E-ISSN: 2528-388X P-ISSN: 0213-762X INERSIA Vol. No. December 2025 Laica as a Cultural Identity of the Moronene People in Kampo Laea Hukaea. Bombana Regency. Southeast Sulawesi. Indonesia Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto Department of Architecture and Planning. Faculty of Engineering. Universitas Gadjah Mada. Yogyakarta 55281. Indonesia ABSTRACT Keywords: Characteristics Living Space Moronene Tribe Bombana Hukaea Laea The rapid advancement of technology, particularly in the field of building materials, has significantly influenced contemporary residential construction practices. Many people today prefer using manufactured materials over traditional local ones due to their practicality, availability, and perceived modernity. This trend is also evident among the Moronene tribe, one of the indigenous communities in Southeast Sulawesi. Over time, the Moronene people have gradually abandoned the use of local materials that once formed an integral part of their cultural heritage. This shift has led to a growing detachment among younger generations, who are becoming less familiar with traditional architectural knowledgeAiposing a threat to the authenticity and identity of the Moronene This study aims to explore the spatial characteristics of traditional Moronene houses in Kampo Laea Hukaea. Utilizing a qualitative method with an inductive approach, data were collected through direct field observations, with guidance from a gatekeeper to ensure culturally appropriate case Findings from the study reveal that Moronene houses exhibit a linear spatial arrangement from front to back. The layout typically consists of three main sections: the patande or laica irai . ront hous. , the botono . ain hous. , and the dapura or laica ibungku . ack hous. The patande serves not only as a space for daily household activities but also as a venue for cultural events, such as meparamesi, a ceremonial stage in the traditional Moronene wedding. This dual function highlights the roomAos cultural significance. The botono, located at the center of the house, is considered the core space for cultural life. It hosts various traditional ceremonies, including mosere wuu . raditional hair-cutting ritua. , kawiAoa . raditional wedding ritua. , mateAoa . ourning ritua. , and mobasa-basa . raditional thanksgiving ritua. , making it the cultural and communal heart of the At the rear lies the dapura, which supports both domestic functions and ritual preparations. Activities in this space include ceremonial bathing and organizing essential items for traditional events, reinforcing its role in preserving cultural practices. These three spatial divisions are consistently found across multiple homes in Kampo Laea Hukaea, indicating their significance as defining features of Moronene residential architecture. Despite the increasing adoption of modern construction materials, these traditional spatial patterns continue to reflect and preserve the cultural values of the Moronene community. This is an open access article under the CCAeBYlicense. Introduction Indonesia is a vast archipelagic nation, comprising thousands of islands stretching from the eastern tip of Merauke to the western tip of Sabang. This geographic breadth is accompanied by remarkable cultural diversity . Each custom, language, ethnic identity, and belief system embodies knowledge and values that have evolved over centuriesAieven millennia. Indonesia's rich cultural *Corresponding author. E-mail: adriyawanjarsulhamasi@mail. https://doi. org/10. 21831/inersia. Received 15 August 2024. Revised 22 January 2026. Accepted 22 January 2026 Available online 22 January 2026 heritage, alongside the abundant natural resources found across its regions, forms a significant part of the nation's wealth and identity. Historically, these islands have been governed through deeply rooted customary laws . ukum ada. , sustained by hundreds of belief systems and This long-standing coexistence of tradition, spirituality, and natural harmony reflects the enduring legacy of a civilization that has flourished for generations . Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 Southeast Sulawesi Province area inhabited by various ethnic groups from all over Indonesia with the majority of the population being the local indigenous tribe . The Moronene tribe located on the Bombana mainland . , the Tolaki tribe located on the Konawe mainland to Kolaka, and the Muna and Wolio tribes located on the Muna and Buton islands are included in the local indigenous tribes. The four tribes are believed to be the oldest tribes inhabiting the Southeast Sulawesi region based on anthropological facts found such as the names of villages in the Southeast Sulawesi region using the regional languages of the four tribes . The Moronene community represents an indigenous group with a wealth of traditional customs and cultural practices inherited from their ancestors, many of which remain actively practiced and sustained in contemporary society . continuity of the tribeAos identity, including the loss of the local language and traditional customs. In response to these challenges, this study focuses specifically on the traditional residential architecture of the Moronene tribe in Kampo Laea Hukaea. It aims to identify and analyze the unique spatial characteristics of their homes, with the goal of preserving and documenting the architectural heritage that reflects the cultural identity of the Moronene people in Bombana Regency. Characteristics according to Saunders . can be interpreted as the real and different nature of an individual that can be seen from various characteristics. Characteristics come from the word character which means spiritual traits of character or morals that distinguish a person or something from others. Hardin in Rizki . states that character has two elements of distinctive features or identity and psychological traits or character that have a meaning that binds the nature of a person or object that really distinguishes a person or object from others. Character can show an identity that is contained in an architectural building of each community and provides messages, concepts, and characteristics that are associated with the community where it comes from . A series or arrangement of various characteristics of an architectural object, the arrangement that forms the object, namely shape, texture and color lines are the characters of architectural objects . Bombana Regency is home to the Moronene people . , the indigenous inhabitants of the region. Historically, the area that is now Bombana was part of the Moronene Kingdom, an ethnic polity that first settled on the mainland of Southeast Sulawesi as early as the 17th In local mythology. Bombana is often referred to as the "Land of the Rice Goddess" (Dewi Sr. According to legend, the goddess once descended upon a place called Tau BontoAinow known as Taubonto, the capital of the Rarowatu sub-district. In the Moronene language, tau bonto translates to "the year of decay," a name derived from the time when rice production surged so dramatically following the goddess's descent that the community was unable to harvest it all, leaving large quantities of rice to rot in the fields. Based on this, architectural characteristics are distinctive features that are specifically highlighted by a building so that it can form a building identity . The distinctive features of a building can also be influenced by geographical factors, traditions, behavior, insight and knowledge of the community and its history . Within Bombana, particularly in Lantari Jaya District, lies a traditional village known as Kampo Laea Hukaea. Tucked deep within the remote Aopa Swamp Forest (TN. RAW), the village is accessible only after a 30minute journey through the forest. It is inhabited by members of the Moronene tribe and features residential structures that, despite their cultural significance, have received little attention or scholarly explorationAi especially in terms of architectural analysis. Space is defined as something abstract, while place is defined as a unique entity . special ensembl. that has history and meaning. Places can realize the experiences and aspirations of society. This opinion is based on the condition where after experiencing a space, individuals can capture the values present in that space so that it becomes a place. These values then determine whether space can become a place or not. In other words, a place is determined based on a certain value or condition that is present in a space. This means that a place can only be present if there is space as the basis for its formation . These traditional dwellings exhibit distinct spatial and material characteristics that reflect the Moronene way of However, due to the influence of modernization and the rapid advancement of building technology, there has been a noticeable decline in the number of such structures. The shift from the use of locally sourced materials to manufactured ones is increasingly evident, alongside a waning understanding of Moronene cultural traditions among younger generations. This erosion threatens the Tuan in . mentions that space has a value or condition that is the result of a combination of movement, atmosphere . , vision/viewpoint . isual perceptio. INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto and thought patterns that will form the character of a Every movement of the five human senses requires time to be able to feel the spatial space of a condition. This explains that space is always related to the journey between times, which encompasses the past, present and While place is a space that has existence, history and meaning . Place is the embodiment of the experience or aspirations of the user community. Place is not just a fact that can be explained dimensionally but is broader because it concerns the understanding of space but is a reality that can be understood according to the background and a person's perspective in giving meaning to the place . surrounding environment. Based on this perspective, interaction between design and environmental sustainability continuously occurs throughout the development of traditional architecture . One of the tribes in Southeast Sulawesi Province is Moronene . This tribe lives in Bombana Regency, precisely in the Laea Hukaea Region. Moronene list as one of the oldest indigenous tribes in Southeast Sulawesi besides the Tolaki and Mekongga people. According to a Dutch ethnographic map from 1820, the Moronene community has existed since the 18th century in the Hukaea settlement area . Waterson explains that Austronesian architectural style buildings have the following characteristics: a house model that has three parts . , the upper part is the head, the middle part is the body and the lower part is the feet . he three room hom. , differences in the use of the tip and root when using wood materials . istinct treatment of the tip and root when using woo. , has differences in floor height . he multi-levelled floo. , walls of the living space that protrude outward . alls slanted outwar. , a house with a roof that protrudes outward at the front . utwardslanting gabl. , has decorations on the tip of the roof . able finial. , a roof with a saddle-back model (Figure . According to Tarimana, the Moronene are considered one of the oldest indigenous tribes inhabiting the Southeast Sulawesi region . ee Figure . Physically, the Moronene people belong to the Proto-Malay (Old Mala. racial group, which is believed to have originated from the Indian mainland and migrated during the late prehistoric period, around 200 BC. This view is consistent with another hypothesis suggesting that ethnic groups in Southeast Sulawesi, including the Moronene, migrated from the Tonkin region of southern Yunnan, traveling through the southern Philippines before reaching Central Sulawesi, where they initially settled in areas surrounding Lake Matana . Figure 2. Moronene Tribe Moronene tribes spread from Central Sulawesi to South. Southeast Sulawesi through land routes on foot and using rafts through the river route, especially the Konaweha River. They then anchored and settled on the island of South Sulawesi, some also crossed to the island of Kabaeana. Those who remained on the mainland of Sulawesi were called To Wita'ea, while those who lived on the other side were called To Wita'ate . Evidence that the ancestors of the Moronene tribe lived in the Kendari and Kolaka areas is the fact that the names of villages, rivers and mountains all use the original Moronene language . Figure 1. The Austronesian Migration Hypothesis Traditional architecture refers to an architectural style that emphasizes distinctive values and customs that are firmly upheld by local communities in specific places, as reflected in the form of their buildings . It is the product of environmental contexts that exhibit various regional variations, developed as responses to natural conditions, locally available materials, climate, and vegetation . The materials used are predominantly local materials that are easily obtained from the Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 The traditional house of Moronene tribe consists of several main types of houses which are differentiated according to their form and function, including houses for kings or nobles (Rah. , houses for the community (Laic. , temporary houses when opening rice fields (Bante. , houses for resting in the rice fields (Olomp. and small houses in trees (Pombul. Then the type of traditional house of the Moronene tribe in case of construction aspect, generally has the form of a stilt house with two types of installation techniques, namely: a house built using bamboo or round wood by tying it dead . called laica nkinoko and a house built using wooden blocks by carving . ina'ot. ee Figure . The walls of the house are usually installed with a certain slope where the top is more inclined outward, similar to the kampiri wall . as an anti-climbing technique . Figure 4. Map of Kampo Laea Hukaea Area This research process used a qualitative method with an inductive approach to find the characteristics of the home space of the indigenous people of Kampo Laea Hukaea. Bombana Regency . Data collection in this study was carried out by observation, in-depth interviews and documentation . It was carried out from February 2024 to May 2024, with the researcher himself as the main instrument to capture potential and relevant data . determining informants using directions from important figures as Gate Keepers who are most knowledgeable about the Moronene tribe in Kampo Laea Hukaea, it is Kapala Kampo and the owner of the house who is the case. Result and Discussion The results of in-depth exploration in Kampo Laea Hukaea based on the gate keeper's direction show that there are 10 cases of community housing. The houses of the Moronene tribe in Kampo Laea Hukaea are still made of wood materials in the form of stilt houses. Data related to the cases found in the study will be described Table 1. Table 1. Findings of housing cases in Laea Hukaea kampo Case Owner Bakati Amal Sabir Sudirman Ode Irawan S. Aswarman Anton R. Agus S. Muhtadin L10 Kamarudin Figure 3. Traditional House (Laic. of the Moronene Tribe Methods The research location is in Laea Hukaea village based on information from informants regarding the existence of Moronene tribal settlements in the area . ee Figure . This area is within the administrative area of Bombana Regency. Geographically. Laea Hukaea village is located in the Moronene traditional area which has an area of 26,275. 32 Ha which borders South Konawe Regency on the north side. Langkowala village on the south side. Mount Mondoke on the west side and on the east side borders the Tiworo Strait. INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto In the empirical cases examined. Case L1 pertains to the residence of Mr. Bakati, aged 87. He is a senior member of the indigenous Moronene tribe and was once the customary leader of the Moronene community in Kampo Laea Hukaea. Currently. Mr. Bakati resides in his home primarily due to his declining health. The dwelling consists of a Botono . ain hous. and a Laica Ibungku . ack hous. Originally, the house featured a Laica Irai . ront hous. , but this structure has deteriorated over time. Ibungku. The house once included a patande, but this structure has since deteriorated due to age. Case L7 involves Mr. Anton R. , aged 36, who resides with his wife and child. Mr. Anton works as a farmer from early morning until dusk, while his wife is engaged in trade. Field observations show that Mr. Anton's house is a stilt house consisting of a Botono and a Laica Ibungku. Notably, the house lacks a patande or Laica Irai, as there are no daughters in the family to undertake the customary rites associated with this space. Case L2 concerns the residence of Mr. Amal, aged 38, who works as a farmer from early morning until just before dusk. His wife also contributes to the household by working as a fuel vendor. Field observations reveal that the house comprises a Botono and a Laica Ibungku. The patande or Laica Irai component of the house has succumbed to the ravages of time and is no longer in use. Case L8 concerns the residence of Mr. Agus S. , aged 44. He works as a farmer, while his wife produces roofing materials from rumbia leaves and bamboo for wall Field observations indicate that Mr. Agus's house is a stilt structure comprising a Botono and Laica Ibungku, with the Laica Irai or patande section having deteriorated over time. Case L3 involves the residence of Mr. Sabir, aged 47. works as a farmer, with his workday commencing in the morning and extending into the evening, assisted by his According to field observations. Mr. Sabir's house is built directly on the ground . on-stilt structur. , consisting of a Botono and a Laica Ibungku. Notably. Mr. Sabir's household does not include a patande, as there are no daughters in the family to fulfill the customary functions associated with this space. In Case L9, the residence of Mr. Muhtadin, aged 37, is Mr. Muhtadin is a member of the Moronene tribe who works as a farmer from early morning until He resides with his wife and son. His wife is a housewife who occasionally assists with farm work. According to field observations, this residence is a hybrid structure, with the Laica Ibungku portion built directly on the ground, while the Botono is elevated. The patande has deteriorated and is no longer present. In Case L4, the dwelling of Mr. Sudirman, aged 51, is located in Kampo Laea Hukaea. He lives here with his wife, while his daily occupation as a farmer span from early morning until late evening. His wife manages the Observations indicate that Mr. Sudirman's residence is a stilt house comprising a patande or Laica Irai. Botono, and Laica Ibungku, all of which align with traditional architectural forms. In Case L10 involves the residence of Mr. Kamarudin, aged 53, a teacher by profession. His workday begins in the morning and continues until midday, after which he farms from 1:00 PM until evening. Mr. Kamarudin lives with his wife, their daughter, their son, and his wifeAos His wife also works as a primary school teacher in Kampo Laea Hukaea. Field observations indicate that the house is a stilt structure, consisting of a Laica Irai, also known as a patande, a Botono, and a Laica Ibungku. Case L5 pertains to Mr. Ode Irawan S. , aged 48, who resides with his wife and two daughters. Mr. Ode Irawan is a farmer by trade, working from morning until evening, while his wife occasionally assists with farm-related tasks. The house, a stilt structure, includes a Botono. Laica Ibungku, and a patande at the front, which serves as a space for conducting the traditional Metiwawa ceremony. During the field data collection process, an in-depth exploration was conducted on the ten identified housing cases in order to examine and explain the spatial configurations within Moronene dwellings, in accordance with guidance provided by the gatekeeper. Based on the findings from these ten housing cases, several dwellings have undergone modifications since their initial construction up to the present time, as illustrated in Figure In Case L6. Mr. Aswarman, aged 49, lives with his son in a stilt house. His daily routine involves farming activities in the fields from morning until afternoon, followed by feeding his cattle. Mr. Aswarman is also a respected community leader, frequently leading various customary ceremonies for the Moronene tribe. Field observations indicate that the house comprises a Botono and Laica Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 Case L2 was originally built with a spatial arrangement similar to Case L1, beginning with the patande at the front, followed by the Botono in the middle to accommodate various activities, and the kitchen section at the rear. Due to the deterioration of building materials over time, the patande has been damaged and is no longer Its function as a reception space has now shifted to the Botono. The layout of Case L3 also follows a similar configuration, but this house was newly constructed without a patande section, as there were no daughters in the family to carry out traditional wedding customs. Nonetheless, the symbolic presence of the patande is maintained through a shade tree positioned at the front of the house, used as a reception point before guests are welcomed into the Botono. In Case L4, the original spatial layout has remained intact. It begins with the patande at the front, followed by the central botono. The kitchen or dapura is positioned to the right of the Botono, which, although located on the side, is still considered the rear area of the house according to local informants. This case reflects minimal spatial change over time, with the patande still present and functional. Case L5 retains its original configuration as well, with the patande at the front. Botono in the center, and the dapura located to the left of the Botono, yet still regarded as the back of the house. In this case, the patande has been rebuilt to facilitate the customary wedding procession for the owner's daughter, thereby maintaining its traditional role and significance. Case L6 was built with the same sequence of spaces, but the patande has since deteriorated due to age. As in previous cases, the function of receiving guests has been relocated to the Botono. Figure 5. Case plan and types of space in the residence at Kampo Laea Hukaea Based on the residential layout illustrated in Figure 5. Case L1 was originally constructed with a spatial sequence consisting of the patande at the front, followed by the Botono in the middle, and the kitchen area at the Within the Botono section, several rooms were created using non-permanent partitions to accommodate various household activities. Over time, however, the patande has deteriorated due to age-related material degradation and has not been rebuilt. This change is attributed to the household's discontinuation of traditional wedding ceremonies, which were typically held in the Consequently, the function of welcoming guests, formerly performed in the patande, has been relocated to the Botono section. The plan of Case L7 indicates that this house was constructed without a patande. It begins directly with the Botono in the middle and the kitchen at the back. At the front of the house, a waru . has been built to serve as a symbolic substitute for the patande. This architectural gesture reflects the desire to uphold tradition, even in the absence of a daughter to carry out ceremonial customs. In Case L8, the spatial layout originally included a patande at the front. Botono in the center, and a kitchen to the right of the Botono, which is still considered the back Due to material aging, the patande has become damaged and has not been reconstructed. As a result, guests are now received directly in the Botono. INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto Case L9 was originally constructed with a front-facing patande, central Botono, and a kitchen on the left side of the Botono, which is likewise considered the rear. The house was once a stilted structure, but in its current condition, the patande has deteriorated and the kitchen has been relocated to a newly built ground-level space at the this section of the house. The patande is always positioned at the front of the residence, and over time, the material used in its construction has deteriorated due to aging. of the current conditions across all cases, only a few houses have retained the patande section which are L4. L5, and L10. In Case L10, the house was initially built as a stilt structure but has since been modified into a combination of landbased and stilted sections, with the front now at ground level while the rear remains elevated. The spatial sequence remains unchanged, with the patande at the front. Botono in the center containing multiple rooms, and the dapura . at the rear. In the empirical cases, an examination of the floor plans of Moronene dwellings in Kampo Laea Hukaea reveals several types of spaces. These include the patande, which is located at the front of the house, the Botono, which contains the luaran toka and luaran petila, the suo, which is positioned in the central part of the dwelling. and the dapura, which is generally located toward the rear of the Figure 6. Patande or Laica Irai Across all cases observed in Kampo Laea Hukaea, the residential structures of the Moronene people consistently include three spatial elements that align with traditional The patande is situated at the front and serves as the initial access point from the outside, known in the Moronene language as Laica Irai . ront hous. The botono occupies the middle section of the house and functions as the main living area, referred to as Botono . ain hous. The dapura, typically found at the back of the house, is accessed after passing through the patande and Botono, and is referred to as Laica Ibungku . ack While the condition, presence, and symbolic representation of these spaces may vary due to changing materials and household needs, their relative positions remain consistently observed in all cases. Patande Empirically, the patande is used by the community as a place to carry out cultural activities and to receive guests who are far away genetically. Patande or laica irai illustrated in Figure 6 while Figure 7 describe the position of the patande in the dwelling in the Laea Hukaea kampo. Based on the information provided in Figure 7, it can be observed that all the houses initially included a patande in their floor plans, except for Case L7. The owner of the L7 residence stated that the reason for not constructing a patande was the absence of a daughter, who would typically carry out the wedding tradition associated with Figure 7. Position of the patande in the dwelling in the Laea Hukaea kampo Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 The patande section, as explained by informants, functions as a space for both cultural and social activities. One of the cultural activities closely associated with the patande is the meparamesi custom. This tradition is consistently observed across all cases within the Moronene tribe. During wedding ceremonies . , the events are held at the brideAos house. As part of the tradition, there is a symbolic exchange where the groom purchases the brideAos house, while the bride will later move to the groomAos residence. Before entering the house where the ceremony takes place, the bride is escorted by her family and received at the patande, marking the meparamesi procession. , a space for family gatherings . uaran petil. , and sleeping or resting areas . While these spatial functions are consistently observed across all cases, variation occurs in the number of suo rooms present in each house. In Case L7, the owner had never practiced the meparamesi custom, as he does not yet have a daughter. Consequently, the patande was considered unnecessary. However, its symbolic function has been replaced by a shop . situated at the front of the residence. From a social standpoint, the patande also serves as a space to receive guests who are not closely related These guests are welcomed at the patande before being invited into the main house or Botono. cases such as L1. L2. L6. L8, and L9, the patande has deteriorated due to age and is no longer usable. As a result, the activity of receiving guests has shifted to the Botono, specifically to the outer living room area outside the shop. For Cases L3 and L7, the owners did not construct a patande due to not having daughters, perceiving it as However, field observations revealed that the function of receiving guests has still been preserved In L3, the reception activity takes place under a shade tree located at the front of the house, while in L7, it occurs in the shop . These substitutions symbolically replicate the presence and function of the patande in the absence of its physical Figure 8. Botono position in the dwelling in the Laea Hukaea Botono Field findings indicate that the botono serves as the primary site for cultural activities within Moronene Commonly performed traditions in this space include mosere wuu, kawiAoa, mateAoa, and mobasa-basa. The mosere wuu custom is a ritual haircutting ceremony for infants, symbolizing gratitude for the childAos birth. The kawiAoa custom is a marriage tradition encompassing several ritual stages. Those performed in the botono include mobasa-basa, mooli laica, mompindai sincu, ijab mohuletako alo. These stages are predominantly carried out in the Botono in each of the examined cases. The Empirically, the Botono functions as the main place for carrying out traditional activities among the Moronene Figure 8 provides Botono position in the dwelling in the Laea Hukaea kampo. Based on Figure 8, the botono section is consistently positioned in the middle area of the house and is accessed after passing through the patande Within the Botono, there are various spaces formed using non-permanent barriers known as torici. These dividers can be removed or rearranged according to The spaces within the Botono serve specific functions, including a room for receiving guests . uaran INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto mateAoa custom refers to a death ceremony, serving to treat the deceased with respect and dignity in line with the community's cultural values. Meanwhile, the mobasabasa custom represents a ritual of thanksgiving, typically conducted after receiving fortune or good harvests. These events often involve large gatherings, reinforcing the role of the Botono as a central hub for communal and cultural Dapura . It is a room located at the back of the house, primarily serving as a space for cooking and preparing food. kampo Laea Hukaea, however, the dapuraAialso known as laica ibungkuAiholds additional significance. Beyond its practical role in food preparation, the dapura functions as a sacred space where culturally important activities are carried out. As such, the dapura has both cultural and social functions, reflecting its integral role not only in daily domestic life but also in upholding traditions and facilitating social interactions within the household. Empirically, in all cases, the Botono consists of several functional spaces. The area used for cultural events is typically the first room accessed from the main entrance, commonly the living room . uaran tok. , as seen in cases L3. L5. L8. L9, and L10. However, in case L1, due to the limited capacity of the living room for accommodating guests, cultural events are extended into the family room . uaran petil. , which is located directly after the living A similar spatial adaptation is also observed in cases L2. L4. L6, and L7, where additional space from the luaran petila is used for such events. Cultural activities conducted in the Botono section are traditionally performed by male members of the household (Figure . In addition to cultural functions, the Botono also serves social purposes. Social activities consistently found in this area across all cases include receiving visitors in the space luaran toka and family gatherings in the space luaran petila. Figure 10. Dapura's position in a residence in the Laea Hukaea Based on Figure 10, all cases have a dapura or Laica Ibungku section located at the back of the house, accessible after passing through the Botono section. cases L4 and L8, the dapura is positioned to the right side of the Botono, while in case L5, it is located on the left. the case of L9, although the dapura was initially built on Figure 9. Cultural activities that occur in the residential area of the Moronene tribe Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 the left side of the Botono, it has since been relocated to the rear. According to interviews with informants, the dapura is still regarded as the Auback houseAy . aica ibungk. , even when not directly behind the Botono, so long as its position remains toward the back of the In several cases, such as the current state of L3. L7, and L10, the dapura includes a suo room, a space designated for resting and sleeping. family memberAos passing. In Case L3, the KawiAoa custom was not performed because there were no daughters in the household eligible for marriage. Thus, only the Mosere Wuu. MateAoa, and Mobasa-Basa customs were conducted. In Cases L4. L5. L8. L9, and L10, the cultural activities observed mirrored those in Case L2AiMateAoa was not conducted, as no deaths had occurred within the families. For Cases L6 and L7, only the Mosere Wuu and MobasaBasa customs were found. In these cases, the absence of the KawiAoa and MateAoa customs was attributed to the lack of daughters eligible for marriage and the absence of family member deaths. Field findings indicate that in addition to serving as a place for cooking and food preparation, the dapura also accommodates cultural functions. One key cultural activity often carried out in the dapura is the bathing of the body, which forms part of the mateAoa tradition . eath This practice was empirically observed in cases L1 and L3. In other cases, this activity has not yet occurred, as no deaths have taken place since the construction of those residences. However, informants affirm that should this event occur, the body-bathing ritual would be performed in the dapura, owing to its position at the back of the house. Another cultural function involves preparing materials and offerings for traditional Moronene ceremonies. This responsibility is typically undertaken by women and takes place within the dapura. Based on this analysis, it is evident that the Moronene tribe continues to uphold cultural traditions through the implementation of the Mosere Wuu. KawiAoa. MateAoa, and Mobasa-Basa customs. These activities take place within the three primary spatial sections of the traditional house Patande. Botono, and Dapura which are consistently found across all residences in the Moronene community of Kampo Laea Hukaea. Conclusions The research conducted in Laea Hukaea Village on the housing characteristics of the Moronene tribe reveals that although their residential structures have experienced several changes over time, the basic spatial layout rooted in Moronene cultural traditions has been consistently Moronene houses in Laea Hukaea typically follow a front-to-back orientation, consisting of three main sections: the patande or front house (Laica Ira. , the Botono or core/main house, and the dapura or back house (Laica ibungk. These three spatial divisions are consistently maintained across all residential cases From the analysis of data, it is evident that cultural activities are consistently conducted across the three spatial sections Patande. Botono, and Dapura in all examined cases. These spaces serve integral roles in preserving and facilitating traditional practices, as summarized in Table 2. Table 2. Cultural Activities in the case of the Moronene Kampo Laea Hukaea tribal community Case L10 Cultural Activities Mosere Wuu Kawi'a a a a a a iA a a a a a iA a iA a a a a a a Mate'a a iA a iA iA iA iA iA iA iA Mobasa-basa a a a a a a a a a a The patande (Laica Ira. empirically functions as a space to receive guests who are not closely related to the homeowner or who are genealogically distant. In addition to this social role, the patande also serves a cultural function by accommodating customary activities, as observed in several case studies, including those in the campo Laea Hukaea. The botono, primarily used for family gatherings, is found to have a dual function. While socially it serves as the core of domestic life, the botono is also used for traditional cultural activities of the Moronene tribe. Field observations indicate that this space is predominantly occupied by men during such activities. Based on in-depth exploration and interviews with informants specifically the homeowners in Case L1, the cultural activities carried out included the Mosere Wuu. KawiAoa. MateAoa, and Mobasa-Basa customs. In Case L2, the cultural activities observed were the Mosere Wuu. KawiAoa, and Mobasa-Basa customs. The MateAoa custom was not practiced in this case due to the absence of any In the dapura or Laica Ibungku, which is traditionally designated for food preparation, the study reveals a deeper INERSIA. Vol. No. December 2025 Adriyawan Jarsul Hamasi and T. Yoyok Wahyu Subroto cultural role. Beyond its everyday domestic function, the dapura is also a site for ritual and customary activities, making it a culturally significant space. This section is generally associated with women's activities. 4, no. 3, 2019. [Onlin. Available: http://ojs. id/index. php/p_sejarah_uho These findings, grounded in spatial analysis, highlight that Moronene housing in Kampo Laea Hukaea is characterized by a structured division of space from front to back: patande . ront hous. Botono . ain hous. , and dapura . ack hous. Each section accommodates activities imbued with both social and cultural values, reflecting the unique and enduring spatial traditions of the Moronene community. Darmayanti and M. AuAdat perkawinan suku Moronene di Desa Langkema. Kecamatan Kabaena Selatan. Kabupaten Bombana dalam perspektif sejarah,Ay Jurnal Penelitian Pendidikan Sejarah, vol. 5, no. [Onlin. Available: http://ojs. id/index. php/p_sejarah_uho . Pidani. AuPast and present: momentous events that shape the indigenous Moronene of Bombana District. Indonesia,Ay Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture, vol. 4, no. 1, 2017. Nadya. AuKarakteristik arsitektur bangunan stasiun kereta api lama . di jalur CibatuAeCikarang,Ay Undergraduate thesis. Universitas Gadjah Mada. Yogyakarta. Indonesia, 2020. Rizki. AuKarakteristik coffee shop pada rumah tinggal di Kota Pekanbaru,Ay Undergraduate thesis. Universitas Gadjah Mada. Yogyakarta. Indonesia, 2023. Ramadhani. AuKarakteristik bentuk dan tata ruang rumah tradisional suku Kajang di Benteng Somba Opu. Makassar,Ay Jurnal Proyeksi. Univ. Muhammadiyah Kendari. Acknowledgements The author would like to express sincare gratitude to all parties who have contributed to the completion of this Special thanks to the gatekeeper, kapala kampo of Laea Hukaea, for his willingness to receive the researcher and to provide guidance regarding the Moronene tribe. The author would also like to extend appreciation to the homeowners who kindly agreed to participate as informants, thereby enrinching the findings related to the residential spatial organization of the Moronene people. This study is expected to provide beneficial contributions to the Moronene community and to serve as a source of motivaton for the younger generation of the Moronene tribe to continue preserving and sustaining their cultural heritage. References