Journal of Islamic Law
ISSN: 2721-5040 (e) & 2721-5032 (p)
Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024, pp. 222-241
https://doi.org/10.24260/jil.v5i2.2775

Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb: Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s Method
for Standardising the Determination of the Qamariyah Month in the
Sultanate of Sambas (1913-1976)
Saifuddin Herlambang,1* Aulia Laily Rizqina,2 Ridwansyah,1 Moh. Muslih,3 Abdel
Kadir Naffati4
1IAIN Pontianak, Indonesia
2Pondok Pesantren Segoro Agung, Mojokerto, Indonesia
3UIN KH. Abdurrahman Wahid, Pekalongan, Indonesia
4Université Ez-Zitouna, Tunisia
*Correspondence: sayf.herlambang@gmail.com
*Received: 13-03-2024 | Revised: 20-05-2024, 31-07-2024 | Accepted: 05-08-2024

Abstract
This article analyses the responses of Basyūnī ‘Imrān (1885-1976), a muftī (jurisconsult)
and qādhī (judge) with the title Mahārāja Imām (highest religious official) in the Sambas
Sultanate, to the debates surrounding the determination of the beginning of Ramaḍān
and Eid al-Fitr at the turn of the twentieth century. The differences arose from
conflicting claims of accuracy between two methods, ḥisāb (astronomical calculations)
and ruʾyah (physical sighting of the moon), in determining the start of the lunar month
among Muslims. Concerned about these issues, Basyūnī ‘Imrān addressed them in his
manuscript written in Arabic-Malay (known as Aksara Jawī), titled Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an
Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb (1933). By employing a historical approach and content
analysis of the manuscript, the authors find that Basyūnī ‘Imrān favoured the ḥisāb
method for determining the start of the lunar month. In addition to referencing Sūrah
al-Raḥmān verse 5, Sūrah Yūnus verse 5, and a hadith narrated by Imām Mālik, Basyūnī
‘Imrān also considered the geographical and social conditions of Muslims to
standardise the observance of fasting and Islamic festivals in the Sultanate of Sambas
and its surroundings. He argued that differences in determining the start of the lunar
month should not lead to divisions among Muslims, as both methods are grounded in
the same theological principles. This finding contributes to the history of Islamic legal
thought in Indonesia by providing evidence of scholarly efforts to standardise the
determination of the lunar month during his tenure as Mahārāja Imām in the Sultanate
of Sambas from 1913 to 1976.
[Artikel ini menganalisis respons Basyūnī ‘Imrān (1885-1976), muftī dan qādhī yang bergelar
Mahārāja Imām di Kesultanan Sambas, terhadap polemik perbedaan dalam penentuan awal puasa
Ramadhan dan hari raya Idul Fitri pada awal abad kedua puluh. Perbedaan tersebut disebabkan
saling klaim kebenaran metode, antara ḥisāb dan ruʾyah, dalam penentuan awal bulan Qomariyah
di kalangan umat Islam. Prihatin terhadap peristiwa tersebut, Basyūnī ‘Imrān meresponsnya
sebagaimana yang tertuang dalam manuskrip berbahasa Arab-Melayu (dikenal sebagai Aksara
Jawī) yang berjudul, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb (1933). Dengan
menggunakan pendekatan sejarah dan analisis konten manuskrip, para penulis menemukan bahwa
Basyūnī ‘Imrān cenderung menggunakan metode ḥisāb dalam penentuan awal bulan Qomariyah.

Copyright © 2024 by Author(s)
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.

Herlambang et al.

Selain merujuk pada Sūrah al-Raḥmān ayat 5, Sūrah Yūnus ayat 5, dan sebuah hadis yang
diriwayatkan oleh Imām Mālik, Basyūnī ‘Imrān juga mempertimbangkan kondisi geografis dan
sosial umat Islam untuk menyeragamkan pelaksanaan ibadah puasa dan hari raya Islam di
Kesultanan Sambas dan sekitarnya. Menurutnya, perbedaan dalam penentuan awal bulan tersebut
tidak boleh menimbulkan perpecahan di antara umat Islam, karena kedua metode tersebut
berlandaskan pada dasar teologi yang sama. Temuan ini berkontribusi terhadap sejarah pemikiran
hukum Islam di Indonesia dengan memberikan bukti adanya pemikiran ulama yang berupaya
menyeragamkan penentuan awal bulan Qomariyah yang diterapkannya ketika menjabat sebagai
Mahārāja Imām di Kesultanan Sambas pada tahun 1913 sampai 1976.]
Keywords: Basyūnī ‘Imrān, Ḥisāb Method, Islamic Astronomy, Qamariyah Month,
Sambas Sultanate.
Introduction
Ramaḍān and Shawwāl are two months in the Islamic (Hijri) calendar with significant
spiritual, cultural, and social dimensions for Muslims worldwide.1 However, there are often
differences in determining the start of these months.2 These discrepancies arise from the
varying methods and criteria employed by different countries.3 On December 8, 2021, four
countries, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia, and Singapore (MABIMS), implemented new
crescent moon visibility criteria to determine the beginning of the Qamariyah months
(lunar).4 Although these countries share the same criteria and theological foundations,
differences in scholars’ interpretations have resulted in two primary methods for determining
the onset of the lunar months: ḥisāb (astronomical calculations) and ruʾyah (physical moon
sighting).5 Each group within the Muslim community asserts that their chosen method aligns
most accurately with Shari’ah.6 These differing approaches have the potential to cause
discord among Muslims.7
In Indonesia, the polemic over determining the beginning of the months of Ramaḍān
and Shaw has persisted since the early 20th century, with ongoing debates among Indonesian

1
2
3

4

5

6

7

Jaffer Idris, Charlotte Rowley, and M. Jabar Yaqub, “Religious Events: Celebrating Eid-al-Fitr as a Family,”
in Family Events: Practices, Displays and Intimacies, ed. Thomas Fletcher (London: Routledge, 2022), 117–29.
Ridwan Ridwan and Muhammad Fuad Zain, “Religious Symbol on Determining the Beginning and End of
Ramadan in Indonesia,” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (July 26, 2021): a6397.
See: A Jusran Kasim et al., “Determination of Hijri Calendar in Islamic History and Its Criteria in Southeast
Asia,” Journal of Al-Tamaddun 19, no. 1 (2024): 247–59; Abdul Mufid and Thomas Djamaluddin, “The
Implementation of New Minister of Religion of Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore Criteria towards
the Hijri Calendar Unification,” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 79, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): a8774.
Maskufa Maskufa et al., “Implementation of the New MABIMS Crescent Visibility Criteria: Efforts to Unite
the Hijriyah Calendar in the Southeast Asian Region,” AHKAM: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 22, no. 1 (30 June 2022):
209–36.
Marwadi Marwadi, Rina Heriyanti, and Farah Nuril Izza, “The Fiqh of Hisab-Ru’ya in the Twentieth
Century Indonesia: Study on the Thoughts of Hamka, Hasbi Ash-Shiddieqy, and Moenawar Chalil about
the Unification of Hijri Calendar,” Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 17, no. 1 (April 6, 2023): 13–26.
Abdul Mufid et al., “Unification of Global Hijrah Calendar in Indonesia: An Effort to Preserve the Maqasid
Sunnah of the Prophet (SAW),” Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 10, no. 2 (November 25, 2020), 17–
36.
Alimuddin Alimuddin, “Hijriyah Months and the Construction of Religious Moderation in the Sombaopu
Community of Gowa, South Sulawesi,” Al-’Adalah 20, no. 1 (25 June 2023): 137–56.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 223 ]

Herlambang et al.

scholars regarding the use of ḥisāb and ruʾyah.8 This debate stemmed, in part, from the Dutch
colonial government’s policy that granted Muslims the freedom to choose between these two
methods.9 One of the prominent responses to this debate came from Basyūnī ‘Imrān, a
leading scholar from Sambas, West Kalimantan. He held the titles of muftī and qādhī, as well
as Mahārāja Imām (the highest religious official) and advisor on Islamic affairs to the
Sultanate of Sambas, having been appointed on November 9, 1913 (10 Dhū al-Ḥijjah 1331).10
His response is documented in his work, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb. This
manuscript reflects his concern over the divisions among Islamic groups, each claiming
superiority in their method for determining the beginning of the months. Basyūnī ‘Imrān
argued that the differences in these methods should not lead to division among Muslims, as
both are based on the same theological foundation.11 Consequently, his thoughts, as
presented in this manuscript, warrant further analysis in this article.
Research on the thoughts and works of scholars from the Borneo remains relatively
limited. Some scholars have examined the writings of Muḥammad Arshad al-Banjarī,12 Ismail
Mundu,13 and Basyūnī ‘Imrān. Previous studies on Basyūnī ‘Imrān have primarily focused on
three areas: education,14 tafsīr (Qur’anic exegesis),15 and fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence).16 These
studies highlight that Basyūnī ‘Imrān significantly contributed to the advancement of Islam
8
9
10
11
12

13
14

15

16

Azmi Muttaqin, “Determination of the Beginning of Ramadhan and Syawal in Indonesia (An Overview of
Political and Historical Perspectives),” Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities 7, no. 2 (2022): 131–47.
Jaenal Arifin, “Proses Penentuan Awal Ramadhan, Syawal, dan Dzulhijjah di Indonesia: Sinergi antara
Independensi Ilmuwan dan Otoritas Penguasa,” Jurnal Penelitian 13, no. 1 (June 21, 2019): 37.
Moch Nur Ichwan, “Differing Responses to an Ahmadi Translation and Exegesis: The Holy Qur’ân in
Egypt and Indonesia,” Archipel 62, no. 1 (2001): 143–61.
Muḥammad Basyūnī ‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb (Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah
Fathaniyah, 2022),1-2.
See: Zein Firdaus, Muhammad Marbawi, and Muhammad Wildan Afif, “Banjar Cultural Marriage Taboos
and Analysis of the Prohibition of Marriage in Kitabun Nikah by Sheikh Muhammad Arsyad al-Banjari,”
El-Usrah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga 6, no. 1 (1 July 2023): 183–92; Muhammad Iqbal, “Arsyad al-Banjari: A
Banjarese Shāfiʿī Scholar,” in Arsyad Al-Banjari’s Insights on Parallel Reasoning and Dialectic in Law (Springer,
Cham, 2022), 111–20; Nor Ipansyah et al., “Determination of Sekufu in the Kitabun Nikah al-Banjari,”
Syariah: Jurnal Hukum dan Pemikiran 21, no. 1 (14 April 2021): 125–33.
Muhammad Lutfi Hakim, “Ismail Mundu on Islamic Law of Inheritance: A Content Analysis of Majmū‘ alMīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ,” Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 61, no. 1 (30 June 2023): 59–79.
See: Sunandar Sunandar, “Resonansi Maharaja Imam Muhammad Basiuni Imran (1885-1976) di Sambas,”
Medina-Te : Jurnal Studi Islam 15, no. 1 (2 August 2019): 75–91; Nasrullah Nasrullah et al., “Pembaruan
Pemikiran Pendidikan Islam Muhammad Basiuni Imran (1906-1976 M),” Jurnal Diskursus Islam 6, no. 1 (24
April 2018): 135–55; Erwin Mahrus, Falsafah dan Gerakan Pendidikan Islam: Maharaja Imam Sambas, Muhammad
Basiuni Imran 1885-1976 (Pontianak: STAIN Pontianak Press, 2007).
See: Wendi Parwanto et al., “The Pattern of Sufism on Interpretation of Q.S. Al-Fatihah in the Tafsir
Manuscript by M. Basiuni Imran Sambas, West Kalimantan,” QiST: Journal of Quran and Tafseer Studies 2, no.
2 (17 March 2023): 163–79; Saifuddin Herlambang et al., “The Translation of the Qur’an in Sambas Script:
A Studi on Jawi and Latin Script by Muhammad Basiuni Imran,” Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan 21, no. 2 (11
December 2023): 325–252; Luqman Abdul Jabbar, “Tafsir Al-Quran Pertama di Kalimantan Barat (Studi
Naskah Kuno Tafsir Surat Tujuh Karya Maharaja Imam Kerajaan Sambas 1883-1976),” Jurnal Khatulistiwa:
Journal of Islamic Studies 5, no. 1 (2015): 100–11.
See: Asman and Nur Syamsiah, “History of Muhammad Basiuni Imran as Head of Sharī’ah Court Office in
the Implementation of Islamic Law in Sambas 1951-1955 West Kalimantan,” Jurnal Syariah 30, no. 2 (13
June 2023): 175–205; Muhammad Rahmatullah, Pemikiran Fikih Maharaja Imam Kerajaan Sambas Muhammad
Basiuni Imran (1885-1976) (Pontianak: Bulan Sabit Press, 2003); Hamka Siregar, “Dynamics of Local Islam:
Fatwa of Muhammad Basiuni Imran, the Grand Imam of Sambas, on the Friday Prayer Attended by Fewer
than Forty People,” Al-Albab 2, no. 2 (1 December 2013): 187–202.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 224 ]

Herlambang et al.

in West Kalimantan. However, unlike scholars who have focused on his contributions to
fiqh, this article explores his work in Islamic astronomy (ʿilm al-falak), specifically his treatise
Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb. While Hamka Siregar asserts that Basyūnī ‘Imrān
adhered to the Shāfi’ī school of thought,17 which accepts both ruʾyah and ḥisāb as valid
methods,18 Basyūnī ‘Imrān prioritised the ḥisāb method over ruʾyah in determining the
beginning of the Qamariyah months, considering the geographical and social conditions of
Sambas. His preference for the ḥisāb method was intended to address the ongoing debates
among scholars of his time and to prevent potential conflicts within the Muslim community.
Therefore, this article builds upon previous studies on Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s fiqh-related works by
focusing on his contributions to ʿilm al-falak, an area that has received little scholarly
attention.
This article is a philological study employing a historical approach. The primary source
for this research is Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s Ḥusn al-Jawāb ’an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bī al-Ḥisāb. The
philological analysis involved transliterating the manuscript, originally written in the Jawī
script (Malay-Arabic script), into Indonesian and identifying both the physical characteristics
and the content of the text. After the transliteration, the authors conducted a substantive
analysis of the manuscript using a historical approach. Additionally, the authors consulted
various research findings, scholarly articles, and relevant Islamic texts as secondary sources
to aid in the historical analysis of the manuscript. These steps were undertaken to provide a
comprehensive understanding of Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s views on the determination of the
Qamariyah months, as well as the historical background and context in which the manuscript
was written.
Basyūnī ‘Imrān: Muftī and Qādhī in the Sultanate of Sambas
Basyūnī ‘Imrān was born in Sambas on October 16, 1885, with the full name H. Mohd.
Basioeni bin H. Imran. His father, Muḥammad ‘Imrān, held the position of Mahārāja Imām
in the Malay Sultanate of Sambas.19 Basyūnī ‘Imrān received his early education at a colonial
primary school (volksschool) in Sambas and was first taught religious studies by his father,
focusing on the Arabic language, Qur’anic recitation, and fiqh. At the age of 17, in 1902, his
father sent him to Mecca to further his religious education. There, Basyūnī ‘Imrān studied
under prominent Malay scholars such as ‘Umar al-Sumbawī, ‘Uthmān al-Sarawākī alPuntiyānī, and Aḥmad Khaṭīb Minangkabāwī. He also studied various other disciplines,
including logic, uṣūl al-fiqh (principles of Islamic jurisprudence), hadith, tafsīr, and Islamic

17
18
19

Siregar, “Dynamics of Local Islam,” 187–202.
Wahbah al-Zuḥailī, Al-Fiqh al-Islamī wa Adillatuh, vol. 2 (Damsyik: Dār al-Fikr, 1985), 581–82.
Jajat Burhanudin, “Chapter 3 Halal Practices at the Dawn of Southeast Asian Modernity: Some Cases of
Halal Fatwa in al-Manār in the Beginning of the Twentieth Century,” in Rethinking Halal: Genealogy, Current
Trends, and New Interpretations, ed. Ayang Utriza Yakin and Louis-Léon Christians (Leiden Boston (Mass.):
Brill, 2021), 56–79. According to other sources, it is stated that Basyūnī ‘Imrān was born on November 4,
1883. See: Gusti Mahyuddin Ardhi, “Muhammad Basiuni Imran 1883-1976: Maharaja Imam Kerajaan
Sambas Rekonstruksi Pemikiran Keagamaan dan Politik Kenegaraan,” in Sastrawan Nusantara Ke-XI in
Bandar Sri Begawan (Brunei Darussalam, 2001), 3.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 225 ]

Herlambang et al.

theology under the Arab scholar ‘Alī al-Mālikī. After nearly five years of study in Mecca,
Basyūnī ‘Imrān returned to Sambas in 1906.20
In 1910, Basyūnī ‘Imrān travelled to Cairo with his brother, Ahmad Fawzi, and his
friend, Ahmad Sa’ud. They enrolled in a newly established school founded by Rashīd Riḍā,
Dār al-Daʿwah wa al-Irshād. Upon their arrival in Cairo, they were met by Şālih Riḍā and taken
to his brother Rashīd’s house, where they stayed until suitable accommodation was found in
another apartment owned by Rashīd. During their meeting, Rashīd inquired about the state
of scholarship among Javanese scholars and praised Basyūnī ‘Imrān for his excellent
command of Arabic. Basyūnī ‘Imrān remained in Cairo for three years before returning to
Sambas in 1913.21
Figure 1
Mahārāja Imām Kesultanan Sambas (1913-1976)

Source: Syahrul Hidayat dan Kevin W. Fogg, 2018.
After completing his Islamic education in the Middle East, Basyūnī ‘Imrān held several
key religious positions in Sambas. In 1906, he was appointed Imām of the Sambas Jami’
Mosque and served as a religious educator for the Sultan’s family at the Sambas Sultanate
Palace. Upon his return from Cairo in 1913, he was appointed as muftī and qādhī of the
Sambas Sultanate, with the title Mahārāja Imām, succeeding his late father.22 This
appointment was made by M. Tsafiuddin II, the 13th Sultan of the Sambas Sultanate. Basyūnī
‘Imrān served in these roles from November 9, 1913, until his death on July 26, 1976.23 In
addition to his positions within the Sultanate, he also served as Adviseur Bestuur Commissie
Swapradja Sambas (1946–1951) and Head of the Religious Court Office for Singkawang and
20

21
22
23

Martin van Bruinessen, “Basyuni ‘Imran (Muhammad Basyuni b. Muhammad ‘Imran, Sambas, West
Borneo, 1885-1953),” in Dictionnaire Biographique des Savants et Grandes Figures du Monde Musulman Périphérique,
du XIXe Siècle à Nos Jours (Paris: CNRS-EHESS, 1992), 26.
Michael Francis Laffan, Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia: The Umma below the Winds (New York:
Routledge, 2003), 138.
Jajat Burhanudin, Islam dalam Arus Sejarah Indonesia (Jakarta: Prenada Media, 2017), 368.
Moh. Haitami Salim et al., Sejarah Kesultanan Sambas, Kalimantan Barat (Jakarta: Puslitbang Lektur dan
Khazanah Keagamaan, 2011), 93.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 226 ]

Herlambang et al.

Sambas (1951–1952).24 Basyūnī ‘Imrān passed away in Pontianak at the age of 91 and was
buried in Sambas.25
Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s deep concern over the decline and stagnation of Muslims in various
parts of the world established him as a scholar not only respected by the local Muslim
community26 but also influential within the broader Islamic world.27 It was demonstrated
when he sent a letter to Rashīd Riḍā posing the question, limādhā ta’akhkhara al-muslimūn wa
limādhā taqaddama ghayruhum (why are Muslims falling behind while others are advancing?).
Rashīd Riḍā subsequently presented this question to Amīr Shakīb Arslān, who responded by
producing a treatise that examined the causes of Muslim decline in contrast to the rapid
progress of other nations.28
While serving as muftī and qādhī, Basyūnī ‘Imrān maintained correspondence with
Rashīd Riḍā through al-Manār,29 a magazine that Rashīd used to disseminate his ideas on
modernism, reform, and the revival of the Muslim ummah through insightful essays.30 One
of the letters Basyūnī sent to Rashīd was a request for a fatwa (istiftā) regarding
Tjokroaminoto’s proposal to translate Muḥammad ‘Alī’s Qur’an, a topic that sparked intense
debate during the Al-Islam Congress in 1928. The Muhammadiyah delegation suggested a
debate between ʿAlī and Rashīd to discuss Muḥammad ʿAlī’s translation, but this proposal
was rejected by the Congress. Instead, Basyūnī ‘Imrān sought Rashīd’s fatwa on the matter.31
In addition to this, Basyūnī ‘Imrān submitted questions to Rashīd via al-Manār
concerning the comparison of education in Egypt and Europe. He raised three key questions:
First, are Egyptian secondary schools comparable to those in England, France, Germany,
Switzerland, the Netherlands, and other European countries in terms of science, arts, and
languages, apart from Arabic and Islamic studies? Second, were Egyptians who held

24
25
26
27

28

29

30
31

Syahrul Hidayat and Kevin W. Fogg, “Profil Anggota: H. Mohd. Basioeni bin H. Imran,” Konstituante.Net,
1 January 2018, https://www.konstituante.net/id/profile/MASJUMI_mohd_basioeni.
Nasrullah et al., “Pembaruan Pemikiran Pendidikan Islam Muhammad Basiuni Imran (1906-1976 M),” 135–
55.
Supriyanto Supriyanto, “Periodisation of the Philosophy of Islamic Rationalism in the Perspective of Zaki
Naguib Mahmud,” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 79, no. 1 (23 February 2023): a8153.
Syarif Syarif, Saifuddin Herlambang, and Bayu Suratman, “Quran Interpretation Methodology, New Media,
and Ideological Contestation of Salafi in Sambas,” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 79, no. 1 (2023):
a8814.
See: Umar Ryad, Islamic Reformism and Christianity: A Critical Reading of the Works of Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā and
His Associates (1898-1935), History of Christian-Muslim Relations 12 (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 47; Mehdi Sajid,
“Before Postcolonialism Shakib Arslan’s Response to Colonialism in the Interwar Years,” in Postcolonial
Intellectuals in Europe: Critics, Artists, Movements, and Their Publics, ed. Sandra Ponzanesi and Adriano José
Habed (New York: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2018), 76; Muhamad Ali, “Nationalism and Islam:
Perspective of Egyptian and Syrian Muslim Intellectuals,” Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 4, no.
1 (2014): 51.
Jajat Burhanudin, “The Triumph of the Second Leaders: Ahmad Khatib and Rashīd Riḍā in Islamic Reform
in Indonesia,” Afkaruna: Indonesian Interdisciplinary Journal of Islamic Studies 17, no. 2 (24 December 2021): 170–
201.
Abdul Matin Bin Salman, Yusuf Baihaqi, and Kusnadi, “Redefining Khabar al-Ahad Based on Rashid Rida’s
Rational Approach in Al-Manar,” Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu Al-Qur’an dan Hadis 23, no. 2 (30 July 2022): 222.
See: Ahmad Najib Burhani, “Sectarian Translation of the Qur’an in Indonesia: The Case of the Ahmadiyya,”
Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 53, no. 2 (10 December 2015): 251; Nur Ichwan, “Differing Responses
to an Ahmadi Translation and Exegesis,” 143–61.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 227 ]

Herlambang et al.

ministerial positions educated in Egypt or in Europe?32 Third, can it be said that graduates
of Egypt’s top schools are unable to compete with European graduates because Egyptian
secondary schools do not offer the same standards in European languages and sciences?
Furthermore, Basyūnī ‘Imrān also sought Rashīd’s opinion on whether nationalism was
compatible with Islam. In al-Manār, Rashīd responded affirmatively, basing his view on the
principle hubb al-watan min al-īmān (love of country is part of faith). This endorsement of
nationalism by Rashīd Riḍā was subsequently embraced by Indonesian scholars, who came
to view nationalism as compatible with Islamic principles.33
Inspired by nationalism, the people of Sambas established the Sambas Indonesian
Nation Association (Persatuan Bangsa Indonesia Sambas [PERBIS]) and actively resisted
colonial rule in the lead-up to Indonesian independence. On October 27, 1945, they
approached the Dutch administration, demanding that the Dutch lower their flag to
recognise Indonesia’s independence. The following day, they assembled at the theatre
building, where Basyūnī ‘Imrān delivered a speech urging the people of Sambas to continue
their struggle until the Dutch flag was replaced by the Indonesian red and white flag. After
Sambas became part of the Republic of Indonesia and was situated near Malaysia,34 Basyūnī
‘Imrān directed his political activities through the Indonesian Muslim Brotherhood
(Masyumi). During the Old Order, one of Masyumi’s early initiatives was to establish Islam
as the foundation of the state, but this effort failed due to internal factors, including
communist ideology, nationalism, and secularism.35 In the Constituent Assembly following
the first general election, Basyūnī ‘Imrān was elected as a representative of Masyumi West
Kalimantan, holding member number 305. In 1959, he, along with other scholars, was invited
to a national conference to examine errors in the Qur’anic texts circulating at the time, during
which he identified several inaccuracies.36
In addition to his roles as muftī and qādhī, Basyūnī ‘Imrān was a prolific scholar with a
diverse body of work spanning the fields of fiqh, tawḥīd, history, falak, and other areas.
According to Syarif’s research, he authored fifteen notable works, including: Tarjamah Durūs

32

33

34
35

36

Mona Abaza, “Southeast Asia and the Middle East: Al-Manar and Islamic Modernity,” in From the
Mediterranean to the China Sea: Miscellaneous Notes, ed. Claude Guillot, Denys Lombard, and Roderich Ptak
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1998), 104–5.
Azyumardi Azra, “Understanding Indonesia’s “Third Way” Islam,” in Wars of Ideas: Theology, Interpretation
and Power in the Muslim World, ed. Ilan Berman (United Kingdom: Rowman & Littlefield, 2020), 80. Many
scholars in the Indonesian archipelago, such as H. Abdul Karim Amrullah, maintained correspondence with
scholars in the Middle East, particularly with Meccan scholars, concerning the religious tendencies of the
Islamic community in Minangkabau. See: Saifuddin Herlambang, “Hamka, Social Criticism and the
Practices of Polygamy in Minangkabau,” Al-Albab 9, no. 1 (8 June 2020): 69–86.
Asman Asman and Resali bin Muda, “Marriage Agreement Controversy in Indonesia-Malaysia Border
Communities in Sambas Regency,” El-Mashlahah 13, no. 1 (30 June 2023): 1.
See: Hasanuddin Yusuf Adan et al., “Islam and the Foundation of the State in Indonesia: The Role of the
Masyumi Party in the Constituent Assembly the Perspective of Fiqh al-Siyāsah,” Samarah: Jurnal Hukum
Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 7, no. 1 (31 March 2023): 377–98; Fajri Matahati Muhammadin and Fairuz ElMechwar, “Masyumi’s “Djihad dan Qitaal” and Islamic Laws of War: Ahead of Its Time?,” AL-IHKAM:
Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 18, no. 2 (15 October 2023): 320–41.
This achievement led to Basyūnī ‘Imrān receiving an accolade from President Soekarno in the form of a
Qur’an enclosed in a meticulously calligraphed box. According to Badran, the son of Basyūnī ‘Imrān, this
recognition was presented during the Nuzul Qur’an commemoration held at the State Palace in Jakarta. See:
Ardhi, “Muhammad Basiuni Imran 1883-1976,” 21–2.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 228 ]

Herlambang et al.

al-Tārīkh al-Sharīʿah, Bidāyah al-Tawḥīd, Risālat al-Ṭāyah Sulūḥ, Dhikr al-Mawlid al-Nabawī,
Tadhkir, Khuḷāṣah Sīrat al-Muḥammadiyyah, Nūr al-Sirāj fī Qiṣṣat al-Isrāʾ wa al-Miʿrāj, al-Janāʾiz,
Irshād al-Gilmān fī Ādāb Tilāwat al-Qurʾān, Durūs al-Tawḥīd, Dawʾ al-Misbah fī Fiqh al-Nikāḥ, alNuṣūṣ wa al-Barāhīn ʿalā Iqāmāt al-Jumʿah bi-mad al-Arbaʿīn, Manḥal al-Gharībīn fī Iqāmāt alJumuʿah bi dūn al-ʿArbaʿīn, al-Tadhkīrat al-Badīʿah fī Aḥkām al-Jumʿah, and Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an
Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb.37 The latter work, Ḥusn al-Jawāb, which is analysed in this article,
played a significant role in unifying Muslims in the determination of the Qamariyah month
during the Sambas Sultanate. Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s authority in the social construction of Sambas
society notably influenced its socio-religious aspects, particularly regarding daily religious
practices. The role of muftī and qādhī, initially a position serving the sultanate family
exclusively, evolved under his leadership to encompass the broader Muslim community in
Sambas.38
Basyūnī ‘Imrān exhibited a tolerant and moderate approach39 in his thinking and daily
life. His friendly demeanour extended to everyone, including clergy who visited him during
Eid al-Fitr. In the political arena, Basyūnī ‘Imrān demonstrated an openness to various
groups beyond his own affiliation. It was exemplified by his support for Firdaus, a candidate
from the Partai Nasional Indonesia (Indonesian National Party [PNI]), during the Sambas
Regent election, despite his own association with the Masyumi party. Basyūnī ‘Imrān
endorsed Firdaus on the grounds of his relevant experience in government, religious
observance, and his close relationship with the Sultan of Sambas.40
Basyūnī ‘Imrān on Ḥisāb Method for Determining the Qamariyah Month
The manuscript analysed in this article is titled in two languages. In Arabic, it is called Ḥusn
al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, and in Malay, it is titled Molek Jawaban pada
Mengitsbatkan Awal Bulan dengan Kiraan. The title can be translated in English as Beautiful
Answer in Determining the Beginning of the Month with Ḥisāb. Basyūnī ‘Imrān wrote the manuscript
on 23 December 1933 CE (6 Ramaḍān 1352 AH) and completed it on 3 February 1937 CE
(21 Dhū al-Ḥijjah 1355 AH). It was first published by Maktabah al-Zainīyah in Penang,
Malaysia, in 1938. The work was subsequently collected by Haji Wan Mohd. Shaghir
Abdullah41 and republished by Khazānah Faṭānīyah in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, in 2022.42

37
38
39
40
41

42

Syarif, “Corak Pemikiran Islam Borneo (Studi Pemikiran Tokoh Muslim Kalimantan Barat Tahun 19902017,” At-Turats: Jurnal Pemikiran Pendidikan Islam 12, no. 1 (2018): 15–31.
Sunandar, “Resonansi Maharaja Imam Muhammad Basiuni Imran (1885-1976) di Sambas,” 75–91.
Erwin Mahrus, Zaenuddin Hudi Prasojo, and B. Busro, “Messages of Religious Moderation Education in
Sambas Islamic Manuscripts,” Madania: Jurnal Kajian Keislaman 24, no. 1 (30 June 2020): 39–48.
Ardhi, “Muhammad Basiuni Imran 1883-1976,” 21–2.
Haji Wan Mohd. Shaghir Abdullah is an author and researcher specialising in the biographies of Islamic
scholars (ʿulāmaʾ) from the Archipelago. His work has become a key reference in the study of the history
of Islamic thought in the region. See. Fathaniah Fathaniah and Primatasha Desvira Dizza, “The Role of H.
Wan Mohd. Shaghir Abdullah in Islamic Education in West Kalimantan,” Khatulistiwa 12, no. 2 (2022): 114–
27.
His full name is Muhammad Tahir bin Sheikh Muhammad, also known as Sheikh Muhammad Tahir
Jalaluddin al-Falaki (1869–1956). He is from Bukit Tinggi, West Sumatra, Indonesia. See: Ahmad Faisal
Abdul Hamid and Mohd Puaad Abdul Malik, “Analisis Penulisan Syeikh Muhammad Tahir Jalaluddin dalam
Kitab Ta’yid Tadhkirah Muttabi’ al-Sunnah,” Journal of Al-Tamaddun 12, no. 1 (2017): 67–78.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 229 ]

Herlambang et al.

Figure 2
Manuscript’s Cover Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb

Source: Collection of H. Wan Mohd Shaghir Abdullah, 2022.
This manuscript consists of four sections. The first section discusses the concepts of
hilāl (crescent moon), qamar (moon), and shahr (month). The second section addresses the
origins of using numerical calculations for timekeeping. The third section explores the
benefits of using ruʾyah (sighting of the moon) as prescribed by Sharīʿah for determining the
times of worship. The fourth section focuses43 on the use of ḥisāb (calculation) for
determining all times of worship. These four discussions are written in Arabic-Malay, also
known as Jawī script.44 The manuscript measures 18.2 cm in length and 13.4 cm in width,
with a total of 28 pages. In addition to an introduction by Shaykh Ṭāhir Jalāl al-Dīn alMinkābī, the manuscript includes a preface by Basyūnī ‘Imrān that explains the context and
motivation behind its composition.
In the introduction of Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, Basyūnī ’Imrān
addresses the disputes among scholars and their followers over the use of ḥisāb or ruʾyah to
determine the beginning of Ramaḍān and Shawwāl. He argues that such disagreements are
harmful to the Muslim community, as they could foster negative perceptions among nonMuslims due to differing dates for fasting and Eid al-Fitr. Basyūnī ’Imrān believes these
disputes should not cause division, as both methods are rooted in the same religious texts.
Instead, he stresses the importance of consensus in determining the start of the month. In
the manuscript, he favours the ḥisāb method over ruʾyah, as it aligns better with the

43
44

‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, 1-2
Manuscripts written in Jawi script played a significant role in shaping the beliefs and knowledge of the
Muslim community in Indonesia. See: Teuku Zulkhairi and Ibnu Hajar, “How Jawi Script Influences
Religious Attitudes: An Evidence from Aceh,” Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 11, no. 2 (30 May 2023): 638.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 230 ]

Herlambang et al.

geographical and social context of the Muslim communities in Borneo, particularly in the
Sambas, Mempawah, and Pontianak Sultanates.45
Why Did Basyūnī ‘Imrān Choose the Ḥisāb Method?
Two factors led Basyūnī ‘Imrān to favour the ḥisāb method over ruʾyah for determining the
Qamariyah month in the Sambas Sultanate. The first factor was the region’s geographical
conditions, as the area was frequently affected by rain, making it difficult for scholars and
authorities to observe the hilāl. As a result, the ḥisāb method was used to determine the
beginning of Ramaḍān and Shawwāl. He argued that there should be no doubt (shakk) in
using ḥisāb for determining the start of Ramaḍān and the other 11 months, especially when
this determination is made by the leader (amīr). He emphasised that when Imāms, kings, or
amīrs announce the beginning of the Qamariyah month using ḥisāb, it becomes a binding
decree for Muslims.46
The second factor is the social condition of the Muslim community in the Sambas
Sultanate, which lacked sufficient Islamic knowledge. Although the ruʾyah al-hilāl (crescent
moon sighting) method is based on the Hadith, “Do not fast until you see the hilāl,” another
hadith also states, “We are ummi people, neither writing nor calculating (ḥisāb). The month is sometimes
29 or 30 days”. Based on these two traditions, Basyūnī ‘Imrān concludes that during the
Prophet Muhammad’s time, Muslims were ummī (unlettered), so they relied on ruʾyah al-hilāl
to determine the beginning of the Hijri month.47 However, the Prophet was also commanded
to lead his people out of ignorance. Therefore, learning ḥisāb is essential to move beyond the
ummī condition, as it allows Muslims to progress through knowledge and overcome
backwardness. Basyūnī ‘Imrān states:48
“The claim that there were no experts in ḥisāb contradicts the apparent meaning of the Hadith, which
states that the Ummah is ummiyah (unfamiliar with ḥisāb). However, the Prophet (peace and
blessings be upon him) was sent to guide the Ummah out of such ignorance, as indicated by the Qur’anic
text. Thus, it is unreasonable to suggest that the Ummah should be commended to follow something it
has no knowledge of. If there had been individuals with expertise in ḥisāb during that time, it would
have been valid, and perhaps even obligatory, to rely on their knowledge. However, this should not be
confused with the assertions of most astrologers, whose conclusions are often based on speculation and
are not definitive (qath’i).”
Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s view aligns with that of Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī, who argues that Muslims
today are no longer ummī but have mastered the science of astronomy. This mastery not only
aids in determining the start of the Qamariyah month but also in calculating the Qibla
direction.49 Al-Qaraḍāwī asserts that ḥisāb should be used alongside ruʾyah to determine the
45
46
47
48
49

‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, 1–2.
‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, 25–8.
Ahmad Musonnif, “In Search of the Moon: The Hisab, Ru’yah, and Kashf,” Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan
Ilmu Keislaman 16, no. 02 (31 December 2021): 105–25.
‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, 17.
See: Nailur Rahmi and Yoga Agustio, “Pengukuran Arah Kiblat Tempat Ibadah dengan Aplikasi Arah
Kiblat dan Azimut Matahari,” JURIS (Jurnal Ilmiah Syariah) 20, no. 1 (21 June 2021): 47–61; A. Jamil,
Sakirman Sakirman, and Moelki Fahmi Ardliansyah, “Penentuan Arah Kiblat dengan Posisi Matahari di
Pusat Ibu Kota Kabupaten Lampung,” Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 16, no. 1 (30 May 2022): 133–
52; Reza Akbar, Aslan Aslan, and Riza Afrian Mustaqim, “Qibla Direction Calculation Methods in Islamic

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 231 ]

Herlambang et al.

beginning of the Hijri month unless no astronomer is available in a particular location.
Similarly, Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s perspective is in line with Muhammadiyah’s, which holds that
ruʾyah is no longer valid because its legal rationale (‘illah) based on the ummī status of the
Muslim community has ceased to exist. Today, many Muslims possess astronomical
knowledge and can calculate the beginning of the Qamariyah month. Consequently, with the
disappearance of the legal ‘illah, the reliance on ruʾyah is no longer relevant.50
Muhammadiyah’s position reflects its responsibility in addressing contemporary religious
issues within the Muslim community.51
The data indicates that Basyūnī ‘Imrān favoured the ḥisāb method for determining the
Qamariyah month in the Sambas Sultanate. Two key factors influenced his preference for
ḥisāb over ruʾyah. First, the geographical conditions of the Sambas Sultanate, which are
frequently affected by rain, hindered the visibility of the hilāl. Second, the social conditions
of the local Muslim community, which lacked sufficient Islamic knowledge, further
supported his preference for ḥisāb. As a muftī and qādhī with the title Mahārāja Imām, Basyūnī
‘Imrān mandated the use of the ḥisāb method for determining the Qamariyah month, a
decision that extended to the Sambas Sultanate, Mempawah, and Pontianak areas.52 His
endorsement of the ḥisāb method indirectly encouraged the Muslim community in the
Sambas Sultanate to engage with scientific knowledge, including reading, writing, and
arithmetic.
In addition to his preference for the ḥisāb method over ruʾyah, Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s
practical contribution lies in his ability to unify Muslims in the Sambas Sultanate regarding
the determination of the months of Ramaḍān and Shawwāl. He argued that Muslims should
preserve their unity, as both methods are grounded in religious texts. Consequently, Muslims
should avoid division and mutual condemnation, regardless of their location. According to
Basyūnī ‘Imrān, the different methods for determining the Qamariyah month do not
negatively impact fasting or prayer.53 His perspective underscores the importance of
maintaining Muslim brotherhood despite differences in the methods of determining the
Qamariyah month.
Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s Islamic Legal Reasoning for Determining the Qamariyah Month
Basyūnī ‘Imrān preferred using the ḥisāb method over ruʾyah for determining the Qamariyah
month. This preference is grounded in his interpretation of Sūrah al-Raḥmān, verse 5, Sūrah
Yūnus, verse 5, and a hadith narrated by Imām Mālik. Sūrah al-Raḥmān, verse 5, states, “The
sun and the moon move according to calculation.” In contrast, Sūrah Yūnus, verse 5, reads, “It is He

50
51
52
53

Astronomy References in Indonesia,” AHKAM: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 22, no. 2 (31 December 2022): 385–410;
Hosen et al., “Tagyîr Mawdhî’ Inhirâf Qiblat al-Masjid fî Bamîkasân ‘alâ Asasi al-Tiknôlôjiyya alMutaqaddimah: al-Tahlîla al-Ijtimâ’î wa al-Tsaqafî,” AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 18, no. 2
(2023): 591–625.
Machzumy, “Pengaruh Curah Hujan terhadap Keberhasilan Rukyat Hilal pada Observatorium Lhoknga
Aceh,” Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 3, no. 1 (9 August 2019): 223.
Ansori Ansori, “Position of Fatwa in Islamic Law: The Effectiveness of MUI, NU, and Muhammadiyah
Fatwas,” Ijtihad: Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 22, no. 1 (29 July 2022): 53–72.
‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb,1–2.
‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, 25–8.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 232 ]

Herlambang et al.

who made the sun a shining light and the moon a light, and determined for its phases, that you might know
the number of years and the reckoning. Allah has not created this except in truth. He explains the signs to
people who know.” Basyūnī ‘Imrān argues that these verses highlight the importance of
distinguishing ḥisāb from astrology, which he views as imprecise and largely speculative.
According to him, while astrology often provides uncertain or hidden information, the
science of ḥisāb, when conducted by experts, offers a more accurate and beneficial method
for determining the Qamariyah month.
Based on Sūrah al-Raḥmān, verse 5, and Sūrah Yūnus, verse 5, astrology is
distinguished from ḥisāb. Hamka, in Tafsir al-Azhar, explains that Sūrah al-Raḥmān, verse 5,
describes the sun and moon’s movements as occurring with precise calculation. The Earth
orbits the moon over the course of 365 days, while the lunar year is 354 days due to a
discrepancy of approximately 11 days.54 Sūrah Yūnus, verse 5, discusses the consistent
movement of the moon and the necessity of understanding its orbital parameters. Hamka
asserts that the concept of calculation (ḥisāb) is integral to understanding these celestial
phenomena.55 Although initially favouring the ḥisāb method, Hamka eventually opted for the
ruʾyah method in determining the beginning of the Qamariyah month.56 This shift highlights
Hamka’s engagement with scientific reasoning in his interpretation of Quranic verses,
reflecting his reputation as a rational and critical mufassir.57
In addition to these two verses, Basyūnī ‘Imrān reinforced his argument by citing a
hadith narrated by Imām Mālik. This hadith discusses the observation of the moon for
determining the start of Ramaḍān and states, “Lā taṣūmū ḥattā tarawū al-hilāl wa lā tufṭirū ḥattā
tarawhu fa-in ghumm ʿalaykum faqdurū lah” (Do not fast until you see the hilāl, and do not break
your fast until you see it; but if the hilāl is obscured, then estimate it).58 Basyūnī ‘Imrān
interprets the term “faqdurūlah” as an instruction to use the ḥisāb method if an expert is
available. According to him, if a ḥisāb expert is present, the use of ḥisāb is permissible and
advisable, as ḥisāb is considered an exact science (qaṭʿī). If no ḥisāb expert is available, the
month should be completed in 30 days.59
In the context of the Sambas Sultanate, Basyūnī ‘Imrān contended that once a ḥisāb
expert is available, there is no need to debate or question the application of the ḥisāb method
for determining the beginning of the Qamariyah month. He argued that the use of the ḥisāb
method offers significant benefits for scientific accuracy under all conditions. Although the

54
55
56
57

58
59

Hamka, Tafsir al-Azhar (Singapura: Pustaka Nasional PTE LTD, 2003), 7072.
Hamka, Tafsir al-Azhar, 3230–31.
Abdul Helim, “Hamka’s Legal Methodology on Hisab–Ru’yah in His Book “Saya Kembali ke Ru’yah”,”
JURIS (Jurnal Ilmiah Syariah) 23, no. 2 (12 July 2024): 215–26.
See: Saifuddin Herlambang and Wendi Parwanto, “Paradigm Shifts in the Interpretation of Heaven
Illustration Among Indonesian Mufassir: A Comparative Analysis of as-Singkili, Hamka, and M. Quraish,”
Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu Al-Qur’an dan Hadis 24, no. 1 (7 April 2023): 181–204; Anwar Mujahidin, Muhammad
Shohibul Itmam, and Ahmad Choirul Rofiq, “The Dynamic of Contextualization in Indonesian Qur’anic
Tafsirs: A Comparative Study of Tafsir al-Azhar and Tafsir al-Mishbāh on the Story of the Prophet Moses,”
Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu Al-Qur’an dan Hadis 25, no. 2 (15 August 2024): 221–46.
Imām Mālik, Al-Muwathatha’ (Madinah Press, 1989), 221.
‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, 18-20.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 233 ]

Herlambang et al.

ḥisāb method was not employed during the Salaf period, advancements in contemporary
science justify its use today.60 Basyūnī ‘Imrān asserts:61
“In the context of ḥisāb (astronomical calculations), it is noted that this method did not exist during
the time of the Salaf, who reached a consensus (ijmaʿ) on this matter. It is now understood that this
consensus permits the use of ḥisāb and that it should not be disregarded. Specifically, it is not
permissible to rely solely on moon sightings in the evening if the astronomer, who uses ḥisāb, determines
that visibility of the moon cannot be established. Thus, when determining the time for the month (hilāl),
it is essential to consider the sun’s position at the end of the month (shahr), including hours and
minutes. Furthermore, if individuals only partially observe the moon but cannot confirm the beginning
of the month, they should not unilaterally declare the start of the month for everyone.”
Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s viewpoint aligns with that of Taqī al-Dīn al-Subkī, who argued that
fasting based on ḥisāb is permissible. According to al-Subkī, if the crescent moon is reported
to have appeared but ḥisāb calculations, which are considered definitive (qaṭʿī), indicate that
the crescent moon should not be visible, then such testimony (shahādah) should be deemed
invalid and rejected. In the context of fiqh, shahādah must be supported by an oath and
concrete evidence. At the same time, in the realm of astronomy, shahādah must be based on
accurate measurements of external factors such as weather, climate, and environmental
conditions.62 For al-Subkī, the value of news (khabar) and testimony is considered
probabilistic (ẓannī), whereas ḥisāb is definitive (qaṭʿī). Thus, definitive evidence cannot be
contradicted by probabilistic information (ẓannī). 63
In addition to referring to Sūrah al-Raḥmān verse 5, Sūrah Yūnus verse 5, and a hadith
narrated by Imām Mālik, Basyūnī ‘Imrān also considered the geographical and social
conditions of Muslims in the Sambas Sultanate when determining the use of the ḥisāb method
for establishing the Qamariyah month. This approach demonstrates Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s
moderate style of Islamic legal reasoning, which integrates both normative and empirical
approaches. Jaelani and Risa observe that while Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s jurisprudential views align
with the opinions of the four Sunnī schools of thought, particularly the Shāfi’ī school, he
exhibits a degree of independent thought that diverges from mainstream Shāfi’ī views. 64 It is
60
61
62

63

64

‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, 20.
‘Imrān, Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb, 20–1.
See: Muh Arif Royyani et al., “Shahadah ’Ilmy; Integrating Fiqh and Astronomy Paradigm in Determining
the Arrival of Lunar Months in Indonesia,” AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 16, no. 2 (2021):
503–24; Ahmad Junaidi, “Syahadah Rukyatulhilal Using Astro Digital Imaging: From Subjectivity to
Objectivity,” De Jure: Jurnal Hukum dan Syar’iah 14, no. 1 (29 June 2022): 58–74.
Nurul Syakirah Rahiman, Mohd Saiful Anwar Mohd Nawawi, and Raihana Abdul Wahab, “Analisis
Perbandingan Konsep Imkān al-Ru’yah antara Kitab Fatāwā al-Subkī oleh Taqī al-Dīn al-Subkī dan alFatāwā al-Kubrā oleh Ibn Taymiyyah,” Jurnal Fiqh 18, no. 2 (29 December 2021): 435–66.
Referring to the Shāfi’ī school of thought in various fatwas and religious activities is a common practice
among scholars and Muslim communities in Indonesia. See: Abdul Helim et al., “Fiqh Reference Patterns
of the Majelis Taklim in Central Kalimantan,” El-Mashlahah 14, no. 1 (30 June 2024): 169–88; Ihdi Karim
Makinara, Jamhuri Ungel, and Fitrah Arrazi, “Physical Handicap as a Reason for Divorce: Case Study at the
Sharia Court, Banda Aceh, Indonesia,” El-Usrah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga 6, no. 2 (30 December 2023): 318–
34; Siti Hanna et al., “Woman and Fatwa: An Analytical Study of MUI’s Fatwa on Women’s Health and
Beauty,” AHKAM: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 24, no. 1 (30 June 2024): 171–84; Edy Setyawan, Ahmad Alamuddin
Yasin, and Rahman Dahlan, “Legal Culture Review and Judicial Track Record of the Kesultanan Cirebon
in the Manuscript Pepakem Jaksa Pepitu,” Ijtihad: Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 24, no. 1 (18
July 2024): 1–21.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 234 ]

Herlambang et al.

exemplified by his adherence to the old opinion (qaul qadīm) of Imām Shāfi’ī, which holds
that Friday prayers are valid even if performed by fewer than 40 individuals. Muhammad
Rahmatullah notes that Basyūnī ‘Imrān sometimes adopts a rationalist stance but can also
exhibit literal and textual interpretations.65 Zulfkifli highlights that Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s
application of the ḥisāb method for determining the Qamariyah month reflects an adaptation
to the socio-cultural context of the Sambas Sultanate, aiming to prevent mere imitation and
fanaticism by re-opening the door to ijtihād.66
Conclusion
This article concludes that Basyūnī ‘Imrān preferred the ḥisāb method over the ruʾyah method
for determining the start of the Qamariyah month in the Sambas Sultanate. This preference
is based on two primary factors: the region’s frequent rainfall, which impedes the observation
of the hilāl, and the local Muslim community’s insufficient religious knowledge. In addition
to these factors, Basyūnī ‘Imrān also draws on Sūrah al-Raḥmān verse 5, Sūrah Yūnus verse
5, and a hadith narrated by Imām Mālik to standardise the practices of fasting and Islamic
holidays in the Sambas Sultanate and its environs. Basyūnī ‘Imrān contended that the ḥisāb
method was better suited to contemporary conditions and societal needs and could advance
scientific understanding among Muslims without compromising religious principles. His
application of the ḥisāb method in determining the beginning of the Qamariyah month was
in effect during his tenure as mufti and qādhi in the Sambas Sultanate from 1913 to 1976.
The limitations of this study are primarily due to its specific focus on the context of
the Sambas Sultanate and the work of Basyūnī ‘Imrān. As a result, the findings may not be
fully applicable to other regions or communities with differing geographical and social
conditions. Nevertheless, the study suggests that Basyūnī ‘Imrān’s moderate approach,
integrating the ḥisāb method while considering local conditions, could serve as a model for
other scholars in applying Islamic law in a manner that aligns with scientific advancements
and local community needs. Furthermore, this approach has the potential to mitigate
divisions among Muslims regarding the determination of the Qamariyah month by
underscoring the importance of deliberation and community unity.
Bibliography
Abaza, Mona. “Southeast Asia and the Middle East: Al-Manar and Islamic Modernity.” In
From the Mediterranean to the China Sea: Miscellaneous Notes, edited by Claude Guillot,
Denys Lombard, and Roderich Ptak. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1998.
Abdul Hamid, Ahmad Faisal, and Mohd Puaad Abdul Malik. “Analisis Penulisan Syeikh
Muhammad Tahir Jalaluddin dalam Kitab Ta’yid Tadhkirah Muttabi’ al-Sunnah.”

65

66

Jaelani Jaelani and Risa Risa, “Islamic Thoughts of Sambas Ulama of the 19th and 20th Centuries: Typology
of Thoughts of Ahmad Khatib Sambas and Muhammad Basiuni Imran,” Jurnal Alwatzikhoebillah: Kajian
Islam, Pendidikan, Ekonomi, Humaniora 9, no. 2 (21 July 2023): 503–17.
Zulkifli, “Pemikiran Maharaja Imam Kerajaan Sambas Haji Mohamad Basioeni Imran tentang Kemunduran
dan Perbedaan Pendapat Umat Islam,” Al-Hikmah: Jurnal Dakwah 15, no. 2 (2021): 297–309.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 235 ]

Herlambang et al.

Journal
of
Al-Tamaddun
12,
https://doi.org/10.22452/JAT.vol12no1.5.

no.

1

(2017):

67–78.

Adan, Hasanuddin Yusuf, Iskandar Iskandar, Husaini Ibrahim, Sutri Helfianti, and
Rosmawati Rosmawati. “Islam and the Foundation of the State in Indonesia: The Role
of the Masyumi Party in the Constituent Assembly the Perspective of Fiqh al-Siyāsah.”
Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 7, no. 1 (31 March 2023): 377–98.
https://doi.org/10.22373/sjhk.v7i1.16650.
Akbar, Reza, Aslan Aslan, and Riza Afrian Mustaqim. “Qibla Direction Calculation Methods
in Islamic Astronomy References in Indonesia.” AHKAM: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 22, no.
2 (31 December 2022): 385–410.
Ali, Muhamad. “Nationalism and Islam: Perspective of Egyptian and Syrian Muslim
Intellectuals.” Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 4, no. 1 (2014): 51–79.
https://doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v4i1.51-79.
Alimuddin, Alimuddin. “Hijriyah Months and the Construction of Religious Moderation in
the Sombaopu Community of Gowa, South Sulawesi.” Al-’Adalah 20, no. 1 (25 June
2023): 137–56. https://doi.org/10.24042/adalah.v20i1.16818.
Al-Zuḥailī, Wahbah. Al-Fiqh al-Islamī wa Adillatuh. Vol. 2. 8 vols. Damsyik: Dār Al-Fikr, 1985.
Ansori, Ansori. “Position of Fatwa in Islamic Law: The Effectiveness of MUI, NU, and
Muhammadiyah Fatwas.” Ijtihad: Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 22, no. 1
(29 July 2022): 53–72. https://doi.org/10.18326/ijtihad.v22i1.53-72.
Ardhi, Gusti Mahyuddin. “Muhammad Basiuni Imran 1883-1976: Maharaja Imam Kerajaan
Sambas Rekonstruksi Pemikiran Keagamaan dan Politik Kenegaraan.” In Sastrawan
Nusantara Ke XI di Bandar Sri Begawan. Brunei Darussalam, 2001.
Arifin, Jaenal. “Proses Penentuan Awal Ramadhan, Syawal, dan Dzulhijjah di Indonesia:
Sinergi antara Independensi Ilmuwan dan Otoritas Penguasa.” Jurnal Penelitian 13, no.
1 (21 June 2019): 37–70. https://doi.org/10.21043/jp.v13i1.4892.
Asman, Asman, and Resali bin Muda. “Marriage Agreement Controversy in IndonesiaMalaysia Border Communities in Sambas Regency.” El-Mashlahah 13, no. 1 (30 June
2023): 1–16. https://doi.org/10.23971/el-mashlahah.v13i1.4382.
Asman, and Nur Syamsiah. “History of Muhammad Basiuni Imran as Head of Sharī’ah Court
Office in the Implementation of Islamic Law in Sambas 1951-1955 West Kalimantan.”
Jurnal
Syariah
30,
no.
2
(13
June
2023):
175–205.
https://doi.org/10.22452/syariah.vol30no2.3.
Azra, Azyumardi. “Understanding Indonesia’s “Third Way” Islam.” In Wars of Ideas: Theology,
Interpretation and Power in the Muslim World, edited by Ilan Berman. United Kingdom:
Rowman & Littlefield, 2020.
Bruinessen, Martin van. “Basyuni ’Imran (Muhammad Basyuni b. Muhammad `Imran,
Sambas, West Borneo, 1885-1953).” In Dictionnaire Biographique des Savants et Grandes
Figures Du Monde Musulman Périphérique, Du XIXe Siècle à Nos Jours. Paris: CNRSEHESS, 1992.
Burhani, Ahmad Najib. “Sectarian Translation of the Qur’an in Indonesia: The Case of the
Ahmadiyya.” Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 53, no. 2 (10 December 2015): 251–82.
https://doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2015.532.251-282.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 236 ]

Herlambang et al.

Burhanudin, Jajat. “Chapter 3 Halal Practices at the Dawn of Southeast Asian Modernity:
Some Cases of Halal Fatwa in al-Manār in the Beginning of the Twentieth Century.”
In Rethinking Halal: Genealogy, Current Trends, and New Interpretations, edited by Ayang
Utriza Yakin and Louis-Léon Christians, 56–79. Leiden Boston (Mass.): Brill, 2021.
https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004459236.
———. Islam dalam Arus Sejarah Indonesia. Jakarta: Prenada Media, 2017.
———. “The Triumph of the Second Leaders: Ahmad Khatib and Rashīd Riḍā in Islamic
Reform in Indonesia.” Afkaruna: Indonesian Interdisciplinary Journal of Islamic Studies 17,
no. 2 (24 December 2021): 170–201. https://doi.org/10.18196/afkaruna.v17i2.12554.
Fathaniah, Fathaniah, and Primatasha Desvira Dizza. “The Role of H. Wan Mohd. Shaghir
Abdullah in Islamic Education in West Kalimantan.” Khatulistiwa 12, no. 2 (2022): 114–
27. https://doi.org/10.24260/khatulistiwa.v12i2.2395.
Firdaus, Zein, Muhammad Marbawi, and Muhammad Wildan Afif. “Banjar Cultural Marriage
Taboos and Analysis of the Prohibition of Marriage in Kitabun Nikah by Sheikh
Muhammad Arsyad al-Banjari.” El-Usrah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga 6, no. 1 (1 July 2023):
183–92. https://doi.org/10.22373/ujhk.v6i1.18961.
Hakim, Muhammad Lutfi. “Ismail Mundu on Islamic Law of Inheritance: A Content
Analysis of Majmū‘ al-Mīrāth fī Ḥukm al-Farā’iḍ.” Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
61, no. 1 (30 June 2023): 59–79. https://doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2023.611.59-79.
Hamka. Tafsir Al-Azhar. Singapura: Pustaka Nasional PTE LTD, 2003.
Hanna, Siti, Ahmad Mukri Aji, Ahmad Tholabi, and Muhammad Amin. “Woman and Fatwa:
An Analytical Study of MUI’s Fatwa on Women’s Health and Beauty.” AHKAM:
Jurnal
Ilmu
Syariah
24,
no.
1
(30
June
2024):
171–84.
https://doi.org/10.15408/ajis.v24i1.37832.
Helim, Abdul. “Hamka’s Legal Methodology on Hisab–Ru’yah in His Book “Saya Kembali
ke Ru’yah”.” JURIS (Jurnal Ilmiah Syariah) 23, no. 2 (12 July 2024): 215–26.
https://doi.org/10.31958/juris.v23i2.11952.
Helim, Abdul, Rafik Patrajaya, Nadirsyah Hosen, Arifki Budia Warman, and Wafid Syuja’
Vennovary Benevolent. “Fiqh Reference Patterns of the Majelis Taklim in Central
Kalimantan.” El-Mashlahah 14, no. 1 (30 June 2024): 169–88.
https://doi.org/10.23971/el-mashlahah.v14i1.7872.
Herlambang, Saifuddin. “Hamka, Social Criticism and the Practices of Polygamy in
Minangkabau.”
Al-Albab
9,
no.
1
(8
June
2020):
69–86.
https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v9i1.1593.
Herlambang, Saifuddin, Abdel Kadir Naffati, Ihsan Nurmansyah, and Sherli Kurnia
Oktaviana. “The Translation of the Qur’an in Sambas Script: A Studi on Jawi and Latin
Script by Muhammad Basiuni Imran.” Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan 21, no. 2 (11 December
2023): 325–252. https://doi.org/10.31291/jlka.v21i2.1117.
Herlambang, Saifuddin, and Wendi Parwanto. “Paradigm Shifts in the Interpretation of
Heaven Illustration Among Indonesian Mufassir: A Comparative Analysis of asSingkili, Hamka, and M. Quraish.” Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu Al-Qur’an dan Hadis 24, no. 1
(7 April 2023): 181–204. https://doi.org/10.14421/qh.v24i1.4454.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 237 ]

Herlambang et al.

Hidayat, Syahrul, and Kevin W. Fogg. “Profil Anggota: H. Mohd. Basioeni Bin H. Imran.”
Konstituante.Net,
1
January
2018.
https://www.konstituante.net/id/profile/MASJUMI_mohd_basioeni.
Hosen, Abdul Jalil, Abd Wahed, Ach Muzayyin, and Ziyad Ravaşdeh. “Tagyîr Mawdhî’
Inhirâf Qiblat al-Masjid fî Bamîkasân ‘alâ Asasi al-Tiknôlôjiyya al-Mutaqaddimah: alTahlîla al-Ijtimâ’î wa al-Tsaqafî.” AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 18, no. 2
(2023): 591–625. https://doi.org/10.19105/al-lhkam.v18i2.8939.
Idris, Jaffer, Charlotte Rowley, and M. Jabar Yaqub. “Religious Events: Celebrating Eid-alFitr as a Family.” In Family Events: Practices, Displays and Intimacies, edited by Thomas
Fletcher,
117–29.
London:
Routledge,
2022.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003051190-11.
‘Imrān, Muḥammad Basyūnī. Ḥusn al-Jawāb ‘an Ithbāt al-Ahillah bi al-Ḥisāb. Kuala Lumpur:
Khazanah Fathaniyah, 2022.
Ipansyah, Nor, Hamdan Mahmud, Ruslan Ruslan, and Anwar Hafidzi. “Determination of
Sekufu in the Kitabun Nikah al-Banjari.” Syariah: Jurnal Hukum dan Pemikiran 21, no. 1
(14 April 2021): 125–33. https://doi.org/10.18592/sjhp.v21i1.6835.
Iqbal, Muhammad. “Arsyad al-Banjari: A Banjarese Shāfiʿī Scholar.” In Arsyad al-Banjari’s
Insights on Parallel Reasoning and Dialectic in Law, 111–20. Springer, Cham, 2022.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91676-3_4.
Jabbar, Luqman Abdul. “Tafsir al-Quran Pertama di Kalimantan Barat (Studi Naskah Kuno
Tafsir Surat Tujuh Karya Maharaja Imam Kerajaan Sambas 1883-1976).” Jurnal
Khatulistiwa: Journal of Islamic Studies 5, no. 1 (2015): 100–11.
https://doi.org/10.24260/khatulistiwa.v5i1.409.
Jaelani, Jaelani, and Risa Risa. “Islamic Thoughts of Sambas Ulama of the 19th and 20th
Centuries: Typology of Thoughts of Ahmad Khatib Sambas and Muhammad Basiuni
Imran.” Jurnal Alwatzikhoebillah: Kajian Islam, Pendidikan, Ekonomi, Humaniora 9, no. 2
(21 July 2023): 503–17. https://doi.org/10.37567/alwatzikhoebillah.v9i2.1800.
Jamil, A., Sakirman Sakirman, and Moelki Fahmi Ardliansyah. “Penentuan Arah Kiblat
dengan Posisi Matahari di Pusat Ibu Kota Kabupaten Lampung.” Al-Manahij: Jurnal
Kajian
Hukum
Islam
16,
no.
1
(30
May
2022):
133–52.
https://doi.org/10.24090/mnh.v16i1.6169.
Junaidi, Ahmad. “Syahadah Rukyatulhilal Using Astro Digital Imaging: From Subjectivity to
Objectivity.” De Jure: Jurnal Hukum dan Syar’iah 14, no. 1 (29 June 2022): 58–74.
https://doi.org/10.18860/j-fsh.v14i1.15062.
Kasim, A Jusran, Ahmad Abbas, Nurul Adhha, and Iin Mutmainnah. “Determination of
Hijri Calendar in Islamic History and Its Criteria in Southeast Asia.” Journal of AlTamaddun 19, no. 1 (2024): 247–59. https://doi.org/10.22452/JAT.vol19no1.18.
Laffan, Michael Francis. Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia: The Umma below the Winds.
New York: Routledge, 2003.
Machzumy. “Pengaruh Curah Hujan terhadap Keberhasilan Rukyat Hilal pada
Observatorium Lhoknga Aceh.” SAMARAH: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam
3, no. 1 (9 August 2019): 223–39. https://doi.org/10.22373/sjhk.v3i1.5061.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 238 ]

Herlambang et al.

Mahrus, Erwin. Falsafah dan Gerakan Pendidikan Islam: Maharaja Imam Sambas, Muhammad
Basiuni Imran 1885-1976. Pontianak: STAIN Pontianak Press, 2007.
Mahrus, Erwin, Zaenuddin Hudi Prasojo, and B. Busro. “Messages of Religious Moderation
Education in Sambas Islamic Manuscripts.” Madania: Jurnal Kajian Keislaman 24, no. 1
(30 June 2020): 39–48. https://doi.org/10.29300/madania.v24i1.3283.
Makinara, Ihdi Karim, Jamhuri Ungel, and Fitrah Arrazi. “Physical Handicap as a Reason for
Divorce: Case Study at the Sharia Court, Banda Aceh, Indonesia.” El-Usrah: Jurnal
Hukum
Keluarga
6,
no.
2
(30
December
2023):
318–34.
https://doi.org/10.22373/ujhk.v6i2.7836.
Mālik, Imām. Al-Muwathatha’. Madinah Press, 1989.
Marwadi, Marwadi, Rina Heriyanti, and Farah Nuril Izza. “The Fiqh of Hisab-Ru’ya in the
Twentieth Century Indonesia: Study on the Thoughts of Hamka, Hasbi ash-Shiddieqy,
and Moenawar Chalil about the Unification of Hijri Calendar.” Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian
Hukum
Islam
17,
no.
1
(6
April
2023):
13–26.
https://doi.org/10.24090/mnh.v17i1.7902.
Maskufa, Maskufa, Sopa Sopa, Sri Hidayati, and Adi Damanhuri. “Implementation of the
New MABIMS Crescent Visibility Criteria: Efforts to Unite the Hijriyah Calendar in
the Southeast Asian Region.” AHKAM: Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 22, no. 1 (30 June 2022):
209–36. https://doi.org/10.15408/ajis.v22i1.22275.
Mufid, Abdul, and Thomas Djamaluddin. “The Implementation of New Minister of Religion
of Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore Criteria towards the Hijri Calendar
Unification.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 79, no. 1 (30 June 2023): a8774.
https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v79i1.8774.
Mufid, Abdul, Ahmad Zaiyadi, Habsatun, and Muhammad Iqbal Fasa. “Unification of
Global Hijrah Calendar in Indonesia: An Effort to Preserve the Maqasid Sunnah of
the Prophet (SAW).” Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 10, no. 2 (25 November
2020): 17–36. https://doi.org/10.32350/jitc.102.02.
Muhammadin, Fajri Matahati, and Fairuz el-Mechwar. “Masyumi’s “Djihad dan Qitaal” and
Islamic Laws of War: Ahead of Its Time?’ AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial
18, no. 2 (15 October 2023): 320–41. https://doi.org/10.19105/al-lhkam.v18i2.6187.
Mujahidin, Anwar, Muhammad Shohibul Itmam, and Ahmad Choirul Rofiq. “The Dynamic
of Contextualization in Indonesian Qur’anic Tafsirs: A Comparative Study of Tafsir
al-Azhar and Tafsir al-Mishbāh on the Story of the Prophet Moses.” Jurnal Studi IlmuIlmu Al-Qur’an dan Hadis 25, no. 2 (15 August 2024): 221–46.
https://doi.org/10.14421/qh.v25i2.5397.
Musonnif, Ahmad. “In Search of the Moon: The Hisab, Ru’yah, and Kashf.” Epistemé: Jurnal
Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman 16, no. 02 (31 December 2021): 105–25.
https://doi.org/10.21274/epis.2021.16.02.105-125.
Muttaqin, Azmi. “Determination of the Beginning of Ramadhan and Syawal in Indonesia
(An Overview of Political and Historical Perspectives).” Journal of Islamic Studies and
Humanities 7, no. 2 (2022): 131–47. https://doi.org/10.21580/jish.v7i2.11882.
Nasrullah, Nasrullah, Ahmad M Sewang, Syamsudduha Syamsudduha, and Nurman Said.
“Pembaruan Pemikiran Pendidikan Islam Muhammad Basiuni Imran (1906-1976 M).”

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 239 ]

Herlambang et al.

Jurnal
Diskursus
Islam
6,
no.
https://doi.org/10.24252/jdi.v6i1.7056.

1

(24

April

2018):

135–55.

Nur Ichwan, Moch. “Differing Responses to an Ahmadi Translation and Exegesis. The Holy
Qur’ân in Egypt and Indonesia.” Archipel 62, no. 1 (2001): 143–61.
https://doi.org/10.3406/arch.2001.3668.
Parwanto, Wendi, Engku Ahmad Zaki Engku Alwi, Isaac Danoso, Rukayyah Reichling, and
Maria Carolina Gonçalves. “The Pattern of Sufism on Interpretation of Q.S. al-Fatihah
in the Tafsir Manuscript by M. Basiuni Imran Sambas, West Kalimantan.” QiST: Journal
of Quran and Tafseer Studies 2, no. 2 (17 March 2023): 163–79.
https://doi.org/10.23917/qist.v2i2.1472.
Rahiman, Nurul Syakirah, Mohd Saiful Anwar Mohd Nawawi, and Raihana Abdul Wahab.
“Analisis Perbandingan Konsep Imkān al-Ru’yah antara Kitab Fatāwā al-Subkī oleh
Taqī al-Dīn al-Subkī dan al-Fatāwā al-Kubrā oleh Ibn Taymiyyah.” Jurnal Fiqh 18, no.
2 (29 December 2021): 435–66. https://doi.org/10.22452/fiqh.vol18no2.8.
Rahmatullah, Muhammad. Pemikiran Fikih Maharaja Imam Kerajaan Sambas Muhammad Basiuni
Imran (1885-1976). Pontianak: Bulan Sabit Press, 2003.
Rahmi, Nailur, and Yoga Agustio. “Pengukuran Arah Kiblat Tempat Ibadah dengan Aplikasi
Arah Kiblat dan Azimut Matahari.” JURIS (Jurnal Ilmiah Syariah) 20, no. 1 (21 June
2021): 47–61. https://doi.org/10.31958/juris.v20i1.2829.
Ridwan, Ridwan, and Muhammad Fuad Zain. “Religious Symbol on Determining the
Beginning and End of Ramadan in Indonesia.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies
77, no. 4 (26 July 2021): a6397. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v77i4.6397.
Royyani, Muh Arif, Abdul Mufid, M. Ihtirozun Ni’am, Alfian Qodri Azizi, and Achmad Azis
Abidin. “Shahadah ’Ilmy; Integrating Fiqh and Astronomy Paradigm in Determining
the Arrival of Lunar Months in Indonesia.” AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata
Sosial 16, no. 2 (2021): 503–24. https://doi.org/10.19105/al-lhkam.v16i2.5320.
Ryad, Umar. Islamic Reformism and Christianity: A Critical Reading of the Works of Muḥammad
Rashīd Riḍā and His Associates (1898-1935). History of Christian-Muslim Relations 12.
Leiden: Brill, 2009.
Sajid, Mehdi. “Before Postcolonialism Shakib Arslan’s Response to Colonialism in the
Interwar Years.” In Postcolonial Intellectuals in Europe: Critics, Artists, Movements, and Their
Publics, edited by Sandra Ponzanesi and Adriano José Habed. New York: Rowman &
Littlefield International, 2018.
Salim, Moh. Haitami, Hermansyah, Yapandi, Erwin, Eka Hendry, Zulkifli, and Luqman.
Sejarah Kesultanan Sambas, Kalimantan Barat. Jakarta: Puslitbang Lektur dan Khazanah
Keagamaan, 2011.
Salman, Abdul Matin bin, Yusuf Baihaqi, and Kusnadi. “Redefining Khabar al-Ahad Based
on Rashid Rida’s Rational Approach in al-Manar.” Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu Al-Qur’an dan
Hadis 23, no. 2 (30 July 2022): 219–36. https://doi.org/10.14421/qh.v23i2.2812.
Setyawan, Edy, Ahmad Alamuddin Yasin, and Rahman Dahlan. “Legal Culture Review and
Judicial Track Record of the Kesultanan Cirebon in the Manuscript Pepakem Jaksa
Pepitu.” Ijtihad: Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 24, no. 1 (18 July 2024): 1–
21. https://doi.org/10.18326/ijtihad.v24i1.1-21.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 240 ]

Herlambang et al.

Siregar, Hamka. “Dynamics of Local Islam: Fatwa of Muhammad Basiuni Imran, the Grand
Imam of Sambas, on the Friday Prayer Attended by Fewer than Forty People.” AlAlbab
2,
no.
2
(1
December
2013):
187–202.
https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v2i2.35.
Sunandar, Sunandar. “Resonansi Maharaja Imam Muhammad Basiuni Imran (1885-1976) di
Sambas.” Medina-Te: Jurnal Studi Islam 15, no. 1 (2 August 2019): 75–91.
https://doi.org/10.19109/medinate.v15i1.3542.
Supriyanto, Supriyanto. “Periodisation of the Philosophy of Islamic Rationalism in the
Perspective of Zaki Naguib Mahmud.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 79, no.
1 (23 February 2023): a8153. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v79i1.8153.
Syarif. “Corak Pemikiran Islam Borneo (Studi Pemikiran Tokoh Muslim Kalimantan Barat
Tahun 1990-2017.” At-Turats: Jurnal Pemikiran Pendidikan Islam 12, no. 1 (2018): 15–31.
https://doi.org/10.24260/at-turats.v12i1.939.
Syarif, Syarif, Saifuddin Herlambang, and Bayu Suratman. “Quran Interpretation
Methodology, New Media, and Ideological Contestation of Salafi in Sambas.” HTS
Teologiese
Studies/Theological
Studies
79,
no.
1
(2023):
a8814.
https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v79i1.8814.
Zulkhairi, Teuku, and Ibnu Hajar. “How Jawi Script Influences Religious Attitudes: An
Evidence from Aceh.” Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 11, no. 2 (30 May 2023): 633–50.
https://doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v11i2.922.
Zulkifli. “Pemikiran Maharaja Imam Kerajaan Sambas Haji Mohamad Basioeni Imran
tentang Kemunduran dan Perbedaan Pendapat Umat Islam.” Al-Hikmah: Jurnal
Dakwah 15, no. 2 (2021): 297–309.

Journal of Islamic Law, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2024.

[ 241 ]