail.
A 2025 Pusat Pembelajaran dan Strategi Kebijakan Pelayanan Publik (Pusjar SKPP).
Lembaga Administrasi Negara.
Indonesia.
Hendy Setiawan.
Yendra Erison, and Choirunnisa Moreover, before Papua officially joined Indonesia in 1969, this region already had a history of bloody conflict with Indonesia itself (Setiawan, 2022.
Therefore, considering the complex historical context, this decentralization represents a form of political regulation by the Central Government aimed at unifying and strengthening the values of prosperity, justice, and equality for the Papuans, ultimately seeking to achieve a better and more dignified life for its citizens (Setiawan et al.
, 2.
Decentralization arrangements have given rise to autonomous regional formats, where each subnational region is responsible for regulating and managing its territory.
Referring to Law Number 22 of 1999 concerning Regional Government, it is stated that regional autonomy is implemented to regulate and manage the interests of local communities based on their initiatives, as deemed suitable.
This was then supported by regulations in Law No.
25 of 1999 concerning Central and Regional Financial Balancing within the framework of regional autonomy (Kharisma, 2.
This regulation confirms that the Central Government is no longer the sole authority capable of resolving all the problems experienced by each autonomous Therefore, this decentralization policy provides space for regions to exercise some authority over affairs delegated from the Central Government.
In Papua, the asymmetric decentralization arrangement is based on the legal provisions of Law Number 21 of 2001, which was later amended in Law Number 2 of 2021.
Papua obtained this status based on an integration resolution (McGibbon, 2.
This status must be utilized as a tool to accelerate the development of welfare in Papua.
However, many parties consider that the implementation of regional autonomy for more than two decades has failed because it has not had a significant impact.
This is because the implementation has not had an impact on the development of non-traditional security in Papua (Setiawan, 2022.
The implementation of asymmetric decentralization gave birth to special autonomy regulations, including special funding.
Referring to Law Number 1 of 2022 concerning Financial Relations between the Central Government and Regional Governments, special funding is intended to support the implementation of special autonomy.
It is an instrument to achieve equal welfare.
However, the reality is that the fiscal decentralization given to Papua has not had a positive impact there.
One of the perceptions that the Central Government must build is that in Papua, the problems that occur are not only related to traditional security issues, but also non-traditional security issues.
This perception has major consequences if the problems in Papua can be considered resolved and if traditional security issues are also resolved.
The security paradigm itself, since the Cold War has developed beyond non-traditional security (Buzan, 2.
This security paradigm shift is what the Central Government should see, so that in designing a policy scheme for Papua, it can touch the non-traditional security sector, which has so far rarely been debated in the areas of regional autonomy and political decentralization (Hidayat, 2.
The concept of a non-traditional security approach is relevant to the problems in Papua, so the success of the fiscal decentralization that has been carried out must also be measured by how much this non-traditional security political issue is accommodated in the decentralization arrangement itself.
Moreover, in Papua itself, through the implementation of Law No.
21 of 2001, it has been emphasized that the region has achieved a special autonomy status.
This means that this special delegation becomes a legal rule for the implementation and administration of regional government in Papua by utilizing all the fiscal power it has in the framework of resolving nontraditional security problems, such as poverty, health, education, social, economic, public services, and other issues related to human security (Mukiwihando, 2.
Moreover, since 2022.
Papua has continued to experience regional arrangements that have given birth to new autonomous regions.
It is recorded that Papua has currently expanded, with the number of existing provinces being six.
This expansion certainly does not reduce the 248 | Jurnal Borneo Administrator.
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The Implementation of Asymmetric Fiscal Decentralization in Developing Non-Traditional Security in Papua government's fiscal allocation.
In 2025 alone.
Papua received a special autonomy fund allocation of IDR 1,562 trillion.
Papua Barat IDR 918 billion.
Papua Selatan IDR 1.
67 trillion.
Papua Tengah IDR 1,335.
41 billion.
Highland Papua IDR 3.
12 billion, and South West Papua IDR 169.
3 billion.
This allocation is nothing more than an effort to build prosperity in Papua (Setiawan & Choirunnisa, 2023.
Hapsah & MasAoudi, 2.
The question at debate is quite simple: Is the implementation of asymmetric decentralization, followed by asymmetric fiscal decentralization, also a challenge or an opportunity? (Fiorillo et al.
, 2.
This article will first argue that the problem experienced by Papua is a new form of insecurity that is related to human security.
Therefore, the primary question of this study is how the implementation of asymmetric fiscal decentralization affects the development of non-traditional security in Papua.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Non-Traditional Security (NTS) Security studies have provided a new understanding of security transformation.
Everyone has the idea that security issues are only seen in terms of military, physical, terrorism, invasion, aggression, or other forms of threats that are still traditional.
However, after the Cold War, many security experts have thought about a broader concept of security.
Buzan expanded the dimensions of security, which are not limited to traditional security alone, but also include nontraditional security (Buzan, 1.
Buzan's ideas then began to develop and be accepted because they were considered relevant and in line with the dynamics of the situation.
Nontraditional security is often referred to as non-conventional security, human security, or alternative security.
Traditional security is oriented towards military power.
While nontraditional security includes non-militaristic power .
uman securit.
(Sabriana & Indrawan.
The concept of security in the global landscape is now more focused on non-traditional security (Akbar et al.
, 2.
These ideas and conceptions of security then began to develop and were introduced to countries in the world by the UNDP Report in 1994.
UNDP stated clearly that the concept of security is increasingly gaining dominant space in defining and implementing a policy based on territory, militaristic accumulation of power, and political stability, which ignores far more comprehensive values of human interests and needs (Adinda, 2.
The UNDP report emphasizes that, so far, the concept and debate on security are no longer debated in a narrow sense, focusing solely on non-traditional security, but have also shifted to encompass non-traditional security.
The report identifies seven components of the human security dimension that require attention.
The seven dimensions of security, according to UNDP, are (Gymez & Gasper, 2.
: economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security.
Community security, and political security.
Asymmetric Fiscal Decentralization The term "asymmetric decentralization" in the study of political science refers to asymmetric devolution, asymmetric federalism, or asymmetrical intergovernmental These regulatory patterns cannot be compared or differ in (Permatasari, 2.
In Indonesia itself, the implementation of asymmetric decentralization is a form of structuring political relations between the center and regions that is designed in principle by considering special considerations.
This is intended to create a situation where public services are available to the community that are more accessible and accommodating (Suprijati et al.
, 2.
In addition, the concept of asymmetric decentralization is not limited to differences in institutional relationship patterns and forms of control, but is also followed by differences in Jurnal Borneo Administrator.
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Hendy Setiawan.
Yendra Erison, and Choirunnisa fiscal delegation.
Fiscal delegation from the central to regional level, balancing funds, will reduce the role of the Central Government's financial management, allowing regions to manage their finances (Ningsih et al.
, 2.
In addition, fiscal decentralization characterized by central and regional financial balance means that each Regional Government will receive central transfer funds including General Allocation Funds (DAU).
Special Allocation Funds (DAK).
Revenue Sharing Funds (DBH), and in special regions will receive Special Autonomy Funds (DOK) as in Papua Province (Vitara Agatha & Uliansyah, 2.
The asymmetric fiscal decentralization implemented in Papua is essentially a tool for the region to address welfare issues.
The regulation aims to strengthen regional fiscal capacities, enabling them to be utilized optimally to accelerate development and improve regional economic indicators.
The Central Government's attention to Papua through fiscal decentralization will enable it to provide a more autonomous space, allowing Papua to experience accelerated welfare.
Therefore, if this decentralization does not have an impact on the progress of a region, of course, it is necessary to ask how the fiscal instruments delegated through fiscal decentralization are not realized in a special form of opportunity (Fiorillo et al.
, 2.
Referring to Law No.
21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua, specifically Article 1, it states that "Special Autonomy is a special authority recognized and given to Papua Province to regulate and manage the interests of local communities based on the aspirations and basic rights of the Papuan people.
" Providing regional autonomy followed by decentralization funding, according to Barzelay, must at least be able to realize priority goals for central and regional relations, including (Zarkasyi et al.
, 2.
Creating efficiency and effectiveness in regional resource management Improving the quality of public services and regional welfare Empowering and creating opportunities for the community to take part in the development process that will be implemented.
METHOD
This study uses a qualitative method with a documentary analysis approach.
This study uses accurate document data analyzed using existing techniques.
The author employs this analytical approach because, through this method, the researcher can analyze comprehensively, structurally, and validly, and test the findings with other researchers.
There are two benefits of the literature review analysis method chosen by the author.
First, this method enables the author to gather a range of data from relevant documentary sources.
Second, this method provides space for researchers to carefully interpret the collected data in line with the objectives and formulation of the research (Hidayati & Setiawan, 2023.
Setiawan & Erison, 2.
However, the weakness of this method is that researchers must be careful and selective in determining the validity of the data, considering the large amount of information available from various sources.
The stages of this research include problem identification, documentary search, research objectives and targets, data collection, data analysis and interpretation, and research reporting.
In this research, the researchers collected various data, including documents and official reports, from relevant government institutions.
These data were then analyzed using the qualitative analysis method of Miles and Huberrmen.
According to Miles and Huberman, qualitative analysis techniques include data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions (Miles et al.
, 1.
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The Implementation of Asymmetric Fiscal Decentralization in Developing Non-Traditional Security in Papua
RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Strengthening Food Security and Realizing Non-Traditional Security Food security is part of non-traditional studies.
In the context of Papua, this issue has become an integral part of implementing asymmetric fiscal decentralization.
One of the objectives of asymmetric fiscal decentralization is to ensure that the community's basic needs are met.
Therefore, the fattening of fiscal posts in Papua is part of the context of overcoming hunger and malnutrition, as a form of the Central Government's commitment to realizing healthy and superior human beings.
However, the Central Government's efforts in responding to the turmoil in Papua are considered less than successful.
Although various formats and schemes of fiscal decentralization have been implemented, in reality, this has not been fully According to the Regional Autonomy Implementation Monitoring Committee (KPPOD), addressing the problem of food security .
is only a short-term solution.
has not addressed the root of the issue in Papua (KPPOD, 2.
The cases of famine that occur in Papua continue to recur.
Food failure is often used as the main reference for the high number of famines that occur.
The causes of food failure range from adverse weather conditions and natural disasters that damage agricultural land to insufficient agricultural production that fails to meet food consumption needs.
However, in the midst of current developments, of course, various alternative efforts can be made so that deaths due to deficiencies and malnutrition do not happen again.
However, the fact is that until now, many Papuans have died due to cases of starvation, malnutrition, and food crises.
Moreover, data from the Ministry of Agriculture in 2019 stated that Papua and West Papua are two provinces with poor disease resistance indices in Indonesia.
This reality was reinforced by Agus Sumule, a lecturer in agriculture at the University of Papua in Manokwari, who said that as many as 51% of Papuans and 75% of West Papuans depend on food outside Papua (Ita.
This can be effectively addressed through an asymmetric fiscal policy focused on the urgent need to build non-traditional security, with particular emphasis on ensuring food Table 1.
Famine and Malnutrition Incidents in the Period 1982-2023 in Papua Years Location of the case Casualties Inflicted August 1982 Kuyuwage 1 and Kuyuwage 2 Villages.
Jayawijaya Regency Paniai Regency 18 people died 367 get treatment 3000 malnourished souls 231 people died 169 people died April 1998 421 people died 24 people died 23 people died 21 people died 60 people died March 2000 Kurima District.
Jayawijaya Regency Jayawijaya Merauke Puncak Jaya Nabire Silimo Village.
Kurima District.
Jayawijaya Regency Jayapura 17 people died May 2003 Kuyuwage Village 3 people died December2005 Yakuhimo Regency 55 people died 112 seriously ill people 000 residents are running out of food .
ome of the victims are women and childre.
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Hendy Setiawan.
Yendra Erison, and Choirunnisa December 2005February 2006 February 2007 Illaga and Gome District.
Puncak Jaya Regency March 2011 Manokwari Regional Hospital Manokwari West Papua Manokwari West Papua June 2015 Kwor District.
Tambrauw Regency.
West Papua Lanny Jaya.
Puncak, and Nduga Regencies .
he worst hit in Kuyuwage and West Wan.
Asmat Regency 15 died In 2006.
Manokwari Regional Hospital treated 80 malnourished toddlers.
1 died 3 malnourished children under five 10 percent of toddlers in Manokwari suffer from malnutrition 214 out of 2.
270 babies and toddlers suffer from malnutrition 2 The baby died 15 people died 11 people died 72 children die due to malnutrition outbreak 602 children in Asmat died between September 2017 and January 31, 2018 (Swator.
Aswi.
Fayit.
Pulau Tiga.
Jetsy.
Kolf Braza, and Sire.
Papua Province is spread January-June, as many as 508 children across 18 districts and one suffered from malnutrition 221 children experience malnutrition Yakuhimo Regency 11 people reportedly died Papua Province is the province with the highest prevalence of inadequate food consumption in Indonesia at 35.
(National: 8.
*Notes Papua began receiving special funding in 2002 In 2022.
Papua Province was developed into 3 New Autonomous Regions (DOB), namely South Papua.
Central Papua, and Highland Papua In 2022.
West Papua was developed into 1 New Autonomous Region (DOB), namely South West Papua Source: Processed by the Author, 2025 The data shows that cases of starvation and malnutrition continue to occur to this day.
The problem of starvation that occurs in Papua in the midst of the flow of special autonomy funds is a fairly ironic phenomenon.
Moreover, not many people recognize the problem of starvation in Papua as a form of human insecurity that threatens survival.
If the phenomenon of starvation occurs, they experience a sense of insecurity about their future survival, which leads to an increasingly complex sense of insecurity.
The cases of starvation and malnutrition that occur in Papua have resulted in thousands of victims, including children, women, and the elderly.
They become victims in the midst of a natural food insecurity situation.
At the same time, since the flow of special autonomy data in 2002, it has not had a significant impact in overcoming the problem in Papua.
Therefore, an evaluation of the implementation of special autonomy that can have an impact on solving the food problem must be carried out.
As long as cases of malnutrition and victims dying from starvation still occur, the implementation of fiscal decentralization is considered not in line with the development of non-traditional security.
The distribution of funds provided by the Central Government to Papua through the asymmetric fiscal decentralization funding scheme remains suboptimal.
Data from the Ministry of Finance indicate that from 2002 to 2021, special autonomy funds and additional infrastructure funds totaled IDR 138.
65 trillion, with TKDD accounting for IDR 702.
30 trillion and Ministries/Agencies' spending reaching IDR 251.
29 trillion.
The total has reached IDR 092 trillion for Papua and West Papua (Hadijah, 2.
This number is fantastic, in line with the government's expectation that fiscal adequacy will lead to prosperity in Papua.
Instead of 252 | Jurnal Borneo Administrator.
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The Implementation of Asymmetric Fiscal Decentralization in Developing Non-Traditional Security in Papua the expected prosperity, the fiscal disbursement has implications for achieving equitable and just food security.
Food security issues are part of non-traditional security that can be addressed with the potential for asymmetric fiscal funding from Papua.
The fact that many Papuans still suffer from malnutrition and starvation, even to the point of death, shows how fragile the state is in providing security guarantees for the safety of its citizens from non-traditional threats.
Kompas media once mentioned that the recurring famine in Papua has caused thousands of Yakuhimo residents to starve, and even reported that 23 people died (Katingka, 2.
Not to mention the cases of malnutrition that occur in several tribes in Papua, which is caused by minimal access to food and the uneven distribution of food they receive.
Both of these factors have implications for the failure to establish a food security system and pose threats to human The phenomenon of hunger, malnutrition, and the narrowing of food sources for the Papuan people are serious challenges.
If it is associated with the issue of food, it has, of course, become a basic human need that must be met.
Food availability must be supported in terms of both quality and quantity.
Even to the aspect of accessibility, namely, how the Papuan people can obtain food easily, at affordable prices, and with sufficient availability (Nainggolan, 2.
This is one way to ensure that the government provides certainty of access and equal distribution of food.
However, in reality, the ongoing food problems in Papua confirm that the implementation of asymmetric fiscal funding is not yet optimal.
For more than two decades, asymmetric fiscal funding for Papua has not been oriented towards the importance of food development in creating a non-traditional security order.
Economic Security of the Papuan People Economic security is crucial for the well-being of individuals, households, and communities affected by conflict, violence, climate change, and natural hazards.
This provides them with a foundation to strengthen their ability to absorb and adapt to chronic and unexpected shocks that may threaten their coping mechanisms and manage future stress and risks.
This requires efforts to save lives, alleviate suffering, protect human dignity, and meet the needs of those affected.
According to the non-traditional approach, economic security is a tool that enables a country to influence the policy decisions of other countries.
therefore, economic insecurity implies a high degree of economic dependence on other countries.
Then, the definition of economic security evolves, leading to a situation where a region has a stable source of financial income, which enables it to organize and manage its household effectively in both the present and the future.
So that there are no gaps left in society, especially in terms of satisfying basic needs (Hidayat, et al, 2.
Thus, the economic security referred to in this research is related to the provision of special autonomy funds for Papua.
The granting of special autonomy as stated in Law Number 21 of 2001, as last amended by Law Number 2 of 2021 and Law Number 1 of 2022 concerning Financial Relations between the Central Government and Regional Governments.
The granting refers to Article 10 of the 1945 Constitution, which states that "The State recognizes and respects regional government units that are special or extraordinary in nature.
" The granting of special autonomy to Papua aims to resolve conflicts and address demands for separatism.
In addition, it is also to accelerate development and improve the quality of public services, uphold the dignity, and protect the basic rights of Indigenous Papuans (Humas, 2.
Therefore, the granting of special autonomy provides broad authority to all areas of government, accompanied by the provision of sources of income, including Revenue Profit Funds.
General Allowance Fund.
Special Allowance Fund, special autonomy funds, and additional special autonomy funds.
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Hendy Setiawan.
Yendra Erison, and Choirunnisa The problem in implementing special autonomy for Papua is that most of the regencies/cities in Papua are classified as underdeveloped areas, namely 75% in Papua and 61% in West Papua.
This is due to geographical factors that cause high development costs, as indicated by the very high Construction Cost Index.
Additionally, problems related to special autonomy funds remain unresolved issues.
It is said that the period for providing special autonomy funds for Papua is 20 years and is set to expire in 2021.
This means that after 2021, the provision of special autonomy funds for Papua has no legal basis, so that if these provisions are not changed, the Special Autonomy Fund will be stopped.
This has an impact on the sustainability of future development (Arghawati, 2.
The allocation of 2% of the National DAU ceiling for the Special Autonomy Fund is insufficient to meet the funding needs for improving basic services in various fields, considering that the Construction Weakness Index (IKM) in Papua is very high.
This condition has caused problems in the governance of special autonomy funds, including the absence of a grand design for the planning and budgeting process for special autonomy funds.
The fiscal management supervision process has not been optimal because it has not been coordinated and integrated between government supervisory institutions.
On this basis, it is necessary to evaluate the special autonomy fund policy as stated in Law No.
2 of 2021, which confirms the establishment of an additional Revenue Sharing Fund (DBH) for the oil and gas sector.
ensure the distribution of additional DBH for oil and gas takes into account the underdeveloped areas and Indigenous Papuans.
This is to emphasize the affirmation of the rights of Indigenous Papuans in improving education and health services.
Furthermore, the planning of the Special Autonomy Fund Management is guided by the plans outlined in the National Medium-Term Development Plan and the Regional MediumTerm Development Plan, as well as performance targets.
The Government carries out the distribution of special autonomy funds and their additions.
Meanwhile, the distribution between provinces and districts, as well as within districts/cities in a single province, is carried out by the government based on proposals from the Papua Provincial Government.
Additionally, the use of special autonomy funds is guided by the master plan, which considers the direction of accelerating welfare development in Papua.
Guidance and supervision of revenue management in the context of Special Autonomy (Additional Revenue Sharing Fund of Oil and Gas.
Special Autonomy Funds, and Additional Special Autonomy Fun.
are carried out in a coordinated manner according to their authority by ministries, non-ministerial government institutions, regional governments, the House of Representatives, the Audit Board, and universities (Suyono, 2.
However, the strengthening of fiscal capacity since 2022, provided by the Government, has not had a positive impact on the aspect of economic security.
Economic security will be realized when the lives of the Papuan people have a positive impact on reducing poverty rates, achieving low Gini coefficients (Gini ratio.
, decreasing stunting rates, and increasing the Human Development Index.
All of this cannot be separated from the development of economic The problem is that, since 2022, the disbursement of special autonomy funds has continued to increase.
However, this increase has not had an impact on the development of economic security in Papua.
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The Implementation of Asymmetric Fiscal Decentralization in Developing Non-Traditional Security in Papua Table 2.
Comparison of Fiscal Capacity to Economic Security Development (Welfare Measure.
in Papua 2010-2024
Years Special Autonomy Fund
Infrastructure Fund
Poverty Percentage Gini Ratio
2,694,864,788,00,00
3,157,459,547,550,00
3,833,402,135,000,00
4,355,950,048,000,00
4,777,070,975,000,00
4,940,429,880,000,00
5,395,051,859,400,00
5,615,816,931,000,00
5,580,152,407,000,00
5,808,230,158,000,00
7,56 T
7,56 T
8,51 T
800,000,000,000,00
800,000,000,000,00
571,428,571,000,00
571,428,572,000,00
2,000,000,000,000,00
2,250,000,000,000,00
1,200,000,000,000,00
2,625,000,000,000,00
2,400,000,000,000,00
2,824,446,537,000,00
4,45 T
4,37 T
4,37 T
46,02
34,11
44,35
28,40
28,40
27,62
27,74
27,53
26,64
27,38
26,80
0,410
0,410
0,410
0,390
0,370
0,394
0,392
0,397
0,372
0,365
8,91 T
3,621 T
000,00
4,3 T
26,03
18,09
(Sep.
0,386 0,362 Prevalence Stunting (SSGI) Pemekaran Pemekaran HDI
57,25
55,55
58,15
59,09
59,09
60,06
60,84
60,44
60,62
61,39
73,23
73,83
Source: Processed by the Author, 2025 The disbursement of special autonomy funds and additional infrastructure funds provided by the Government to Papua from 2010 to 2024 has increased significantly.
Strengthening fiscal capacity has indeed been able to change the economic security landscape in Papua, but the changes have been slow.
In fact, because no significant changes have occurred, the public assumes that the large fiscal stimulus given to Papua has not created an optimal aggregate For example, the poverty rate remains the highest nationally, the Human Development Index remains weak, and the stunting rate remains high.
Therefore, strengthening fiscal capacity in Papua is considered slow in providing welfare through its economic security.
The Growth of Papuan Social Security The development of a social security system that supports the achievement of social welfare must be seen as an effort to restore society's ability to achieve its prosperity.
So, social security should basically refer to society's ability to overcome crises, whatever the cause.
The definition of social security can be interpreted broadly as public action, including action taken by society, to protect the poor and vulnerable from adverse changes in living standards, so that they have an acceptable standard of living (Ahmad, 2.
Related instruments are job and income guarantees, as well as several formal policy instruments such as allowances, social insurance, and family allowances.
Social security is not intended to protect the rich but to provide incentives (Setiawan, 2.
In social work literature, social security is a type of social policy that aims to overcome poverty and inequality in society.
Each country has different definitions, systems, and approaches to overcoming poverty and inequality, so social security systems and strategies are also different (Kiswanto, 2.
The primary reason why social security must be provided to Jurnal Borneo Administrator.
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Hendy Setiawan.
Yendra Erison, and Choirunnisa citizens is that, apart from protecting them from unexpected risks, it also does not cause economic or social harm to the entire community of service providers and service beneficiaries.
Papua Province is one of the provinces rich in natural resources in Indonesia.
This province has valuable mineral resources, rich forest products, river resources for large power plants, and other potential such as extraordinary natural beauty.
According to the Agency for the Study and Application of Technology (BPPT), the Mamberamo River in Papua is a 1,102 km long river that originates in the Jayawijaya Mountains and flows into the Pacific Ocean.
This river has the potential for hydroelectric power generation of 20 thousand megawatts spread across 34 locations.
Therefore, under the leadership of BJ Habibie, the Mamberamo area will become the center of the electricity industry.
Apart from that, the area around Mamberamo is rich in mineral resources, including bauxite, copper, gold, and nickel.
The availability of hydroelectric power plants to provide electricity can be a supporting factor for the development of mining or other industries (Budiman, 2.
Regarding social security, also known as social security in Papua Province, the reality is the opposite of the concept's explanation.
It is said that, to this day, the rural communities in Papua Province are still far from being prosperous (CNN, 2.
Although in general, the poverty level in Papua shows a relatively significant decline both in terms of number and In 2012, the percentage of people living in poverty in Papua reached 31.
11 percent, and by March 2023, it had decreased to 26.
03 percent.
Nationally, the percentage of poverty in Papua is the highest at 26.
03 percent, followed by West Papua and East Nusa Tenggara, at 49 percent and 19.
96 percent, respectively (BPS Provinsi Papua, 2.
The poor population in Papua Province is concentrated in rural areas, where, as of March 2023, 882,760 people, or 34.
49 percent of the poor population, resided in these areas.
Meanwhile, the poverty rate in urban areas is already at a much lower level, namely 5.
When compared with conditions in the previous period (September 2.
, there was an increase in the percentage of poor people in urban areas of 4.
61 thousand people .
n increase 39 percentage point.
In rural areas, the number of people living in poverty decreased by 25,780 individuals .
19 percent decrease compared to September 2.
Based on this, it can be concluded that the factors contributing to the high level of poverty in Papua include low levels of education, inadequate infrastructure, and numerous remote areas that are difficult to access.
Development has not been evenly distributed between regions, resulting in quite high disparities in poverty levels between the western region of Indonesia and the eastern region of Indonesia (Kurniawan, 2.
Apart from that, gender development within the community in Papua Province also needs to be addressed, so it is not surprising that accelerating development in Papua is an agenda that the government has prepared with various national policy options.
As a form of commitment by the President Joko Widodo's government, this is outlined in Presidential Instruction Number 9 of 2020, concerning the Acceleration of Welfare Development in the Provinces of Papua and West Papua.
One of the results of this acceleration is in the education sector, with the Smart Papua program, which includes school construction and a scholarship program.
Not only that, from the health sector, there is the Healthy Papua program, which provides easy access to treatment and a program to improve Regional General Hospitals (RSUD) in several areas.
CONCLUSION
The implementation of asymmetric fiscal decentralization is expected to foster nontraditional security politics in Papua.
The form of non-traditional security measures is measured by how fiscal decentralization has a good impact on the development of economic security, social security, and food security.
Moreover, the flow of fiscal and additional infrastructure funds since 2002 has continued to increase significantly.
However, after more than two decades of implementation, the policy has not had a positive impact on the development of non256 | Jurnal Borneo Administrator.
Vol.
2025: 247-260
The Implementation of Asymmetric Fiscal Decentralization in Developing Non-Traditional Security in Papua traditional security politics in Papua.
In the context of food security, to this day.
Papua, in several regions, is still experiencing food shortages.
Both in terms of access difficulties and inadequate availability.
As a result, cases of malnutrition and starvation still occur today.
Ironically, these cases have claimed thousands of lives, including children, women, and the In terms of economic security, such a large fiscal capacity also does not significantly improve the economic situation in Papua.
The phenomenon of weak HDI figures, high stunting rates, and a still high percentage of poverty are real manifestations that economic security has not been established properly.
Cases of malnutrition and starvation have demonstrated the dangers of relying solely on economic security.
at the same time, there is a substantial flow of fiscal capacity.
This is undoubtedly a serious problem because the development of nontraditional security for Papua is greatly needed today and in the future.
In addition, from the aspect of social security, it also does not have concrete implications for the progress of Papua.
Instead, the data shows that the social life of the Papuan people is far from prosperous.
Even to meet their daily needs, they also face difficulties.
Therefore, it is natural that the poverty rate in Papua remains high and even exceeds the national average.
this context, they are still far from achieving the concept of security in their social lives.
Although fiscal capacity has made changes to the social security of the community, the pace of change is relatively slow.
Finally, despite this slow change, it is often said that the flow of funds has increased, but it has had no impact on Papua.
Acknowledgement The author would like to thank the respective departments that have provided support in completing this paper.
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