Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya https://journal.
id/index.
php/jf The Ritual Economy of Death: An Analysis of the Tulak Breuh Tradition and Fidyat al-SalAh in Acehnese Society.
Indonesia Muhammad Zukhdi Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Syariah Ummul Ayman.
Pidie Jaya.
Indonesia *Correspondence: zukhdi72@gmail.
Abstract This article examines the practice of fidyat AransomAo for prayer .
l-alA.
for the Article History deceased in North Aceh through the lens of vernacularizing fiqh, explaining how textual Received: 18-10-2025 norms are translated into socially legitimate local practices.
Employing a qualitative Revised: 13-12-2025 designAilibrary research on ShAfi fiqh and cross-madhhab comparison, combined with Accepted: 23-12-2025 fieldwork .
bservation, in-depth interviews, documentatio.
across several subdistrictsAithe study maps operational definitions, normative bases, and modes of Keywords:
implementation, including the tulak breuh tradition .
rotation of rice-based almsgivin.
Fidyat al-alAh.
Findings show that what is locally called Aifidyat al-alAhAn operates primarily as ShAfi-anaf Madhhabs.
almsgiving/ihdA al-thawAb and, in specific cases, via the anaf route contingent on Tulak Breuh.
alued at adaqat al-fir and drawn from one-third of the estat.
practices are Vernacularization of Fiqh.
non-coercive and prioritize eligible recipients.
Clerical reasoning clusters into three types: first, tradition-solidarity .
ommunal almsgivin.
, second, iutiyA within ShAfi .
awl saf.
one mudd= 650Ae700 grams of rice.
per missed praye.
as a personal charity, and third the anaf position requiring a valid will.
Tulak breuh functions as a socioeconomic infrastructure that renders the practice feasible .
ost-sharin.
and legitimate .
ocal authority, ur.
The article contributes by refining the operational-normative framework of fidyah/kaffArah for prayer, proposing a model of fiqh vernacularization for bodily acts of worship, and offering practical implications: terminological education, enforcement of waiyya and one-third limits, recipient prioritization, operational measures, and basic record-keeping.
A 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.
0 International License.
INTRODUCTION
Aceh, at the western tip of Sumatra, is widely recognized as one of the most deeply Islamized regions of Indonesia, where the historical transmission of Islam through political entities such as Peureulak.
Samudera Pasai, and the Aceh Sultanate has left a profound imprint on law, ritual, and everyday life (Azra, 2004.
Reid, 2.
The local aphorism /adat ngon hukom lagee zat ngon sifeut/ Acustom and law are like substance and attributeAo encapsulates the long-standing fusion of Islamic normativity and customary practice, reproduced through dayah .
raditional pesantre.
, ulema networks, and, in recent decades, the formalization of qAnn shara at the provincial level (Feener.
Siegel, 1.
The interlacing of Islamic law, local custom, and state regulation makes Aceh a highly fertile context for examining how fiqh is interpreted, negotiated, and instantiated in concrete socio-religious practices such as mortuary rituals and traditions of charitable giving.
In everyday religious life, fidyah or kafarat for missed prayers on behalf of the deceased continues to be found relatively widely across several subdistricts in North Aceh, including Seunuddon.
Tanah Jambo Aye.
Baktiya.
Baktiya Barat.
Lhoksukon.
Cot Girek, and Matangkuli (Abdul Wahab, 2025.
Jamaluddin, 2.
Not all families perform it, yet it persists as a socially recognized and legitimate option within the broader constellation of mortuary rites.
Its performance is typically situated around the funeral processAiimmediately after the funeral prayer, before or shortly after burial, or on specific post-death days such as the 3rd, 5th, or 7th day (Nawawi Marhaban & Fadil, 2.
In many cases, fidyah for prayers is combined with fidyah for fasting or kafarat for oaths, while local ulema calculate the obligations .
he measure of mudd OO 650Ae700 Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya DOI: https://doi.
org/10.
25217/jf.
Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA grams of ric.
and identify priority recipients (Hakim, 2.
Thus, the practice is framed as a legitimate and honorable form of charity within AcehAos socio-religious ecology, consistent with previous observations on almsgiving and the role of dayah authority in Acehnese society (Nurdin.
Maulina, 2.
From a socio-religious standpoint, this practice raises several issues that underscore the urgency of scholarly inquiry.
Some lay community members interpret fidyah for missed prayers as a moral obligation for families who are financially capable, such that those who do not perform it risk being viewed as less devoted or even AistingyAn (Ahmad Nidarlin Ibrahim, 2.
On the other hand, some ulema and younger educated Muslims emphasize that prayer, as an ibadah badaniyah mahdhah, cannot be substituted with fidyah, and therefore the practice must be carefully situated within the realm of charity and iudA al-thawAb, rather than as a replacement for prayer .
lNawawi, n.
al-Haytami, 2.
The high material value of fidyah may also constitute a financial burden for low-income families, especially when subtle social pressures encourage them to AifollowAn prevailing ritual expectations.
At the same time, the expansion of higher education, wider access to global fiqh discourses, and the penetration of digital media have produced a generation more critical of inherited traditions, making fidyah for missed prayersAiincluding the practice of tulak breuhAia site of negotiation between textual authority, local ulema, and shifting social dynamics in North Aceh (Feener, 2013.
Zuhayli, 1.
Existing scholarship on Acehnese Muslim religious traditions is relatively rich, yet several important gaps remain.
The study by Nawawi Marhaban and Muhammad Reza Fadil .
describes the tulak breuh tradition in the funeral rites of Manyak Payed primarily from the perspective of hadith studies and local practice, without systematically elaborating the khilAfiyyah across madhhabs concerning fidyah for missed prayers or the typology of arguments used by local Other studies focus on different religious traditionsAipeusijuek, kenduri, and maulodAias expressions of religiousAecultural integration in Aceh (Usman, 2021.
Maulina, 2020.
Nurdin, 2.
Meanwhile, works on shara formalization and the economy of almsgiving in Indonesia tend to highlight institutional and macro-discursive developments (Feener, 2013.
Najib & Slama, 2.
, rather than the detailed practice of fidyah for prayers at the village .
Consequently, no study to date has specifically examined fidyah for prayers in North Aceh through three simultaneous lenses: .
mapping the practice and its variations .
ncluding tulak breu.
, .
a structured analysis of madhhab khilAfiyyah and the ways local ulema navigate it, and .
a socioreligious reading through the framework of the vernacularization of fiqh to explain how nondominant opinions are legitimized and operationalized within local systems of charity.
From a socio-religious standpoint, the practice of fidyah for missed prayers in North Aceh is not without its potential complications.
On one hand, some lay community members perceive fidyahAiincluding the tulak breuh traditionAias an obligation that AimustAn be fulfilled by families who are financially capable, such that those who do not perform it may be deemed stingy or insufficiently devoted.
On the other hand, there is a latent tension between textual fiqh interpretations that emphasize the ShAfi principle of non-substitution in prayer and the dayah/NUoriented religious practices that are more accommodating of gharb opinions or references to other The high economic cost of fidyah packages can also increase funeral expenses, whichAi within the context of economically vulnerable householdsAimay lead to financial pressure and internal family conflict.
In the contemporary Acehnese landscape, where shara formalization and the economy of almsgiving have expanded rapidly, the ways communities interpret fidyah, charity, and ritual obligations become crucial issues that influence configurations of religious authority, practices of solidarity, and local resource governance (Feener, 2013.
Najib & Slama, 2019.
Qodir.
Against this backdrop, the present study aims to provide an in-depth analysis of how fidyah for missed prayersAitogether with the practice of tulak breuhAiis performed, understood, and legitimized in North Aceh within the framework of fiqh and local socio-religious dynamics.
Specifically, this article seeks to: .
map the forms and variations of fidyah practice across several Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya Volume 10.
Number 2.
December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA subdistricts in North Aceh, including the mechanisms of tulak breuh and its distribution patterns.
systematically examine the khilAfiyyah across madhhabs and the fiqh arguments used by ulema and community leaders to justify or limit the practice.
interpret fidyah practices through the framework of the vernacularization of fiqh to understand how non-dominant views are operationalized in the governance of charity and mortuary traditions.
Accordingly, this study explicitly addresses the following research questions: .
what are the concrete forms and variations of fidyah practice, including tulak breuh, in North Aceh? .
what fiqh arguments are cited by ulema and community leaders in positioning fidyah within the field of madhhab khilAfiyyah? and .
how does the process of vernacularizing fiqh explain the social legitimacy of the practice without negating the principle of non-substitution in prayer? METHODS This study employs a qualitative approach that combines textual analysis with fieldwork conducted in several districts of North Aceh, namely Seunuddon.
Baktiya.
Tanah Jambo Aye.
Lhoksukon.
Cot Girek, and Matangkuli (Meleong, 2.
The literature review focuses on ShAfi fiqh texts.
AcehAos primary legal-religious reference, alongside relevant works from other madhAhib that discuss fidyah and expiatory practices related to missed prayers.
In the field component, informants were selected purposively and expanded through snowball sampling, including dayah ulema (Abon and senior teacher.
, members of the Majelis Permusyawaratan Ulama (MPU), customary and village leaders, and family members who had previously performed fidyah for deceased relatives.
This combination of informant categories enabled the study to capture both the normative dimension .
iqh reasonin.
and the practical-social dimension .
ow the tradition is enacted and interpreted at the community leve.
Field data were collected through semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and Semi-structured interviews were conducted face-to-face in Indonesian and Acehnese, guided by questions concerning informantsAo understanding of fidyah for missed prayers, the textual and madhhab-based references they rely on, the procedures of carrying out fidyah and the tulak breuh tradition, criteria for recipients, and how they interpret the obligatory or voluntary character of the practice.
Observation involved attending prayer recitations and rice-offering ceremonies, documenting the sequence of ritual handovers, the role of ulema and family members, and the overall ritual atmosphere.
Documentation included recording the amount and units of rice distributed, recipient lists .
here availabl.
, the prayer texts recited, and fiqh books shown by ulema as their reference.
These textual and field materials were then prepared for thematic analysis in the subsequent phase.
Data obtained from interviews, observations, and documentation were first transcribed verbatim, then repeatedly reviewed to identify meaning units related to four main clusters: .
conceptual understandings of fidyah and kafArat al-alAh, .
procedural practices and the operational logic of tulak breuh, .
fiqh arguments cited by informants, and .
the socio-religious functions and boundaries of permissibility articulated by ulema and local leaders.
Meaning units were coded, grouped into categories, and synthesized into analytical themes, which were then compared with findings from the cross-madhhab textual review.
Data validity was ensured through source triangulation .
omparing accounts from ulema, customary leaders, and familie.
, methodological triangulation .
nterviews, observations, and document.
, and informal member checking, conducted by reconfirming the researcherAos interpretive summaries with several key informants after interviews and during follow-up visits.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The Practice of Fidyat al-alAh in North Aceh At the level of practice, residents of North Aceh often use the terms Aifidyah al-alAhAn and AikaffArah alAhAn interchangeably to denote a redemption for missed prayers believed to remain as a liability upon the deceased.
For juridical consistency, this article adopts the following operational Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya Volume 10.
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December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA definitions: fidyah as iAm/a material redemption for obligations not fulfilled due to a valid excuse, and kaffArah as a redemption for specific violations .
, oaths, eihAr, intercourse during RamasAn This distinction is well known in the fiqh literature.
however, in the field, such terminological blending does not hinder practiceAisince what families prioritize is the intention of charity for the deceased and the fulfillment of the duty as they understand it .
l-Zuhayli, 1985.
Wizarat al-Awqaf, 1.
Timing of performance shows two prominent patterns: .
immediately after the funeral prayer or just before/right after burial, as an expression of Aidischarging the dutyAn without delay.
on designated days after burialAisuch as the third, fifth, or seventh dayAioften aligned with the familyAos readiness of rice/funds and the momentum of a prayer feast .
enduri do.
The second pattern accords with the rhythm of local commemorations and religious feasting .
enduri/arua.
documented in studies of Acehnese culture, and is also visible in descriptions of tulak breuh during funeral management.
Distribution of fidyah generally prioritizes the poor and needy, in line with QurAnic guidance on almsgiving.
in many local cases, recipients also include ulamA/Teungku, dayah students, and respected community figures who are deemed to meet need criteria and have a reputation for piety.
Beyond material need, religious norms and moral reputation shape family decisionsAiconsistent with findings on the ecology of almsgiving in Indonesia, where networks of religious authority and social values influence the direction of charitable distribution (Kailani et al.
, 2.
Funding for prayer fidyah generally comes from heirs with financial means.
in some cases it is triggered by the deceasedAos bequest .
explicitly requesting fidyah .
specially for fasting, andAiaccording to some madhhabsAiextended to praye.
In fiqh terms, the anafs allow prayer fidyah when there is a waiyya, disbursed from one-third of the estate .
l-thulut.
and valued at adaqat al-fir per prayer.
whereas within ShAfi fiqh, the absence of an explicit text for prayer fidyah places the heirsAo initiative more as charity whose reward is gifted to the deceased than as a substitutive obligation .
l-Marghinani, 1326.
al-Sarakhsi, 1993.
al-Nawawi, n.
Field practice also shows bundled packagesAiprayer/fasting fidyah and other forms of kaffArahAicoordinated by the family with local leaders as a single sequence of adaqah for the deceased.
The unit commonly used by informants is one mudd per prayer.
classically, a mudd is estimated at about 0.
51Ae0.
75 liters of staple grain, which in local practice is often set at OO650Ae700 grams of rice for operational ease.
The total is calculated by multiplying the number of missed prayers .
ften estimated as five per day y a given number of year.
by the per-prayer measure.
some families add a buffer for iutiyA .
The tulak breuh practice works as a rapid, repeated rotation of rice handovers: rice prepared by the heirs is given to a recipient .
ften an Alim/teungk.
, then returned and passed on to the next designated recipient with the intention of fidyah charity for the deceased.
the sequence is accompanied by brief formulaic handovers until the targeted fidyah quantum is reached.
This pattern is understood as taAwun .
utual assistanc.
and communal charity that breaks down a large material burden into manageable transactions, while broadening social participation and the sense of blessing.
While some modern jurists critique any substitutive approach for prayer due to its status as an ibAdah badaniyyah, local documentation shows that tulak breuh is understood and enacted primarily as charity for the deceasedAinot as a change to normative rulesAilegitimized by local authority and custom.
Implementation is generally family-centered yet orchestrated by ulamA/teungku or customary leaders who act as religious arbitersAifrom estimating liability .
issed prayersyperprayer measur.
and selecting priority recipients to leading the closing supplication.
In more structured cases, families prepare simple records .
umber/weight of sacks, recipient lists, handover note.
, while teungku or dayah administrators help ensure the handover flow matches the declared fidyah-charity intention.
Communication is typically semi-publicAiannounced within the gampong or via dayah networksAifacilitating participation and social oversight.
Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya Volume 10.
Number 2.
December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA Overall, the practice of fidyah in North Aceh exhibits shared core featuresAithe charitable intention for the deceased, a mudd-based measure, priority for the poor and needy, and coordination by ulamAAiwhile varying in details .
iming, breadth of social networks, level of documentation, and intensity of tulak breu.
These variations can be read as operational adaptations under local custom and religious authority, without altering the normative contours outlined earlier.
Family communicates their intention to perform fidyah to the teungku or village imam Validation and closing remarks by the religious Teungku conducts a verification of fidyah Determination of the fidyah measure .
and the type of charity Preparation and collection of fidyah by the family Distribution of fidyah to the mustauiq The ritual handover of Setting the time for the Figure 1.
Fidyat al-alAh Process Flow Patterns of Legitimacy Construction in the Local Practice of Fidyat al-alAh Field findings indicate that the legitimacy of fidyat al-alAh in North Aceh does not derive solely from textual fiqh references, but is produced through mutually reinforcing social, cultural, and religious processes at the community level (Berger & Luckmann, 1.
In village contexts, the validity of a religious practice is shaped not only by authoritative doctrines or legal opinions, but also by how the practice is framed, enacted, and verified within networks of local actors who possess moral authority (Bowen, 1.
This is reflected in Teungku ZakariyaAos assertion that Authis fidyah tradition has long taken root in the village, inherited from the elders,Ay showing how local interpretive frameworks shape ritual legitimacy.
Thus, legitimacy does not emerge as something imposed from outside but is gradually constructed through the roles of ulema, village social structures.
Acehnese cultural norms, and solidarity mechanisms such as tulak breuh, which together enable the ritual to be performed properly and sustainably.
This section maps these patterns as empirical findings that explain why fidyah for missed prayers becomes widely accepted and maintained in the religious life of North Aceh communities.
One of the most prominent sources of legitimacy for fidyat al-alAh in North Aceh is the authority of local ulemaAiparticularly teungku dayah and village imamsAiwho serve as primary references for families when determining the number of fidyah, the measure of mudd, and eligible recipients (Bowen, 1993.
Geertz, 1.
Informants consistently reported that fidyah is considered valid only after passing through their verification.
As Abon Cempedak explained.
AuThe argument for this practice is weak in the ShAfi school, but it may still be practiced personally .
mal binafsih.
, especially since the anaf school strengthens its permissibility.
Ay Similarly.
Teungku Rizwan of the North Aceh MPU affirmed that AuThis is a voluntary act.
both ShAfi and anaf texts provide bases for it, and in our villages it is already widely accepted.
Ay These statements illustrate that ulema provide not only technical instruction but also Asymbolic validation,Ao reinforcing the confidence of families that their fidyah aligns with locally authorized religious Legitimacy thus emerges not merely from textual precedent but from trust-based relationships between communities and ulema who translate religious obligations into actionable ritual practice.
Beyond the authority of ulema, the legitimacy of fidyat al-alAh is reinforced by village social structures that function as coordinators and technical managers of the ritual.
Informants described the involvement of hamlet heads, tuha peut, and customary leaders in organizing rice collection, disseminating information to villagers, and ensuring orderly and equitable distribution.
This aligns Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
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December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA with Teungku JamaluddinAos observation that.
AuMany ordinary villagers regard it as obligatory for those who are financially able, and consider those who abstain as stingy,Ay highlighting the normative pressure that shapes communal expectations.
Through such mechanisms of social oversight, fidyah becomes viewed not only as a family initiative but as a communal activity under the supervision of respected local figures (Scott, 1.
Legitimacy therefore rests not only on religious authorization but also on structural consensus sustained by active village governance that safeguards order, transparency, and distributive fairness.
Legitimacy also grows out of Acehnese cultural norms that integrate charity and communal care as core components of religious identity.
Informants noted that fidyah aligns with the principle of adat bak syaraA, syaraA bak kitabullah, which holds that customary practices gain strength when not in conflict with Islamic values (Bowen, 1.
Teungku Ahmad Nidarlin emphasized that AuThis has become a long-standing tradition.
senior ulema have never opposed it,Ay underscoring how the convergence of adat and syaraA provides moral grounding for the ritual.
Cultural norms such as peumulia jamee .
onoring guest.
, mutual aid traditions, and the high esteem placed on almsgiving enhance the perception that fidyah is not an optional addition but part of an established communal ethic (Geertz, 1.
Thus, ritual legitimacy is bolstered not only by religious authority but also by cultural plausibility, which ensures the intergenerational continuity of the practice.
Alongside the roles of ulema, village structures, and cultural norms, the economic-solidarity mechanism of tulak breuh plays a decisive role in rendering fidyat al-alAh feasible and legitimate for households across socioeconomic strata.
Informants described tulak breuh as a rotating support system enabling families with limited resources to fulfill fidyah obligations through contributions from neighbors, relatives, and social networks.
As Teungku Zakariya explained.
AuThis push-andpull of rice is a shared form of charity, ensuring the needed amount is complete.
Ay Likewise.
Teungku Ahmad Nidarlin noted that Auit is done so that the large number of missed prayers can be fully covered.
Ay Such communal participation generates a sense of collective ownership over the ritual, transforming fidyah from a private burden into a shared moral project (Scott, 1976.
Humphrey & Laidlaw, 1.
Because the practice is backed by long-standing support networks, the community perceives fidyah as reasonable, executable, and not financially oppressive.
This embedded economic infrastructure ultimately strengthens the ritualAos legitimacy, both materially and socially.
Taken together, these findings illustrate that the legitimacy of fidyat al-alAh in North Aceh emerges through the interaction of religious authority, village social organization.
Acehnese cultural norms, and solidaristic economic mechanisms such as tulak breuh.
These four elements operate synergistically: ulema provide guidance and symbolic authorization.
village actors ensure order and equitable distribution.
local culture supplies the moral landscape that renders the practice AinaturalAn.
and tulak breuh furnishes the material means for its enactment, even in conditions of economic Teungku Abdul Wahab encapsulated this dynamic, stating.
AuThis fidyah may be practiced personally.
it must not be imposed, but over time it has become a communal aid Ay Legitimacy thus does not rest on a single source but is produced through a layered socioreligious construction that enables the practice to persist, be accepted, and be transmitted across generations in North Aceh.
These patterns underscore the theoretical contribution of this study in demonstrating how fiqh norms are vernacularized within local contextsAirevealing the dynamic interplay between texts, tradition, and communal life (Merry, 2006.
Sartori, 2.
Vernacularizing Fiqh through Ritual Economy: The Socio-Religious Logic of Tulak Breuh The practice of tulak breuh accompanying the implementation of fidyat al-alAh in North Aceh emerges as the most distinctive finding demonstrating how fiqh norms are translated into the socio-economic language of the community.
Field findings show that fidyah is understood not only as a religious act but also as part of a long-established ecology of assistance and redistribution in Acehnese communal life.
Accordingly, this subsection connects the framework of vernacularizing fiqhAinamely the process by which textual norms are processed, negotiated, and adapted to local Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
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December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA contextsAiwith the concept of ritual economy in the anthropology of religion as discussed by Robbins .
Mayblin .
, and Humphrey & Laidlaw .
, who view ritual as a means through which communities manage resources while producing moral value.
By focusing on tulak breuh, this section shows that the practice of fidyah becomes feasible, acceptable, and enduring precisely because it is operationalized through mechanisms of economic-communal solidarity that integrate fiqh prescriptions with the social needs of Acehnese society (Teungku Zakariya.
Seunuddon, 2.
In the context of North Aceh, fiqh functions as a normative framework that sets theoretical boundaries regarding what may and may not be done concerning fidyah for missed prayers.
However, fiqh texts do not provide operational mechanisms for how the practice should be carried out within the social realities of the community.
It is here that local ulema assume an important role as mediators between syarAi norms and communal needs.
They translate abstract concepts from the classical texts into simpler and more practicable guidance, such as determining fidyah in the form of almsgiving to mustauiq or as the execution of waiyyah following the anaf route.
Through this process, fiqh norms are not altered but made applicable so that they align with the social, economic, and cultural conditions of Acehnese society.
As Teungku Ahmad Nidarlin (Matang Kul.
explained, this practice AuHas long been a tradition.
senior ulema have never opposed it,Ay showing how legitimacy emerges through the translation of fiqh norms into well-established social practices at the local level.
The translation of fiqh norms into local practice always involves adjusting to the communityAos economic capacity, simplifying terminology, and creating boundaries so that the practice remains within the SyafiAi school or other accepted alternatives, such as the anaf-style waiyyah.
The ulema do not merely issue fatwas but restructure fiqh concepts into culturally resonant formsAifor example, framing fidyah as part of almsgiving or ihdA al-thawAb rather than as a substitution for This process aligns with Sally MerryAos .
idea of how global or abstract norms are translated into culturally resonant forms that are acceptable to local communities.
At the same time, this pattern reflects Paolo SartoriAos .
analysis of the circulation of fiqh authority: ulema serve as connectors between text and practice, ensuring that fiqh norms remain respected but are operationalized through Acehnese social language.
Thus, what occurs is not the abandonment of fiqh but its vernacularizationAinamely the process of making fiqh norms alive in everyday life through social practices that are understood and enacted communally.
Within the framework of the anthropology of religion, tulak breuh cannot be understood merely as an individual act of almsgiving but as a form of ritual economyAia system of exchange and rotation of resources that regulates the flow of rice within the community, strengthens social relations, and shapes the moral economy of society (Robbins, 2004.
Mayblin, 2017.
Humphrey & Laidlaw, 1.
Field informants described tulak breuh as an institutionalized network of reciprocity: when a family performs fidyah, neighbors and relatives help increase the amount of and when another family faces a similar situation, the assistance circulates back.
This aligns with Teungku ZakariyaAos statement that Aithe push-and-pull of rice is a shared form of charity to ensure the amount is sufficient.
An Through this rotational mechanism, tulak breuh becomes a ritual infrastructure that maintains social cohesion while supplying the resources needed to fulfill fidyah.
In this context, ritual is not merely symbolic action but also an economic device that organizes the distribution of charity and binds the community through shared moral obligations.
The existence of tulak breuh shows that fiqh norms can only be implemented when there is a supporting socio-economic mechanism.
Fiqh sets the measure of fidyahAione mudd, one portion of food, or an equivalent valueAibut does not explain how communities with varied economic capacities can meet these requirements.
In practice, tulak breuh fills this gap: it provides material support so that fidyah remains feasible even for families without sufficient rice.
When the community participates in collecting and rotating rice, the religious act gains legitimacy because it is built upon collective solidarity that links spiritual obligations with economic capacities .
nterview with Teungku Ahmad Nidarlin.
Matang Kul.
Thus, fidyah endures not only because ulema permit Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
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December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA it, but because it is supported by an economic-communal system that ensures the practice can be carried out without burdening any single party.
In other words, tulak breuh functions as a bridge between fiqh rules and social reality, transforming abstract norms into rituals that can be lived by ordinary people.
In practice, tulak breuh serves as a mechanism of negotiation that mediates the demands of fiqhAiparticularly the principle of non-substitution in prayerAiwith forms of local piety and the economic capacities of the community.
Since fidyah in Aceh is not understood as a replacement for prayer but as a channel of almsgiving or ihdA al-thawAb, the ritual remains within the boundaries of the SyafiAi school.
However, its broad acceptance does not rely solely on conformity to fiqh but on the alignment of the practice with AcehAos moral economy, which emphasizes sharing, mutual aid, and peumulia jamee.
Through tulak breuh, the community can perform a form of worship believed to bring blessings to the deceased while strengthening social solidarity.
Thus, tulak breuh becomes a point of convergence between fiqh texts.
Acehnese custom, and communal support structures, enabling fidyah to be not only religiously valid but also meaningful and executable within the socio-economic realities of the community.
The socio-religious logic that makes tulak breuh Aimake senseAn to Acehnese communities lies in its ability to unite dimensions of piety, moral economy, and religious authority into a single practice that is easily performed.
Fidyah is understood as a form of piety rooted in almsgivingAia fusion of fiqh norms and local cultureAiso it is accepted as a devotional act bringing benefit to both the deceased and the community.
Through the rotation of rice, this practice also acts as a system of economic redistribution that channels assistance directly to mustauiq, especially poor families and santri dayah.
Moreover, tulak breuh strengthens social bonds because the ritual is organized and carried out collectively, deepening the sense of togetherness and neighborly cohesion.
The validation provided by ulema offers religious legitimacy linking fiqh norms with everyday practice, while the structure of tulak breuh itself provides the most practical means for families to perform fidyah without excessive economic pressure.
Thus, tulak breuh is not merely an administrative component of fidyah, but a socio-religious ecology that animates fiqh norms within the dynamics of everyday communal life.
From the above explanation, it is evident that the process of vernacularizing fiqh in Aceh cannot be understood without placing tulak breuh as the ritual-economic mechanism enabling fiqh norms to operate within the communityAos social life.
Through a solidarity system that unites almsgiving, resource redistribution, and ulema validation, the practice of fidyah becomes executable and communally meaningful.
These findings show that fiqh texts are not only normatively adhered to but are Aibrought to lifeAn through local socio-economic structures that interpret and operationalize them in accordance with community realities (Merry, 2006.
Sartori, 2.
Thus, this study offers an important theoretical contribution to the anthropology of religion, regarding the relationship between ritual and moral economy, to studies of local fiqh that illuminate the dynamics of authority between text and practice, and to the broader field of Nusantara religious studies.
Tulak breuh demonstrates that the continuation of a religious practice depends not only on the scriptural arguments that permit it but also on the social ecology that renders it alive, logical, and accepted by the community.
Fidyah al-alAh within the Framework of Fiqh and Intra-Madhhab Disagreement To understand the dynamics of prayer fidyah al-alAh in North Aceh, it is first necessary to outline the fiqh framework that underpins it.
This section discusses prayer fidyah from the perspective of fiqh and khilAfiyya .
nter-madhhab disagreemen.
, by examining the conceptual boundary between fidyah and kaffArah, the ul AprinciplesAo that govern substitution for bodily acts of worship, and the divergent views of scholars across madhhabs regarding the permissibility of fidyah for missed prayers.
This review serves as the normative groundwork for the subsequent analysis that focuses on the practiceAos implementation and social legitimacy.
Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya Volume 10.
Number 2.
December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA In this article, kaffArah is understood as a redemption for specific violations of the shara .
, oaths, eihAr, intercourse during daylight in RamasA.
, while fidyah refers to a material redemption/iAm .
that substitutes for an obligation not fulfilled due to a valid excuse .
rimarily fastin.
Operationally, the bounds are set as follows: fasting has an explicit basis for fidyah (Q.
, whereas alAh is placed among personal bodily acts of worship that, in principle, are not replaced by fidyah.
the primary scriptural bases for kaffArah include QurAoan 5:89 .
QurAoan 4:92 .
nintentional killin.
, and QurAoan 58:3Ae4 .
l-Zuhayli, 1.
Within ul al-fiqh, prayer is categorized as an ibAdah badaniyyah mausah .
purely bodily obligation attached to the legally responsible perso.
, and thus cannot be delegated or substituted by this is the mutamAd position in the ShAfi madhhab.
Al-Nawaw .
676/1.
affirms that no valid qiyAs exists to transfer the obligation of prayer to a food/monetary redemption and that analogy with fasting is unfounded because the illah differs.
Ibn ajar al-Haytam .
974/1.
reinforces this line.
A frequently cited uadth is the report from AishahAiAuWe were commanded to make up the fasts, not the prayersAyAiwhich underscores the non-substitutability of prayer once its time has passed .
l-Nawawi, n.
al-Haytami, 2001.
al-Hajjaj, n.
Even so, the fiqh corpus records limited channels that are sometimes referenced: .
within some intra-ShAfi texts there is a qaul saf .
eak vie.
that opens space for iutiyA/amal binafsihi in the form of iAm of one mudd per missed prayer .
reated as charity whose reward is gifted to the decease.
, as noted by Zayn al-Dn al-MAlibAr .
987/1.
in Fatu al-Mun and explained in the marginalia of al-DimyAAos IAnat al-Alibn.
in the anaf madhhab, fidyah al-alAh is possible if there is a waiyya .
from the deceased, with a valuation equivalent to adaqat al-fir per prayer, drawn from one-third .
l-thulut.
of the estate in accordance with bequest rules.
The details of .
can be traced in al-SarakhAos al-Mabs and al-MarghnAnAos al-HidAyah, which align prayer fidyah with fasting .
fidyah within defined limits .
l-Malibari, 1350.
al-Dimyati, n.
alSarakhsi, 1993.
al-Marghinani, 1.
Comparatively, the ShAfis maintain the mutamAd line that prayer, as an ibAdah badaniyyah mausah, is not replaced by fidyahAithere is no valid analogy from fasting to prayer, nor can a bequest transfer this bodily duty to wealth.
The anafs open a space for prayer fidyah when there is a waiyya from the deceased, with the amount equivalent to adaqat al-fir per prayer and taken from the one-third of the estate .
f sufficien.
, on the basis of analogy with fasting fidyah and the principle of using the estate to fulfill the Airights of God.
An The MAliks generally do not accept fidyat al-alAh, except in very limited readings .
, forms of charity whose reward is gifted rather than fidyah as substitutio.
, emphasizing the personal character of prayer and the lack of explicit texts.
The anbals likewise reject fidyat al-alAh as a substitute, though some discuss ihdA al-thawAb .
ifting the reward of charity/recitatio.
to the deceased, which is conceptually distinct from substitutive fidyah .
l-Nawaw, n.
Ibn ajar al-Haytam, 2001.
al-Sarakh, 1993.
al-MarghnAn, 1326 H.
al-Dardr, n.
al-Khurash, n.
Ibn QudAmah, 1997.
Wizarat al-Awqaf, 1.
The ShAfi and anbal rationale stresses the irreplaceability of prayer .
bodily-presential dut.
and the absence of an explicit proof for fidyah al-alAh.
thus, uadths about making up fasts cannot be extended to prayer.
By contrast, the anaf rationale relies on waiyya as a trigger to shift a Airight of GodAn to the estate and on qiyAs with fasting fidyah, while the MAlik reading is highly cautious and separates the domain of charity .
hose reward may be gifte.
from substitutive fidyah.
Within ShAfi literature, the non-dominant door appears as a qawl saf permitting iAm of one mudd per prayer within an iutiyA/amal binafsih framework .
harity intended for the decease.
, without altering the general rule that prayer is not substituted.
Hence, the comparative conclusion is: .
the mutamAd position in ShAfi communitiesAiincluding AcehAicontinues to close fidyat al-alAh.
fidyah practices emerge through narrow channels .
he intra-ShAfi qawl saf as charity, or the anaf route with the waiyya conditio.
discussions of ihdA al-thawAb must be distinguished from substitutive fidyah .
l-Nawawi, n.
al-Haytami, 2001.
al-Sarahksi, al-Marghinani, 1326.
al-Zuhayli, 1.
Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya Volume 10.
Number 2.
December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA From the foregoing comparison, three key points can be underlined.
First, the non-substitution axiom for prayer as an ibAdah badaniyyah mausah is the starting presumption of the ShAfis .
lso reinforced by the anbal.
, so analogy from fasting is invalid because the illah differs.
Second, limited permissive channels appear in two forms: .
the intra-ShAfi qawl saf that frames iAm of one mudd per prayer as charity/iutiyA .
personal act whose reward is gifted, not a substitutive obligatio.
, and .
the anaf opinion that requires a waiyya from the deceased.
the usual measure is equivalent to adaqat al-fir per prayer, disbursed from the one-third of the estate.
Third, a clear distinction must be maintained between substitutive fidyah .
eplacing an obligatio.
and ihdA althawAb .
ifting the reward of charity/act.
Aitwo conceptual domains that are not identical in the fiqh literature .
l-Nawawi, n.
al-Haytami, 2001.
al-Sarahksi, 1993.
al-Marghinani, 1326.
Wizarat al-Awqaf, 1.
Building on this framework, the article adopts the following normative starting points as analytical tools for reading the data: .
the hierarchy of proofs places the ShAfi mutamAd .
onsubstitution of praye.
as the baseline.
any claim of permissibility is weighed through two gates:
iutiyA/personal charity within ShAfiism .
ot an obligatio.
or the anaf route based on waiyya .
ith the one-third limit and a unit value equivalent to adaqat al-fir per praye.
claims of fidyah without waiyya are not read as an heirAos obligation, but as voluntary charity whose reward is gifted to the deceased.
any reference to AireplacingAn prayer is verified so as not to blur the boundaries among qasA, substitutive fidyah, and ihdA al-thawAb.
These principles form the evaluative baseline for assessing the textual arguments and modes of theoretical justification in the sections that follow .
l-Malibari, 1350.
al-Dimyati, n.
Ibn Abidin, 2000.
al-Zuhayli, 1.
Views of UlamA and Community Leaders The interviews indicate broad support for the practice of fidyat al-alAh as charity/iutiyA for the deceased, not as a substitutive obligation binding on everyone.
Scholars stress that the practice originates from the familyAos intentionAiespecially among those with meansAito AidischargeAn what is believed to be outstanding, while ensuring it is not coerced and not overly publicized.
This noncoercive emphasis aligns with the mutamAd ShAfi position that prayer, as an ibAdah badaniyyah, is not substituted.
thus what families do is understood within the domain of charity and ihdA althawAb, not qasA or substitutive fidyah in the strict sense .
l-Nawawi, n.
al-Haytami, 2001.
Wizarat al-Awqaf, 1.
The informantsAo fiqh arguments move along two channels.
First, intra-ShAfi: some classical texts record a qawl saf that opens space for iAm of one mudd per prayer within an iutiyA/amal binafsih frameworkAii.
, charity whose reward is gifted to the deceasedAiwithout changing the non-substitution rule.
this appears, for example, in Fatu al-Mun .
l-MAlibAr, 1.
and IAnat alAlibn .
l-DimyA, n.
Second, anaf: permissibility of prayer fidyah if there is a waiyya from the deceased, with a value equivalent to adaqat al-fir per prayer and drawn from one-third of the estate .
l-thulut.
standard references include al-Mabs .
l-Sarakh, 1.
, al-HidAyah .
lMarghnAn, 1.
, and Radd al-MuutAr (Ibn Abidn, 2.
Beyond fiqh rationales, community figures highlight social-religious dimensions: prayer fidyah is framed as communal charity and taAwun to ease the familyAos burden and AigiftAn reward to the deceased.
this framing strengthens public acceptance without claiming the practice as an This pattern accords with findings on IndonesiaAos ecology of almsgivingAiwhere ulema, dayah, and community networks mediate the direction of charity and render religious practices more feasible and socially legitimate.
At this point, the distinction between substitutive fidyah and ihdA al-thawAb is reiterated, following fiqh literature that separates the domain of charity .
eward transfe.
from any claim to replace a bodily act of worship (Kailani et al.
, 2019.
Ibn Qudamah.
Wizarat al-Awqaf, 1.
Scholars emphasize that prayer fidyah must not be forced, depends on the familyAos capacity, andAiwithout waiyyaAibelongs to the domain of charity/ihdA al-thawAb.
Teungku Abdul Wahab.
Alue Bili Rayeuk, states.
AuThis is a weak view that may be practiced personally.
it should not be Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya Volume 10.
Number 2.
December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA promoted widely, let alone imposed.
Ay He also stresses recipient criteria.
AuThe poor and needy and the devoutAy (Alue Bili Rayeuk, 2.
This emphasis is consistent with the priority of mustauiq in almsgiving (QurAoan 9:.
and differentiates substitutive fidyah from charity whose reward is gifted (Wizarat al-Awqaf, 1.
Several informants underline caution in public communication so that the practice is not perceived as a universal obligation.
Teungku Ahmad Nidarlin Ibrahim.
Matang Kuli, notes.
AuMost of those who carry it out are people with meansAisometimes due to a bequest, sometimes due to family initiative.
some younger academic circles reject itAy (Matang Kuli, 2.
Teungku Jamaluddin.
Matang Baroh, adds.
AuThis is a long-standing tradition with strong arguments from classical texts, but the public should not consider it obligatory for those who can afford it, nor label those who do not perform it as AstingyAAy (Matang Baroh, 2.
Thus, terminological education .
idyah, kaffArah, ihdA al-thawA.
and limiting claims to what the evidence truly supports are ethical measures emphasized by the scholars.
From the interviews, three lines of argument emerge.
Type I .
raditionAesolidarit.
: Teungku Zakariya and Teungku Jazri.
Seunuddon, describe fidyat alAh as an entrenched tradition performed by those who are able and knowledgeable.
AuThe push-and-pass process of rice is charity and collective assistance to fulfill a large fidyah amountAy (Seunddon, 2.
Type II .
on-dominant intra-ShAf.
: Abon Cempedak/Abdul Wahab and Teungku H.
Aburrani.
Baktiya.
AuThe ShAfi evidence is weak, but it may be practiced as a personal act .
utiyA).
Ay Type i .
naf based on waiyy.
AuIf there is a bequest, its permissibility is strong.
the push-and-pass of rice helps families with limited rice.
this aligns with pesantren/NU practiceAy (Baktiya, 2.
This typology explains when each argument is activated: Type I for communal charity .
ithout waiyy.
Type II for personal precaution.
Type i when there is a waiyya and sufficient assets.
As a benchmark, the mutamAd ShAfi position .
on-substitution of praye.
remains the the practice observed is read as charity/ihdA al-thawAb orAiunder specific conditionsAi anaf fidyah with waiyya.
Teungku Rizwan Batee XII (MPU North Ace.
AuFidyat al-alAh is a voluntary act, an initiative of the heirs.
I support it for families who can afford it.
The evidences are clear in ShAfi and anaf texts, and this tradition is accepted hereAy (Cot Girek.
With this baseline, the next analysis evaluates modes of legitimation and limits of permissibility consistently, without blurring the differences among qasA, substitutive fidyah, and ihdA al-thawAb.
Comprehensive Analysis and Implications Field findings indicate that the practice of fidyat al-alAh in North Aceh operates primarily as charity/ihdA al-thawAb for the deceased andAiunder certain conditionsAithrough the anaf route based on waiyya.
Neither pathway negates the ShAfi mutamAd baseline that prayer, as an ibAdah badaniyyah mausah, is not substituted.
Accordingly, the term Aifidyat al-alAhAn in local practice functions as a channel of beneficence .
oluntary charity or the lawful execution of a beques.
rather than a claim to replace the obligation itself.
A clear distinction between substitutive fidyah and ihdA al-thawAb is crucial for fiqh coherence: the former requires explicit textual proof and a clear illah .
hich do not exist for praye.
, whereas the latter belongs to the realm of voluntary acts whose reward is gifted .
l-Nawawi, n.
al-Haytami, 2001.
Wizarat al-Awqf, 1.
Normatively, local scholars employ two entry points.
First, intra-ShAfi: some classical texts record a qawl saf allowing iAm of one mudd per prayer as iutiyA/amal binafsih .
harity whose reward is gifte.
, without altering the non-substitution rule.
this is seen in Fatu al-Mun and IAnat al-Alibn.
Second, anaf: permissibility of prayer fidyah with a waiyya, valued at adaqat al-fir per prayer and taken from one-third of the estate .
l-thulut.
, by analogy with fasting fidyah as detailed in al-Mabs, al-HidAyah, and Radd al-MuutAr.
As for uadth mauqf references .
reports on iA.
, they serve as limited justifications for faslat al-amalAinot as universal obligationsAiso the mutamAd position remains the benchmark .
l-Malibari, 1350.
al-Dimyati, n.
al-Sarahksi, 1993.
al-Marghinani, 1326.
Ibn Abidin, 2000.
al-Zuhayli, 1.
Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya Volume 10.
Number 2.
December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA The acceptance of this practice can be explained through the lens of vernacularizing fiqh:
norms from authoritative texts are translated by local authorities into the communityAos socioeconomic idiom, rendering them feasible and legitimate without changing the general rule.
Theoretically, the notion of AivernacularizationAn (Sally Engle Merr.
clarifies how authoritative norms are processed in local contexts.
in Islamic legal studies.
Paolo Sartori shows how fiqh authority circulates between text and practice.
In Aceh, ulemaAedayah networks and the ecology of almsgiving function as social infrastructure that enables non-dominant views .
ntra-ShAfi iutiyA or the anaf waiyya rout.
to operate as accepted communal acts.
In this way, fidyat al-alAh does not negate the non-substitution principle.
rather, it provides a charitable channel aligned with maqAid of welfare and a local culture of sharing (Merry, 2006.
Sartori, 2020.
Kailani et al.
, 2.
Social-religiously, fidyat al-alAhAiincluding the rotational giving pattern in tulak breuhAi serves as bereavement support, burden-sharing, and community cohesion, while delivering direct aid to mustauiq .
he poor, dayah student.
consistent with local almsgiving ethos.
These multidimensional functions explain why the practice is accepted without positioning it as a substitute for prayer.
it is read as a channel of charity/ihdA al-thawAb that strengthens ulemaAe dayah networks and mutual-aid values.
Framed this way, field data on tulak breuh align with IndonesiaAos almsgiving ecology .
eed, social proximity, local authorit.
and remain within the priority of mustauiq emphasized by scriptural texts (Ataillah et al.
, 2021.
Hakim, 2021.
Kailaini et , 2.
The main critique starts from the non-substitution principle: prayer, as an ibAdah badaniyyah mausah, is not replaced by fidyah.
analogy with fasting is rejected due to different illah, and ShAfi literature anchors itself in the uadth AuMake up the fasts, not the prayers.
Ay There is also a risk of public misconceptionAias if it were AuObligatory for those with means.
Ay This articleAos conceptual response is to limit claims to the two permissive channels already outlined: .
iutiyA/amal binafsih .
harityAinot substitutio.
per the intra-ShAfi qawl saf, and .
the anaf waiyya route .
alue equivalent to adaqat al-fir per prayer, drawn from al-thulut.
With these limits, the practice remains in the realm of voluntary charity or execution of a bequest, not a general obligation exceeding the evidence .
l-Nawawi, n.
al-Haytami, 2001.
al-Malibari, 1350.
alDimyati, n.
al-Sarakhsi, 1993.
al-Marghinani, 1326.
Ibn Abidin, 2.
From the normative-empirical synthesis above, several practical guidelines follow: .
terminological education .
idyah, kaffArah, ihdA al-thawA.
so the public does not conflate charity with substitution of worship.
when invoking the anaf route, ensure a valid waiyya, adhere to the one-third estate limit, and use a unit value equivalent to adaqat al-fir per prayer.
apply mustauiq priority and non-coercion .
A yukallifu AllAhu nafsan illA wusahA).
for minimal accountability, keep simple records .
easure, recipients, date.
and maintain a consistent operational definition of the mudd used.
Fiqh references provide the technical foundation for these points, while local governance ensures the practice remains proportional and transparent (Wizarat al-Awqaf, 1983.
al-Marghinani, 1326.
Ibn Abidin, 2.
Theoretically, this case offers a model of vernacularizing fiqh in the domain of bodily acts of worship: when the non-substitution baseline is upheld, channels of beneficence .
ntra-ShAfi iutiyA or the anaf waiyya rout.
are operated through local authority and almsgiving infrastructure, making the practice feasible and legitimateAiin line with theories of Ainorm translationAn and the shifting locus of authority between text and practice (Merry, 2006.
Sartori, 2020.
Salim et al.
CONCLUSION
This study demonstrates that the practice of fidyat al-alAh in North Aceh is carried out as a form of almsgivingAitypically rice or cooked foodAidirected to mustauiq and organized through cooperation between families, local ulema, and village governance structures.
Its implementation includes determining the locally recognized mudd, selecting specific times for distribution, channeling aid to rightful recipients, and relying on the tulak breuh network, which enables fidyah Fikri: Jurnal Kajian Agama.
Sosial dan Budaya Volume 10.
Number 2.
December 2025 Muhammad Zukhdi The Ritual Economy of DeathA to remain affordable even for households with limited economic capacity.
The practice is not understood as a substitute for prayer but as ihdA al-thawAb or the execution of a bequest, aligned with two established fiqh bases: the intra-ShAfi route of iutiyA .
iving one mudd as voluntary charity without replacing the act of worshi.
and the anaf route through waiyya, with a value equivalent to adaqat al-fir per prayer.
Validation by local ulema ensures that fidyah remains within the boundaries of the Shara and does not evolve into a generalized claim of obligation.
The process of vernacularizing fiqh occurs as legal norms are translated into Acehnese social and economic idioms through solidarity mechanisms such as tulak breuh, which functions as a ritual economy that strengthens redistribution and reinforces social cohesion.
Fidyah in Aceh thus derives legitimacy not only from authoritative fiqh texts but also from the social ecology that sustains its These findings affirm that fiqh becomes AialiveAn through communal enactment, balancing normative compliance with the lived needs of the community.
To maintain proportionality and clarity in practice, this study recommends public terminological education .
istinguishing fidyah, kaffArah, and ihdA al-thawA.
, limiting claims of obligation to the two legitimate doctrinal routes, developing operational guidelines for ulema and village leaders regarding the governance of tulak breuh, and upholding principles of non-coercion and mustauiq prioritization in distribution.
Such recommendations aim to strengthen both fiqh integrity and the continuity of social solidarity embedded in fidyah practices in Aceh.
REFERENCES