Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu al-QurAoan dan Hadis Ae ISSN: 1411-6855 .
2548-4737 .
Vol.
No.
1 (Januari 2.
, hlm.
351-373, doi: 10.
14421/qh.
https://ejournal.
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id/ushuluddin/qurdis/index Article History: Submitted: 23-06-25 Revised: 12-08-25 Accepted: 10-12-25 Articulating the Prophetic Authority: Some Notes on the Nature of Hadth Collection in al-Muwatta and Musannaf Literature Mengartikulasi Otoritas Kenabian: Beberapa Catatan tentang Watak Koleksi Hadits dalam al-Muwatta dan Literatur Musannaf Asep Nahrul Musadad* .
(*) asep.
musadad@uin-suka.
Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta Jl.
Laksda Adisucipto.
Papringan.
Caturtunggal.
Depok.
Sleman.
Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta 55281 Abstract This article investigates the early articulation of material that would later be established as hadth, focusing on MAlik b.
AnasAo .
alAcMuwatta in the recension of YahyA alAcLayth .
Abd alAcRazzAq alAcSanAnAos alAcMusannaf .
, and Ibn Ab SyaibahAos alAcMusannaf .
Through an intellectualAchistorical approach, it explores how each text articulates its material, the assumptions it makes about prophetic authority, and the salient features of each work.
The analysis of these works confirms the well-known pattern that the term hadth in early usage often denotes nonAcprophetic reports and is hermeneutically distinguished from related categories such as sunnah and amal .
n the case of al-Muwatt.
However, it is also notable that embryonic uses of hadth to signify prophetic reports are present albeit in limited cases.
The works differ in how they frame prophetic The Muwatta privileges embodied practice rooted in the inherited tradition of Madinah rather than narrative transmission.
A subsequent reorientation toward prophetic authority emerges as the activity of recording the tradition becomes increasingly text-centered, exemplified by Abd alAcRazzAqAos early transAcregional efforts to record reports during the intensifying codification movement.
Ibn Ab Syaibah represents a further development, in which the authority of postAcsuccessor jurists becomes increasingly constrained in favor of privileging the first three generations of Muslims.
In the later phase, hadth acquires more epistemic significance, increasingly equated with religious knowledge itself, reflecting a trajectory associated with figures such as Ibn Srn and Ibn alAcMubArak alongside the growing emphasis on isnAd authentication.
This study is expected to further contribute and further complicate existing scholarship on early hadith literature, particularly regarding its formative period.
Keywords: Prophetic Authority, al-Muwatta.
Musannaf AoAbd al-Razzaq.
Musannaf Ibn Abi Syaibah Abstrak Artikel ini mengkaji artikulasi atas materi awal yang kemudian akan dibingkai secara mapan sebagai hadis, dengan fokus studi pada al Muwatta karya MAlik b.
Anas .
dalam riwayat YahyA al Layth .
, al Musannaf karya Abd al RazzAq al SanAn .
, dan Musannaf karya Ibn Ab Syaibah .
Melalui pendekatan sejarah intelektual, penelitian ini mengeksplorasi bagaimana setiap teks mengonseptualisasikan materi yang dikandungnya, asumsi yang dikonstruksi tentang otoritas Kenabian, dan karateristik masing-masing karya.
Analisis karya-karya ini mengonfirmasi pola yang sudah dikenal bahwa istilah hadth dalam penggunaan awal seringkali merujuk pada riwayat yang tidak besambung kepada Nabi Muhammad dan secara hermeneutis dibedakan dari kategori terkait seperti sunnah dan amal .
alam kasus al-Muwatt.
Meski demikian.
A 2026.
The Author Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives BY-NC-ND: This work is licensed under a Jurnal Studi Ilmu-ilmu AlQurAoan dan Hadis Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.
0 International License .
ttps://creativecommons.
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Musadad perlu dicatat juga bahwa penggunaan awal hadth untuk merujuk secara eksklusif kepada Nabi juga telah ditemukan dalam kasus yang sangat sedikit.
Selanjutnya, terdapat sedikit perbedaan dalam cara memandang otoritas Kenabian dalam karya-karya tersebut.
Al-Muwatta mengutamakan praktik keagamaan yang menubuh dalam tradisi warisan Madinah daripada narasi riwayat.
Pergeseran selanjutnya menuju otoritas Kenabian muncul seiring dengan aktivitas pencatatan tradisi yang semakin berpusat pada teks, seperti upaya awal Abd al-RazzAq untuk mencatat laporan di berbagai wilayah selama gerakan kodifikasi yang semakin intensif.
Ibn Ab Syaibah mewakili perkembangan lebih lanjut, di mana otoritas ulama pasca-tabiAoin semakin dibatasi untuk mengutamakan tiga generasi pertama umat Islam.
Dalam kasus terakhir, hadis semakin memperoleh makna epistemik yang signifikan, ketika ia dipadankan dengan pengetahuan agama itu sendiri, sesuatu yang mencerminkan pandangan dari tokoh-tokoh seperti Ibn Srn dan Ibn al MubArak, bersamaan dengan penekanan yang semakin besar pada autentikasi isnAd.
Studi ini diharapkan dapat berkontribusi dan bahkan menyelidiki lebih lanjut apa yang telah dieksplorasi sejauh ini dalam studi literatur hadis, terutama pada periode awal pembentukannya.
Kata Kunci: Otoritas Kenabian, al-Muwatta.
Musannaf AoAbd al-Razzaq.
Musannaf Ibn Abi Syaibah Introduction The present article examines some aspects of the constitution of authority embedded in the formative intellectual endeavor to define and preserve .
o-calle.
hadth in Sunni tradition, as reflected in early hadth works.
It takes a set of core issues as the center of discussion: how can the forms of authority be identified Ae and even hierarchized Ae in the act of preserving traditions in early hadth literature? What do such forms of authority signify for the conceptualization of hadth as reflected in the corpus? Drawing primarily on the key findings in recent scholarship on hadth, this investigation aims to sketch the idea of hadth in its formative period and its significance to the broader endeavor of establishing its technical framework.
It is approached particularly through practical use provided by the early hadth collections .
utub al-hadt.
, rather than through the later theoretical conceptualization by the emerging discourse of hadth sciences (Aoulm/mustalah al-hadt.
In the historiographical context of hadth, the earliest genres including muwattAt and musannafAt are crucial to see the initial construction of material that would later be classified as hadth in its established technical framework as Aueverything attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, whether words, deeds, or tacit approval of somethingAy.
1 The following works are the sources under scrutiny: al-Muwatta by MAlik bin Anas .
179/ .
in the recension of YahyA bin YahyA al-Laits .
This framework seems to have been established mainly in the study of hadth among Muslims and that of Western scholarship as well.
See, for instance.
Andreas Gorke.
AuHadith between Traditional Muslim Scholarship and Academic ApproachesAy, in Majid Daneshgar & Aaron W.
Hughes .
Deconstructing Islamic Studies (Massachusetts: Ilex Foundation, 2.
, 33.
Muhammad AjjAj al-Khatb.
Usl al-Hadth:
AoUlmuh wa Mustalahuh (Beirut: DAr al-Fikr, 1.
, 27.
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Articulating the Prophetic Authority: Some Notes.
,2 Musannaf of AoAbd al-RazzAq al-SanAoAn .
,3 and Musannaf of Ibn Ab Syaibah .
4 The three works were composed in the formative period of writing the hadth collection during the second and early third century Representing the early hadith works, they were produced by those whom Ibn Nadm refers to as mAlikiyyn (MAliki-jurisprudent.
and fuqahAAo ashAb al-hadth .
he traditionist-jurispruden.
Investigations into the nature of hadth in the early period have been previously initiated, for instance, by Zafar Ishaq Ansari and Adis Duderija.
Ansari conducted a semantic analysis of the terms hadth, sunna, ijmAAo, raAoy/qiyAs/istihsAn, prior to the time of al-SyAfiAoi .
, drawing on the works authored by the scholars of Kufah.
Working within the matrix of Islamic jurisprudence, he argues that, in addition to its diverse meanings, hadth has been used since the beginning to refer to the Prophetic 6 Complicating previous findings.
Adis Duderija formulates the conceptual evolution of hadth and its relationship with sunnah in the first four centuries of Islam by referring to hadth studies in Western scholarship.
For him, the AusemanticocontextualAy change in the term hadth during those four centuries was influenced by the concept of sunnah on the one hand, and the development of classical hadth sciences on the other.
7 While taking AnsariAos initial study on the term hadth and DuderijaAos broader investigation as the point of departure, the present article, as we shall see, both confirms many of their conclusions and further complicates the issue under consideration.
In the light of the older discussion, the material examined here belongs to a phase where Ausunnaic practicesAy began to confront and even transform into Auprophetic hadthAy,8 a stage in which this article will also revisit some older narratives.
According Malik bin Anas, al-MuwattaAo, ed.
Muhammad Fuad AoAbd al-Baqi (Beirut: DAr Ihya al-Turats al-AoArabi, 1.
in Two Volumes.
AoAbd al-RazzAq al-SanAoAni.
Musannaf AoAbd al-RazzAq (Beirut: al-Maktab al-IslAmi, 1.
Ibn Ab Syaibah, al-Musannaf (RiyAs: Dar Kunuz Isybliyya, 2.
Ibn Nadm classifies the jurisprudents of his time as follows.
MAlikiyyn, .
Ab Hanfah wa AshAbihi/ AshAb al-RaAoyi, .
al-SyAfiAo wa AshAbihi, .
DAwd wa AshAbihi, .
FuqahAAo al-SyAoah, .
FuqahAAo AshAb al-Hads, .
al-Tabar wa AshAbihi, and .
FuqAha al-Syirah.
See Ibn Nadim, al-Fihrist (Beirut: Dar alMaAorifah, nd.
), 280-329.
Zafar Ishaq Ansari.
AuIslamic juristic terminology before Afi: a semantic analysis with special reference to KfaAy.
Arabica.
Fasc.
3 (Oct.
, 1.
Adis Duderija.
AuEvolution in the Canonical Sunni adith Body of Literature and the Concept of an Authentic adith During the Formative Period of Islamic Thought as Based on Recent Western Scholarship.
Arab Law Quarterly.
Vol.
No.
Adis Duderija.
AuEvolution in the Concept of Sunnah during the First Four Generations of Muslims in Relation to the Development of the Concept of an Authentic adth as Based on Recent Western ScholarshipAy.
Arab Law Quarterly.
Vol.
No.
See Fazlur Rahman.
AuLiving Sunnah and Al-Sunnah WaAol JamAAoahAy, in P.
Koya .
) Hadith and Sunnah:
Ideals and Realities (Lahore: National Book Service, nd.
), 129-189.
Wael B.
Hallaq.
The Origins and Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu al-QurAoan dan Hadis 27.
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Musadad to Duderija, hadth did not emerge as something significant until the end of the first century and the beginning of the second century, when journeys .
in search of religious knowledge began to be undertaken.
He concludes that in this phase .
he period of the successors up to 130 H), hadth were Austill going back to the Companions and TAbiAon rather than to the Prophet himself and has an incomplete chain of transmissionAy.
9 However, this assertion remains open to discussion when the works of Mamar bin Rasyd .
and Ibn MubArak .
, alongside the early musnad such as that attributed to alAcTayAlis .
are taken into account.
These materials provide evidence that the continuity of isnAd transmission back to the Prophet was already being articulated in a more explicit form.
DuderijaAos important remark in this phase is the emerging process of traditionalisation throughout 2nd century.
This development was a precondition for the dynamics in the subsequent phase which applies to the three works under scrutiny in the present article.
This process brought about several consequences including the continued growth and spread of hadth, due to the Augradual shift in the formulation, preservation, and transmission of knowledge from the oral to the written mode in generalAy.
10 An additional implication of this shift is that the authority of transmitted material increasingly came to depend on its text-based material and the reliability of its isnAd, rather than solely on regional communal practice.
Delving into the aforementioned texts, this study will attempt to explain what might be called the articulation of the prophetic authority in the latter part of 2nd century and the beginning of 3rd century through the lens of intellectualhistorical perspective.
Rather than describing a fixed or fully defined concept, the articulation in this case refers to something that is gradually revealed, negotiated, and shaped through various discourses.
Hence, it will examine relevant material in the works under study to find possible answers to several questions that have been raised By tracing how these works articulate prophetic authority in different ways, this article aims to highlight the common idea as well as the conceptual fluidity that characterized the formative period of hadth literature.
The Rise of Classified Hadth Collection: Tasnf.
Muwatta and Muannaf Historians of early Islam have long been interested in identifying the earliest figures who AuauthoredAy books .
wwalu man annafa alAckutu.
Several Arabic Evolution of Islamic Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2.
, 102-109.
Duderija.
AuEvolution in the Canonical Sunni adithAy, 406-7.
10 Duderija.
AuEvolution in the Canonical Sunni adithAy, 407-8 Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu al-QurAoan dan Hadis 27.
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terms associated with the rise of written literature in the formative period require Juynboll highlights two key concepts: alActadwn, referring to the systematic collection of traditions for the purpose of deriving legal matter, and alAckitAbah, which denotes writing undertaken primarily as an aid to memory.
Proposing a quite different emphasis.
Fuat Seizgin proposes three stages of kutub al-hadth: .
kitAbat al-hadth, a phase in which the hadth is written in the scattered sahfah or juzAo.
tadwn al-hadth, a phase where these scattered writings are gathered in a compilation .
tasnf al-hadth in which hadth collections are organized into 12 Although slightly different, both are in the same opinion that tadwin movement was started at the end of the first century A.
until the first quarter of the 2nd Century A.
, with special accentuation to an order issued by the Umayyad caliph.
AoUmar bin AoAbd al-AoAzz .
eign: 107-110/717-.
to Ibn SyihAb al-Zuhr .
and Abu Bakr ibn Hazm .
to collect the tradition in Madinah.
However, a recent study by Ahmad Snobar evaluates the historical significance of the official tadwn era during the Umayyad period as something that has been By pointing out the problem of authenticity in the sources related to official tadwn, he asserts that there were only two activities in the collection of hadth during its formative period, namely writing the tradition in personal records .
l-suhuf al-syakhsiyya.
Ae during the times of companions .
l-ahAba.
and their followers .
ltAbiAo.
- and the stage of composing the classified works .
and disseminating those records .
l-tasnf wa al-nasyr al-AoAm.
through learning activities.
For him, al-Muwatta by Malik bin Anas .
179/ .
through many recensions produced by his students, is the most representative example for the latter.
14 Tellingly, the increasing movement of written scholarship was executed by the tasnf movement, instead of the tadwn.
The general movement of tanf took place within the political milieu of the AoAbbAsid.
Syamsuddn al-DzahabAos .
748/1.
reports regarding the efflorescence of writings on religious knowledge Ae started at least from the reign of al-Mansr Ae may be situated within the aforementioned movement.
When narrating the important events in 143 AH, he states that around this time, a massive codification of religious knowledge emerged.
Ibn Jurayj composed .
some works in Makkah, 11 G.
Juynboll.
AuTadwinAy, in P.
Bearman, et.
The Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1.
Vol.
10, 81.
12 Fuat Seizgin, al-TArkh al-TurAth al-AoArab.
Vol.
1, trans.
Mahmud Fahmi Hijazi (Riyad: JamiAoah al-Imam Muhammad ibn SaAoud al-Islamiyyah, 1.
, 119.
13 Juynboll.
AuTadwinAy, 119 and Seizgin, al-Tarikh, 119-120.
14 Ahmad Snobar.
Min al-Nabiyy ilA al-BukhAr: DirAsah f Harakati RiwAyat al-Hads fi al-Qurn al-TsalAstah al-lA (Amman: Dar al-Fath, 2.
, 182-184.
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, hlm.
Musadad SaAod ibn Abi AoArba and HamAd bin Salamah in Basrah, al-AwzAAo in SyAm.
Malik composed al-Muwatta in Madinah.
Ibn IshAq started to write MaghAz.
MaAomar wrote in Yaman.
Ab Hanfah composed his fiqh in Kufah.
SufyAn al-Tsaur wrote KitAb al-JAmiAo, and shortly thereafter.
Husyaim wrote his works, al-Laits wrote in Mir, the same goes for Ibn LahAoah and then Ibn al-MubArak.
Ab Ysuf, and Ibn Wahb.
According to the traditional account.
Ibn Jurayj .
and SaAod bin Ab AoArbah .
Ae both are classified under fuqahA ashAb al-hadth by Ibn Nadm16 Ae are considered as among the earliest authors .
wwalu man annaf alkutu.
17 Juynboll.
Abd al-Rauf, and Brown refers to MalikAos al-Muwatta as one of the ealry muannaf-type works in hadth collection, although the older similar works are reported to have been written by Ibn Jurayj himself and MaAomar bin Rasyd .
18 Juynboll even includes Sra by Ibn IshAq as the oldest surviving work under this type with Ibn Jurayj as the first author to compose this kind of work.
this regard scholars create the phase of Authe muannaf movementAy to include all of these early writing activity.
However, it will make sense if what is meant is Ae more precisely Ae the tasnif movement, considering that the word musannaf itself is a particular genre of writing attributed, for example, to AoAbd al-RazzAq and Ibn Ab Syaibah, alongside other early genres including JamiAo.
MuwattaAo, and Musnad.
The word musannaf literally means Authe assorted or distinguished materialAy or the structured chapters.
Thus, putting together the aforementioned early works in the musannaf movement seems to neglect the complexity within the very nature of each genre itself.
Are there any distinctions, for instance, between MaAomarAos JAmiAo .
MalikAos al-MuwattaAo, and Musannaf of Ibn Ab Syaibah? Further scholarly investigation on this issue deserves to be conducted.
Several historical questions, for instance, on how all these titles came into being, are important to be scrutinized.
In this article, musannaf is used in its emic term to designate a certain genre of hadith literature as well as al-Muwatta which has its own traditional discourse.
The word al-MuwattaAoAt is traditionally related to distinct transmission history and 15 Syamsudn al-Dzahab.
TArkh al-IslAm wa WafayAt al-MasyAhr wa al-AAolAm (Beirut: DAr al-KitAb alAoArab, 1.
Vol.
9, 13.
16 Ibn Nadim, al-Fihrist, 316-317.
17 Ab Bakr al-Khatb al-BaghdAd, al-JAmiAo li AkhlAq al-RAwi wa AdAb al-SAmiAo.
Vol.
2 (Beirut: MuAoassasah alRisAlah, 1.
, 423-424.
Syamsuddn al-Zahab.
Tadzkirah al-HuffAz (Beirut: DAr al-Kutub al-AoIlmiyyah, 1.
Vol.
2, 128.
18 Abd al-Rauf.
AuHadith Literature-IAy, 272.
Brown.
The Canonization, 51.
19 G.
Juynboll.
AuMusannaf Ay, in C.
Bosworth, et.
The Encyclopaedia of Islam.
Vol.
7 (Leiden: Brill, 1.
, 662-663.
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Articulating the Prophetic Authority: Some Notes.
the various recensions of MAlikAos original text, as well as another al-Muwatta written by another scholars,20 especially in the Malik circle.
On the other hand, musannaf genre seems to be championed by traditionist-jurisprudents .
uqahA ashAb al-hadit.
, such as HamAd bin Salamah .
, a prominent hadth narrator in Basrah and the teacher of Ab Hanfah, who is reported to be the author of a musannaf of hadth, as well as WakAo bin Jarrah .
of Kufah.
SaAod bin Mansur .
of Khurasan.
Ibn Ab Syaibah .
of Kufah, up to Baq bin Makhlad .
of Cordoba.
Practice Through Narrative or Vice Versa? The Muwattan View on Hadth and Prophetic Authority In the case of MAlikAos al-Muwatta, one should pay attention to the complexity of living religious tradition at that time which indicated such an organic relation, at least, between three kinds of layers.
the various dimensions of the ProphetAos teachings .
urisprudence, theology and the like.
in the transmitted oral discourse, .
the lived religious practices constituted from the previous traditions .
either from the Prophetic sunna and especially from two generation after the Prophet, and .
the pragmatic needs of jurisprudential discourses and practices which was started in the time of the Prophet.
It is well known that MAlikAos al-Muwatta has been preserved through several recensions compiled by MAlikAos students.
The version of YahyA bin YahyA al-Layth alAndals is the most popular, although the accuracy of its narration has been criticized by recent studies by Ahmad El-Shamsy.
However, his study establishes MAlik as the true author of the Muwatta situated within instructional activity and lived processes of teaching, oral circulation, and the regulated transmission of knowledge.
The materials of al-MuwattaAo correspond to what al-BaghdAd refers to as sunan collection containing musnadAt, marAsil, mauqufAt and the opinions of jurists, even that of caliphs/governors and Malik himself.
24 According to previous studies, 20 See for instance.
Ibn ajar al-AoAsqalAni, al-Nukat Aoala KitAb Ibn alAh (Madinah: AoImAdat al-Bauts al-AoIlm bi JAmiAoah al-IslAmiyyah, 1.
Vol.
2, 660, 683.
JalAluddn al-Suy.
Tanwr al-awAlik Syaru MuwattaAo MAlik (Cairo: Maktabah al-Tijariyyah al-Kubra, 1.
Vol.
1, 43,51, 66, 72, and many others.
Muhammad bin AoAbd al-BAqi al-ZarqAn.
Syaru al-ZarqAni Aoala al-Muwatta al-ImAm MAlik (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub AoIlmiyyah, 1411 H).
Vol.
1, 137.
21 JalAluddin al-Suyuti.
Tadrib al-RAwi fi Syarh Taqrib al-Nawawi (Kairo: DAr al-Hadis, 2.
, 65.
MannAAo al-QattAn.
MabAhits fi AoUlum al-Hads (Cairo: Maktabah Wahbiyyah, 2.
, 40.
22 Wael B.
HallaqAos study is among the excellent studies based on these principles.
See Hallaq.
The Origins and Evolution.
23 Ahmed El-Shamsy.
AuThe Ur-Muwatta and Its RecensionsAy.
Islamic Law and Society 28 .
, 369.
24 By the time of Khatb al-BaghdAd .
463/1.
, there were two ways of compiling hadth collections:
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Musadad 1,720 reports are contained in YahyAAos recension.
25 Snobar counts approximately 600 reports going back to the Prophet along with many traditions originating from the Companions and the Successors as well as MalikAos legal opinion.
26 Wael B.
Hallaq counts 898 companion reports which 822 for the Prophet alone.
27 Meanwhile.
Abd al-Rauf Aos study mentions 613 reports attributed to the Companions and 285 other reports attributed to the successors.
In addition, 61 reports are transmitted without any isnAd at all, several others have broken chains of transmission, and in 222 cases, the identity of the Companion who narrated the report is not mentioned .
Malik considered, in the first and foremost place, the Aoamal .
stablished practic.
of the Madinans to be authoritative.
Umar Faruq Abd-Allah recorded at least 15 mentions of the word Aoamal in a terminological context and many other mentions in etymological cases.
29 Based on QAdi AoIyAsAos .
533/1.
explanation regarding the consensus of Madinan people,30 Dutton and Abd-Allah explain two different categories in MAlikAos Aoamal terminology.
Aoamal deriving from the Prophet (Aoamal naq.
and Aoamal deriving from later authorities (Aoamal ijtihA.
From this distinction.
MAlik also uses the term sunnah to refer to the first, and amr for the Accordingly.
Aoamal is the all-encompassing concept that includes the rest of the material.
Sunnah is also known and is part of the transmitted Aoamal that contain rules originating from the Prophet and have become the consensus of the people of Madinah.
32 It is also notable, based on my survey in YahyAAos recension, there are first, compiling traditions .
and organizing them based on legal themes.
second, compiling Prophetic hadth based on transmission paths attributed to specific companions .
Authors of the first type of literature carefully selected several hadth containing various sunnah .
hAdth kulli nauAoin min al-suna.
based on specific legal themes.
In their compilation, they gave priority to material that consisted of alahAdth al-musnadAt .
adth attributed to the Prophe.
, followed by al-marAsl .
adth attributed to the Prophet by the successors/al-tAbiAon without mentioning the companions/al-sahAba.
and al-mauqfAt .
adth attributed to the companions/al-sahAba.
, then the words of the great jurists.
For al-BaghdAd, this type of literature was most widely produced by scholars in the early period, when the notable opposition to musnadAt literature was prevalent.
Khatb al-BaghdAd, al-JAmiAo.
Vol.
2, 430.
25 Muhammad Zubayr Siddiqi.
Hadith Literature: Its Origins.
Development, and Special Features (Calcutta:
Calcutta University, 1.
, 8.
Abd al-Rauf.
AuHadith Literature-IAy, 273.
26 Snobar, al-Nab ila al-BukhAr, 204.
27 Hallaq.
The Origins and Evolution, 105.
28 Abd al-Rauf.
AuHadith Literature-IAy, 273.
29 Umar Faruq Abd-Allah.
AuMalikAos Concept of AoAmal in the Light of Maliki Legal TheoryAy.
Dissertation.
The University of Chicago, 1978, 614-5.
30 al-QAs AoIyAs.
Tartb al-MadArik wa Taqrb al-MasAlik (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-AoIlmiyyah 1.
Vol.
1, 2328.
31 Dutton.
The Origins of Islamic Law, 39-40.
Abd-Allah.
AuMalikAos Concept of AoAmalAy, 614-629.
32 Abd-Allah.
AuMalikAos Concept of AoAmalAy, 576-577.
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narratives containing the word al-sunnah .
l-sunnah AoindanA.
al-sunnah al-tsAbitah, al-sunnah AoindanA allati lA ikhtilAfa f hA.
masat al-sunnah, etc.
) out of thirty five .
accounts, which have explicit indications of its prophetic reference.
In fact, the majority is only stated as the agreement of the people of Medina across generations and some of MAlikAos interpretation of certain QurAoanic verses.
33 However.
MAlikAos conceptualization of sunnah as the tradition containing the ProphetAos examples has been confirmed in his correspondence with Ab Ysuf .
and al-Layth Ibn SaAod .
, as Dutton has put it.
Another representative term associated with the Prophetic authority is hadth.
It is notable that in the early Islamic literature, hadth did not exclusively mean reports about Authe words, deeds, tacit approval of the Prophet.
Ay It was even used interchangeably with other terms such as khabar and AthAr.
Early literature such as Ab Ysuf Aos al-Radd Aoala Siyar al-AuzAAo and MalikAos al-Muwatta itself share the common characteristic in which hadth is distinguished from sunnah .
lso Aoamal and amr in case of al-Muwatt.
In addition, the two works also indicate one of the early pieces of evidence related to raf Aoul hadth, which is attributing a hadth to the Prophet.
When commenting on a statement from al-AoAlA bin AoAbd al-RahmAn.
MAlik said lA adri a yarfaAou hAdzA al-hadth Aoan al-Nabiyy sallallahu Aoalayhi wasallam am lA (I donAot know whether he attributed this hadth to the Prophet or no.
35 In alRadd, a narration is also mentioned by Abu Yusuf.
haddatsanA al-Kalbi Aoan haditsin rafaAoahu ilA RasulillAh .
l-Kalbi narrated to us from a hadth that he associated with the the Prophe.
36 Previous evidence of this kind of pioneering critical tools in hadith sciences is also found in SaAoid bin Abi AoArbahAos .
Kitab al-Manasik in which he used the phrase yarfaAouh when commenting a tradition from Qatadah.
The use of terms hadth/al-hadth in MAlikAos al-MuwattaAo show that the majority of cases refer to the non-Prophetic reports.
In the recension of YahyA, out of twenty-one .
occasions, only eight .
mentions of hadth/al-hadth are AuassociatedAy to the Prophet.
38 The case seems to be different with Zafar Ishaq AnsariAos study on use of hadth in Ab Ysuf Aos al-Radd Aoala Siyar al-AuzAAo which out of the 25 .
wenty-fiv.
times the term appeared, only on three occasions did they not refer 33 Based on my survey in al-Muwatta in the recension of YahyA in FuAoad AoAbd al-BaqiAos edition.
The aforementioned data excludes the narratives that use other derivatives.
lural for.
and sunnah .
ithout al-).
34 Dutton.
The Origins of Islamic Law, 164.
35 Malik bin Anas, al-MuwattaAo.
Vol.
2, 1000.
36 Ab Ysuf, al-Radd AoalA Siyar al-AwzAAo (Egypt: Lajnah Ihya al-MaAoarif al-NuAomaniyyah, 1385 AH), 11.
37 SaAod bin Ab AoArbah al-AoAdaw.
KitAb al-ManAsik (Beirt: DAr al-BasyAAoir al-IslAmiyyah, 2.
, h.
38 Based on my survey in al-Muwatta in the recension of YahyA in FuAoad AoAbd al-BaqiAos edition.
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Musadad to the Prophet, or refer to anyone other than him.
39 This preliminary data shows differences in the process of conceptualizing hadth between the scholarship of Kufah and Madinah, where the latter does not seem to have strong legitimacy in linking hadth as a conceptual framework and prophetic tradition as an ongoing and recorded Tellingly, based on these two works, the case of al-Radd shows the conceptual framework of the hadth that is closer to its exclusive meaning later on, compared to the case of al-Muwatta.
While the phrases hadth raslillAh/hadth Aoan raslillAh are frequently found in the case of al-Radd, al-Muwatta in YahyaAos recension mentions only a single case .
l-hadth Aoan al-nabiy.
40 Instead, what is frequently found are associations of words related to the words and deeds of the Prophet, which are referred to as hadth, something that also applies to the words of figures other than the Prophet.
One can say that the use of hadth in al-Muwatta Ae and also in al-Radd in a different portion Ae is mostly used to refer to non-prophetic reports.
However, we can trace the early embryonic use of hadth to refer to the Prophet, especially in a practical context.
As noted by Ansari, although hadth has not yet fully crystallized into a strictly technical term, it is clearly developing in that direction and is very close to this point.
41 If AnsariAos reasoning is based on the dominant use of hadth to refer to reports associated with the Prophet in the case of Abu Yusuf in Kufah, then the evidence in al-Muwatta that suggests otherwise can be interpreted as a different perspective Ae and methodologies Ae in Medinan context.
In this regard, it is also important to the previous scholarly discussion on the nature of Muwattan view of hadth which is based on Aoamal-based rather than a Autext-basedAy, as Dutton has put it.
42 This also reflected Fazlur RahmanAos previous claim that MAlikAos use of transmitted reports Ae whether Prophetic or otherwise Ae served primarily to legitimate the Medinan sunnah.
43 It is true that MAlik explicitly weighed hadth with Aoamal, as in his statement on a tradition attributed to AoUmar bin Khattab narrated by an anonymous transmitter from Kufah: laysa hAdzA alhadth bi al-mujtamaAo alaih wa laysa Aoalaihi al-Aoamal .
his hadth does not conform to 39 Ansari.
AuIslamic juristic terminology before AfiAy, 256-8.
40 Malik bin Anas, al-MuwattaAo.
Vol.
2, 1000.
41 Ansari.
AuIslamic juristic terminology before AfiAy, 258.
42 Dutton.
The Origins of Islamic Law, 4.
43 For him, hadth functioned not as the ultimate source of authority but as supporting evidence for a living normative practice.
Accordingly.
MAlik accorded greater authority to the sunnah as embodied in Medinan communal practice than to individual hadth reports themselves.
Rahman.
AuLiving SunnaAy, 152, 156.
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Articulating the Prophetic Authority: Some Notes.
collective agreement and has no supporting practic.
44 This is further evidence of the differences between Kufah and Madinah in religious tradition and Ae in some respects Ae the methodology used in legal reasoning.
ItAos worth noting that this case applies for the hadith attributed to the companion, not those attributed to the Prophet.
However, one must also be more careful when seeing the supremacy of Aoamal over hadth.
As mentioned, the explicit MalikAos statement that weigh hadith by Aoamal is in the case of a tradition attributed to the companion.
In addition, one should also be aware of a reported tradition states that MAlikAos MuwattaAo was inspired by the earlier MuwattaAo composed by AoAbd al-AoAziz Ibn MAjasyn .
, a famous jurist in Madinah, who limited its material to the consensus of the scholars of Madinah, without mentioning any related tradition.
It is reported that MAlik was interested to write his own version and added the prophetic tradition in it.
The position of Aoamal in this case was the main principle in Malikiyyah legal construction as an antithesis to the opinion .
aAo.
used by the Hanafi school and solitary reported tradition .
habar al-wAhi.
used by the SyAfiAo school.
46 The superiority of Aoamal over atsar is further emphasized in a chapter .
i wujb al-rujAo ilA Aoamali ahl al-madnah wa kaunih hujjatan Aoindahum wa in khAlafa al-atsa.
in QAd AoIyAsAos Tartb al-MadArik,47 while another edition mentions aktsar, instead of 48 However, according to AoIyAs, the hadith in this regard should be primarily conceived in what might lately be called khabar al-wAhid instead of hadth mutawAtir that is none other than Aoamal-naql itself.
When Aoamal naql opposes khabar wAhid, the former should be in favor than the latter, while in the case of Aoamal ijtihAd, the preference belongs to akhbAr al-AhAd according to the predominant view.
MAlik should also be understood as an early figure who sought to ground Medinan religious practice in its connection to Prophetic authority.
His project operated within an oral, practiceAcbased culture rather than a fully developed written scholarship, especially in relation to amalAcnaql.
For Malik, prophetic authorization clearly occupies the first hierarchy, only that it is in the realm of Aoamal as the embodied 44 Malik bin Anas, al-MuwattaAo.
Vol.
2, 448-9.
45 Snobar.
Min al-Nab ila al-BukhAr, 205.
Muhammad Mustafa al-AAozami.
Aual-TamhidAy, in Muqaddimah Muwatta al-Imam Malik.
Tahqiq Muhammad Mustafa al-AAozhami (Abu Dhabi: MuAoassasah Zayid bin Sultan Al Nahyan, 2.
, 81-2.
al-Suyuti.
Tadrib al-RAwi, 65.
al-QattAn.
MabAhits fi AoUlum al-Hads, 40.
46 Muhammad Akmaluddin.
Diskursus Hadis di al-Andalus Abad II H/Vi MAei H/IX M: Kuasa.
Jaringan Keilmuan dan Ortodoksi (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2.
, 112.
47 al-QAs AoIyAs .
Tartb al-MadArik wa Taqrb al-MasAlik (Maghrib: WizArat al-AuqAf wa al-SyuAon alIslAmiyyah al-Mamlakah al-Maghribiyyah, 1.
Vol.
48 al-QAs AoIyAs .
Tartb al-MadArik, wa Taqrb al-MasAlik (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-AoIlmiyyah 1.
Vol.
49 AoIyAs .
Tartb al-MadArik, 25.
Dutton.
The Origins of Islamic Law, 41.
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Musadad In alAcMuwaa, prophetic authority is rooted in the inherited sunnaic practices of the people of Medina, encompassing both Prophetic and postAcProphetic The work presents a model of transmission based not only on verbal reports but on embodied communal practice passed down across generations in the early Islamic center.
Thus, its approach to uadth emerges from lived religious norms in which inherited custom, legal reasoning, and societal authority were closely intertwined, grounding legitimacy in established practice rather than merely in narrated attribution.
Musannaf AoAbd al-RazzAq: The Increasing Transmission-Based Prophetic Hadth? A silghtly different kind of framework regarding the hadth is to be found in early musannaf-titled works, which in this case.
I particularly refer to al-Musannaf by AoAbd al-RazzAq al-SanAoAn and Ibn Ab Syaibah.
Drawing to MotzkiAos opinion on al-SanAoAnAos sources in composing his Musannaf which is originated from the previous similar works in varying sizes,50 there are reasons to believe that the musannaf-titled works of hadth are among the early exponents in which the transmission-based hadth collection came on the scene.
However, as Jonathan A.
Brown has put it, they share common characteristic with the rest of musannaf-type works, including alMuwattaAo, as the Autranscripts of the legal discourse that had been developing during the first centuries of IslamAy.
51 Accordingly.
Abd al-RazzAqAos Musannaf can be placed in the same box of al-Muwatta as well.
In his study.
Motzki even concludes that the chapter divisions made by al-SanAoAn in his Musannaf are partly derived from the divisions made by Ibn Jurayj, who is considered the author of a written collection of hadth.
What is the nature of the hadth in these two works? What are the fundamental differences between them and those in al-Muwatta? Based on previous studies,53 In terms of materials, both works belong to the first type in al-BaghdAdiAos classification, as applicable to al-Muwatta.
Al-SanAoAnAos primary source, according to Motzki, is originated from MaAomar bin Rasyd .
SufyAn al-Tsaur .
and Ibn Jurayj .
, while Ibn Ab SyaibahAos predominant source is WakAo bin JarrAh .
54 In MotzkiAos study of the traditions from Ibn Jurayj in AoAbs 50 Harald Motzki.
AuThe Muannaf of Abd al-RazzAq al-SanAn as a Source of Authentic AuAdth of the First Century A.
HAy.
Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 50 .
, 4-5.
51 Brown.
The Canonization, 50-51.
Abd al-Rauf.
AuHadith Literature-IAy, 272.
52 Motzki.
The Origins, 206.
53 Motzki.
AuThe Muannaf of Abd al-RazzAqAy, 1-21 and Lucas.
AuWhere Are the Legal Auadth?Ay, 283-314.
54 Lucas.
AuWhere Are the Legal Auadth?Ay, 290.
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Articulating the Prophetic Authority: Some Notes.
al-RazzAqAos Musannaf, 60% are traditions narrated from the Companions, 27% are hadth of the Prophet, 10% are attributed to the al-tabiAoin, and 3% were of unknown In MotzkiAos study of AoAtA bin RabAhAos .
responses in this work, he even concluded that references to the Prophet were very rare.
Out of the 200 responses studied, only three even mentioned him at a glance.
In addition, there were also few statements about the Prophet that appeared through traditions attributed to Ibn Jurayj.
56 However, among the important points of departure, are the absence of the authorAos opinion and the practice-based legal reasoning recorded within the very materials of the books which are the salient feature of al-MuwattaAo.
By this fact, the stricter sense of the idea of Autransmitted narrativesAy came on the scene of writing tradition.
In the case of al-SanAoAnAos, the term hadth is used either to designate the Prophetic and non-Prophetic tradition covering the companions and the successor, the same pattern applies in MalikAos al-Muwatta.
In the first volume of the printed edition, for instance, out of 20 .
mentions of al-hadth and hadth, 9 .
of them are associated with the Prophet.
Elsewhere, both are mentioned hundreds of times with the word al-hadth being attributed more to the Prophet than hadth .
ithout al-).
One can also find the prototype of official hadth criticism here to be applied also in the non-Prophetic material.
Making a critical remark on a speech attributed to SufyAn al-Tsaur.
AoAbd al-RazzAq then, for instance, adds a remark.
yasihha hAdzA al-hadh .
nd this speech .
ttributed to al-Tsaur.
is not reliabl.
Another important feature in AoAbd al-RazzAqAos Musannaf is the narratives that contain attempts to attribute/project a statement/practice, primarily, to the Prophet through the term raf Aoa al-hadth/yarfaAou al-hadth, a redactional pattern that has also been found in MalikAos al-Muwatta to SaAod bin Ab AoArbahAos KitAb alManAsik, as mentioned earlier.
This pattern is mentioned in al-SanAoAnAos work at least 21 .
wenty-on.
Not only is it attributed to the Prophet .
, another 9 .
cases do not mention to whom they are attributed58 and one narrative even contains a projection to a companion .
afaAoa al-hadth ilA ab huraira.
59 As such, these evidences show the continuation of raf Ao al-hadis which later would be technically formalized in the movement of isnAd authentication, as the terms sahh 55 Motzki.
The Origins, 209.
56 Motzki.
AuThe Muannaf of Abd al-RazzAqAy, 16.
57 al-SanAoAni.
Musannaf.
Vol.
4, 150.
58 Based on my survey in al-SanAoaniAos Musannaf.
59 al-SanAoani.
Musannaf.
Vol.
2, 12.
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Musadad and marfAo would then be exclusively applied only to the Prophetic origins.
Another important account is how the discourse on sunnah is framed as records relating to sunnaic practices are abundant in this work.
In general, one can say that the framework of sunnah in this work is in line with previous MuwattaAos perspective of the same term.
The only difference lies in the source.
if MAlik explored Ae even weighed Ae the sunnah from Aoamal, then it is strongly suspected that al-SanAoAn recorded/ transmitted the sunnah from the works of his teachers.
The hermeneutic separation between hadth and sunnah still applies in this work.
The idea of the continuity of sunnah, which implies the authority of prophetic past, can also be traced in this work through the phrase masat al-sunnah.
60 However.
AoAbd al-RazzAqAos Musannaf recorded the contestation over sunnah, something that Rahman referred to as the Auprocess of interpretation in the interests of actual practiceAy.
61 This is exemplified, for instance, by the controversial decision made by Marwan I .
2-65/623-.
an Umayyad caliph, to perform the Aod sermon before the prayer, which was protested by someone who claimed it was contrary to the sunnah .
hAlafta al-sunna.
One point that merits attention is that the contents of al-SanAoAnAos Muannaf already begin to indicate a more delimited and self-contained corpus than that found in al-Muwatta, in the sense of the absence of direct inferences and supremacy of sunnaic practices in most cases.
Accordingly, a shift of emphasis can be employed compared to that of al-Muwatta.
However, both MAlikAos al-MuwattaAo and Abd al-RazzAqAos Musannaf shared a similar motive, that is to define and to search for AuauthorityAy, with the former primarily recorded the sayings and practices of the Prophet, the companions, the successor, the continuous practices of Medinan people, and MalikAos ijtihAd itself, whereas the latter mainly recorded the tradition of jurisprudence from various parts of Muslim world, especially SanAoa (Yama.
and Makkah, up to the generation of early post-successor jurists.
especially MaAomar.
Ibn Jurayj, and SufyAn al-Tsaur.
It is also notable that AoAbd al-RazzAqAos Musannaf also records the Madinan authority especially the traditions of Ibn SyihAb al-Zuhr .
primarily via MaAomar and Ibn Jurayj, while attribution to MAlik is very rare.
MotzkiAos study on 3810 individual reports .
% of the entire report.
shows the infrequent reference to MAlik.
His conclusion shows that the major sources are MaAomar bin Rasyid .
%).
Ibn Jurayj .
%), and Sufyan al-Tsauri .
%), while the reference to Malik is 0.
60 al-SanAoani.
Musannaf.
Vol.
9, 474-5, 487.
61 Rahman.
AuLiving SunnaAy, 150-151.
62 al-SanAoAni.
Musannaf.
Vol.
3, 285.
63 Motzki.
The Origins, 58.
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Articulating the Prophetic Authority: Some Notes.
For Motzki, the fact that Ibn Jurayj preserves Ibn SyihAb tradition independent of MAlik Ae paralleled as well by Mamar Ae, the broader range of sources allows for a more assessment of reports attributed to Ibn SyihAb.
This is an issue that should be revisited within a broader study of early Madinan legal development.
The notable fact is that this work contains legal and doctrinal issues transmitted from the traditions of the Prophet to the sayings of the authorAos direct teachers, who are among the generation of post-successor .
tbAAo al-tAbiAo.
However, al-SanAoAnAos important attention on legal opinions was on the leading figures of the tAbiAon generation.
In his study of the traditions transmitted by al-SanAoAn from Ibn Jurayj.
Motzki showed that Au80% of AoAtaAos tradition consists of his own legal opinions, 42% of AmrAos, but only 1% of Ibn JurayjAosAy.
65 However, he emphasized that this has nothing to do with Ibn JurayjAos qualifications as a renowned legal scholar.
For him, his narratives recorded by al-SanAoAn, although few in number, demonstrates the importance of his legal expertise.
Furthermore, this fact is also interpreted by Motzki as indicating Authe significant decline of personal legal opinion in MeccaAy during 79/690 and 150/767.
Musannaf Ibn Ab Syaibah: Broadening Trans-Regionality and a New Turn in Hadth Collection A similar work that came later was the Musannaf of Ibn Abi Syaibah which was preserved in al-Andals by Baq bin Makhlad al-Qurtub .
Although it remains in the same musannaf category as that of AoAbd al-RazzAq as well as within the semantic-conceptual scope of hadth, this work has several salient Among the most important is a clear alignment between the word hadth/ ahadth, on one hand, and Aoilm, on the other.
In some sections, such as those related to traveling .
in search of knowledge (Aoil.
, these two terms are even used 67 Accordingly, the virtue of seeking hadth is none other than the virtue of seeking knowledge itself.
Furthermore, efforts to preserve hadth have also begun in the context of In a section entitled tadzAkur al-hadth .
earning and memorizing the hadt.
, there are several traditions attributed to the companions and the successor about the need to memorize and discuss hadth so that it remains preserved and does 64 Motzki.
The Origins, 220.
65 Motzki.
The Origins, 205.
66 Motzki.
The Origins, 206.
67 Ibn Abi Syaibah, al-Musannaf.
Vol.
14, 365-367.
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Musadad not become obsolete.
68 One could therefore say that in this case, the hadth began to take on a more technical nuance as a term compared to the two previous works under scrutiny.
Despite not referring entirely to the formal meaning that only refers to the words, deeds, and agreements of the Prophet, at this stage, hadth is equivalent to .
knowledge itself.
In acquiring this knowledge, the issue of authority is very clear.
it must originate from the Prophet himself, which also gives rise to the need of preserving the chain of transmission .
that is associated with religion itself.
In preserving the isnad, it is inevitable that the authority of the two generations after the Prophet must also be guaranteed.
It is within this network of meanings that the very word of hadth in Ibn Abi SyaibahAos Musannaf can be explained.
This accentuation is clearly reflects the legacy of previous authorities in appropriating isnAd by scholars such as Ibn MubArak .
to whom the famous statement AuisnAd is a part of religionAy .
lisnAd min al-d.
is attributed,69 and previously Ibn Srn .
who is reported to state that Authis knowledge is religion, so pay attention to where you get your religion fromAy .
nna hAdzA al-Aoilma din, fanzuru Aoamman taAokhuzna dnaku.
Ibn Abi Syaibah composed his work along with the initial increasing movement of isnAd authentication, on the one hand and the establishment of hadith as the second only to the QurAoan as the source of Islamic law, on the other.
One can see the alignment of Ibn Abi Syaibah with that of Ibn MubArakAos works such as al-Zuhd wa al-RaqAAoiq and Musnad by al-TayAlis .
where the movement of isnAd authentication is more clearly visible.
71 The same spirit can also be found in al-SyAfiAoAos .
IkhtilAf al-Hadth72 and JimaAo al-AoIlm73 in which the authority of hadth as the second scripture to the QurAoan came on the scene.
What are the materials in Ibn Abi SyaibahAos work? According to Scott LucasAo previous study on 3,628 traditions .
ut of approximately 39,000 report.
Ibn Abi Syaibah was Authe strictest AoCompanions of hadthAo who addressed a wide array of legal 68 Ibn Abi Syaibah, al-Musannaf.
Vol.
14, 367-8.
69 Ab AoAbdillAh al-Akim.
MaAorifatu AoUlm al-Hadts (Haydarabad: JamAoiyyah DAAoirat al-MaAoArif alAoUtsmAniyyah, 1356 H), 6.
70 Abu al-Husayn Muslim bin ajjAj, al-JAmiAo al-auu, ahh Muslim (Turkiye: Dar al-TibaAoah al-AoAmirah, 1334 H).
Vol.
1, 11.
71 Abdullah Ibn MubArak al-Marwaz, al-Zuhd wa al-RaqAAoiq (RiyAs: DAr al-MiAorAj al-Dauliyyah, 1.
Abu Daud al-Tayalisi.
Musnad Abi Daud al-Tayalisi (Giza: Dar Hijr li al-TibaAoah wa al-Nasyr, 1.
72 Muhammad bin Idrs al-SyAfiAoi.
Ikhtilaf al-adith published in the last volume of al-Umm.
See Muhammad bin Idrs al-SyAfiAoi, al-Umm (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1.
73 Muhammad bin Idrs al-SyAfiAoi.
JimAAo al-AoIlm (Talibiyyah: Maktabah Ibn Taimiyyah nd.
Aisha Y.
Musa.
Hadth as Scripture (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2.
, 31-68.
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topics without any real input from post-Successor juristsAy.
74 The Musannaf of Ibn Ab Syaibah is a large work that draws from the scholarship of Kufa and Basrah.
LucasAo previous study concludes that through his massive Musannaf.
Ibn Abi Shayba set Aua new standard of compilationAy at his time.
75 The stricter limitation in that of Ibn Ab Syaibah especially in reducing the legal opinion of post-jurists in his collection becomes an important point.
Ibn Ab SyaibahAos stricter criteria have pave the ground for Authe exclusive privilege of the first three Muslim generationsAy (Prophet Muhammad, the Companions, and the Successor.
as the ultimate authoritative Aureference guideAy.
Along with that of AoAbd al-Razzaq, the hadth in both works were completely transformed into transmitted narratives Ae with the absence of living practices as the measure of clarification Ae with the chains of IsnAd, paving the way for the Autext-basedAy reference guide for legal-doctrinal matters.
Through the above evidence, one can put the very sense of Fazlur RahmanAos emphasis on the hadth as Authe verbalization of living traditionsAy.
As such, it is an interesting fact that the larger Musannaf of Ibn Ab Syaibah of Kfa which predominant source is WakAo bin Jarrah, tends to avoid the personal opinions of the post-successor jurists, as Scott LucasAo study has put it earlier.
However, it doesnAot mean that his work is completely free from the personal opinions of them.
We can still locate the opinion of WakAo bin JarrAh, for instance in which ten of them mention the affirmation to the sayings of SufyAn al-Tsaur.
77 It is also notable that some important part of al-TsaurAos tradition in this work are transmitted through WakAo himself.
There is a strong reason to state that WakAo was on the different school from al-Tsaur, who is reported to have establish the independent legal school.
After mentioning a hadth on lA .
ath of sexual abstentio.
, for instance.
Ibn Ab Syaibah adds the comment of WakAo who said.
wa huwa qawl SufyAn wakadzAlika naqulu .
hat is the opinion of Sufyan and so we sa.
It is also notable that Ibn Abi Syaiba was among the Companions of hadth who firmly criticized Ab Hanfah, one of the most representative companions of raAoy in Kufa, through the particular part of his Musannaf titled hAdzA ma khAlafa bih Abu Hanfata al-AtsAr alladz JAAoa Aoan rasulillAh sallalahu Aoalayhi wasallama (This 74 Lucas.
AuWhere Are the Legal Auadth?Ay, 312.
75 Scott Lucas.
Constructive Critics.
Hadith Literature, and the Articulation of Sunni Islam (Leiden: Brill, 2.
, 76 Fazlur Rahman.
Islamic Methodology in History (Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1.
, 6.
77 Based on my survey in Musannaf Ibn Abi Syaiba published by Dar Kunuz Isybiliyya .
78 Ibn Abi Syaibah, al-Musannaf.
Vol.
10, 327.
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Musadad is what Abu Hanifa violated the tradition that came from the Messenger of God peace be upon hi.
79 It has been seen that all SufyAnAos personal opinions included in Musannaf of Ibn Abi Syaibah are transmitted through WakAo, not from AoAbd alRazzAq, in spite of the fact that he was the important preserver of numerous SufyanAos In this case.
Ibn Ab Syaibah only mentions him 25 times,80 all of which refer to MaAomarAos transmission containing only two Prophetic traditions.
The collection of Ibn Ab Syaibah implies the shift in the collection of hadth which also means the movement in the orientation behind that.
His new standard of preserving hadth has provided the broader importance as it penetrated the intellectual milieu in al-Andalus.
Thus, the existing edition of this Musannaf was originated from one of his celebrated students, the Andalusian scholar Baq ibn Makhlad al-Qurtub.
Al-Dzahab,82 for instance, has recorded the huge controversy around Baqi who brought the Musannaf of Ibn Ab Syaibah to al-Andalus, contesting the explicit polemic between the companions of hadth and the Malik jurist in al-Andalus.
The high tension in that polemics can be found in Ibn al-FaradiAos account on Asbagh bin Khalil, the Andalusian Malik jurist who said rudely: li an yakuna f tAbut raAosu khinzr ahabbu ilayya min an yakuna f hi musnadu ibn ab syaibah (For the pigAos head in my coffin is more beloved to me than to have the Musnad of Ibn Ab Shaybah in i.
83 For al-Kautsar, this polemic is layered by the unfamiliarity of the Andalusian Mailik jurists with the hadth narrative outside al-Muwatta while Ibn Ab Syaibah draws highly to the scholarship of Kufa and the rest of AoIraqi regions.
84 This view is also reinforced by Muhammad Akmaluddin who Ae in addition to the popularity of al-Muwatta and the deep roots of Malikism Ae also mentions the compatibility of the Islamic religious milieu of al-Andalus with the religious authority of HijAz rather than that of Iraq, which was more complex.
The collection of Ibn Ab Syaibah has after all marked several important preserving traditions outside Hijaz in addition to the stricter limitation to include primarily the first three generations of Islam.
While Musannaf of AoAbd al-RazzAq contains the reports of sunnaic practices in Hijaz.
Ibn Ab SyabahAos is 79 This part is not included in the standard modern edition of Musannaf of Ibn Abi Syaibah.
For the particular publication on this part see Muhammad Zahid al-Kautsari, al-Nukat al-Tarqah: fi al-Tahadduts Aoan Rudd Ibn Ab Syaibah AoalA Ab Hanfah (Kairo: al-Maktabah al-Azhariyyah li al-Turats, 2.
80 Based on my survey in Musannaf of Ibn Abi Syaiba published by Dar Kunuz Isybiliyya .
81 See Ibn Abi Syaibah, al-Musannaf.
Vol.
12, 205.
Vol.
20: 197.
82 al-Dzahabi.
Tarikh al-Islam.
Vol.
20, 315.
83 Ibn al-Faradli.
Tarikh AoUlama al-Andalus (Kairo: Maktabah al-Khanj, 1.
Vol.
1, 94.
84 al-Kautsari, al-Nukat, 3-4.
85 Akmaluddin.
Diskursus Hadis di al-Andalus, 112.
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Articulating the Prophetic Authority: Some Notes.
projected to be the corpus containing materials of the Islamic tradition of the first three generations from the scholarship of Kufa and Basra which was later preserved by one of the most important Andalusian scholars.
It reflects a key point in a phase in which Duderija refers to as the movement of AutraditionalisationAy when hadth emerged as a result of journeys to seek religious knowledge .
in various regions.
Conclusion An examination of the three works in question, particularly in terms of how they define prophetic authority Ae grounded in their conception of hadth and the assumptions and attributes attached to it Ae demonstrates both transformation and continuity.
One can say that MAlik viewed the prophetic past in terms of the articulation that emerged from the practices of the people of Madinah, and for him it was evidence in itself, without having to strictly weigh it against the legitimacy of the hadth, which at that time had only just begun to be narrated.
Prophetic authority in the case of al-Muwatta, which is based on the supremacy of Aoamal, is nothing more than a Auprophetic pastAy that is preserved by practice.
Malik, in this case, can be considered as one of those to disseminate Auembodied authorityAy in religious matters before the mass effort of text-based codification.
However, the view regarding MAlikAos attitude toward hadith as superior to Aoamal, as previously emphasized by the aforementioned scholars, needs to be adequately reframed to avoid essentializing the hadith itself.
QAdi IyAdAos elaboration regarding the Medinan consensus leads us to revisit this opposition narrative that is based on the separation between hadith as transmitted normative reports and AoamalAo as the process of practicing that normative teaching.
In fact, the concept of Aoamal-naqliAo actually embodies the fundamental idea of AUAUwhat would later be called mutawatir itself.
Therefore, there is no need to emphasize this distinction in this case.
The hadith or atsar that Malik is said to have Auset asideAy in favor of Aoamal, should be framed, first and foremost, as khabar ahad.
Furthermore, if it contradicts Aoamal-ijihadi, khabar ahad tends to take precedence.
Later on, the supremacy of Aoamal over hadth did not apply to the same degree in the case of AoAbd al-RazzAq.
Along with the increasingly massive efforts of codification and travel in search of religious knowledge, the case of Mecca during the time of AoAbd al-Razzaq shows the emergence of Autext-basedAy preservation instruments.
This work contains legal and doctrinal issues originating from the tradition of the Prophet to the statement of the authorAos direct teachers, who belonged to the post-Successor generation .
tbAAo al-tAbiAo.
, although al-SanAoAnAos main focus on legal opinions was 86 Duderija.
AuEvolution in the Canonical Sunni adithAy, 405-407.
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Musadad on prominent figures from the tAbiAon generation.
He allegedly recorded or conveyed the traditions from the works of his teachers, followed by the beginning of the decline of personal opinion on Islamic legal issues recorded in the narrative.
This contrasts with the case of Malik, which contained more of the authorAos own opinions.
As in MalikAos case, the hermeneutic distinction between hadth and sunnah is still evident in the case of AoAbd al-Razzaq, except that the latter revealed this from the written works of his teacher, rather than from practice .
as Malik did.
The next case brought about a new shift in which Ibn Abi Shaibah, a figure among companions of hadth who increasingly avoided personal legal opinions from the post-successor generation.
It is in this case that an exclusive privilege for the first three generations of Muslims (Prophet Muhammad, the Companions, and the Successor.
as an authoritative guide can begin to be explained.
On the other hand, hadth began to have a stronger technical nuance as a term Ae compared to the two previous works Ae in which it was equated with religious knowledge (Aoil.
itself and the virtue of seeking hadth is none other than the virtue of seeking religious knowledge itself, a continuation of what has been done by Ibn Srn and Ibn MubArak.
Acknowledgements WriterAos contributions I did this research by myself, from preparing the materials, writing the paper, reviewing, and revising.
Data availability statement There was no sharing of data in this research.
All of the data were analyzed using the independent data analysis method.
Conflict of interest None of the authors of this study has a financial or personal relationship with other people that could inappropriately influence or bias the content of the Funding This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu al-QurAoan dan Hadis 27.
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Articulating the Prophetic Authority: Some Notes.
References