Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Vol. 62, no. 2 (2024), pp. 387-408, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2024.622.387-408

NEGOTIATING SALAFI ISLAM
Responses of Active Muslim Audiences to Hang Radio
in Batam, Indonesia
Imron Rosidi
Sultan Syarif Kasim State Islamic University (UIN), Pekanbaru,
Indonesia
email: imronrosidi@uin-suska.ac.id
Abstract
Salafi groups have garnered a significant urban following in Indonesia.
However, in religiously diverse contexts --particularly urban centers-- the
extent to which Salafi teachings are fully embraced remains uncertain and
often prompts critical engagement. This article investigates how active Muslim
listeners respond to daʻwah programs aired by Hang Radio, a Salafi-affiliated
radio station based in Batam. It argues that these audiences are not passive
recipients but rather active and discerning participants who negotiate the
religious messages they encounter. The study identifies a spectrum of responses:
while some listeners resonate with and adopt Salafi practices, others reject
specific elements of the messaging. Such responses reflect a pattern of critical
engagement, wherein audiences selectively accept or dismiss particular aspects of
the content. The findings indicate that, although Salafi messaging aligns with
urban preferences for clarity, simplicity, and immediacy, listeners nevertheless
engage in interpretive negotiation. This critical stance reflects a broader
communal disposition to maintain continuity with long-established religious
understandings and practices in Batam, which constitute a core dimension of
their religious habitus.

https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/
© 2024
I. Rosidi

ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2338-557X (e)
Al-Jami‘ah Research Centre, Yogyakarta - Indonesia
https://aljamiah.or.id

Imron Rosidi

[Kelompok Salafi telah membangun basis pengikut yang signifikan di
kawasan perkotaan. Namun, dalam konteks yang ditandai oleh keberagaman
keagamaan seperti di wilayah urban, sejauh mana ajaran Salafi dapat
diterima sepenuhnya tetap menjadi pertanyaan dan dapat memicu sikap
kritis dari masyarakat. Artikel ini mengkaji respons pendengar terhadap
program dakwah yang disiarkan oleh Hang Radio, sebuah stasiun radio yang
berafiliasi dengan gerakan Salafi di Batam. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa
para pendengar Muslim Hang Radio bukanlah penerima pasif, melainkan
aktor yang aktif dan kritis dalam menegosiasikan pesan-pesan keagamaan
yang disampaikan. Studi ini menemukan adanya spektrum respons: sebagian
pendengar menunjukkan keterpautan dengan praktik keislaman Salafi
dan menerimanya, sementara yang lain menolak sebagian isi pesan tersebut.
Respons ini mencerminkan keterlibatan kritis, di mana pendengar secara
selektif menerima atau menolak elemen-elemen tertentu dari siaran yang
disuguhkan. Temuan ini mengindikasikan bahwa meskipun pesan-pesan
Salafi sesuai dengan preferensi masyarakat perkotaan yang mengutamakan
kejelasan, kesederhanaan, dan kepraktisan, para pendengar tetap melakukan
negosiasi interpretatif. Sikap kritis ini mencerminkan suatu kecenderungan
komunitas yang berakar pada keinginan untuk tetap konsisten dengan
pemahaman dan praktik keagamaan yang telah mereka bangun selama
bertahun-tahun di Batam, yang menjadi bagian integral dari habitus mereka.]
Keywords: radio audience, Hang Radio, Salafi Islam, Batam.
A. Introduction
In recent years, the Salafi movement has experienced significant
growth in Indonesia, particularly following the fall of Suharto’s regime.
This development signals a new trend in Islamic activism, marked by a
distinct identity and a return to what adherents consider “pure Islam,”
as practiced by the salaf al-ṣāliḥ (the pious predecessors).1 According
to Hasan, the rapid expansion of Salafism in Indonesia began in the
mid-1980s, when Indonesian Muslims increasingly engaged with Salafi
daʻwah, exhibiting distinct markers such as growing long beards and
wearing turbans.2
Dady Hidayat, “Gerakan Dakwah Salafi di Indonesia pada Era Reformasi”,
Jurnal Sosiologi Masyarakat, vol. 17, no 2 (2012), pp. 115-33.
2
Noorhaidi Hasan, “The Salafi Movement in Indonesia: Transnational Dynamics
and Local Development”, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East,
vol. 27, no. 1 (2007), pp. 83-94.
1

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Negotiating Salafi Islam

As the movement evolved, Salafi Islam began to utilize mass media
including radio and television to disseminate its teachings.3 Among these,
radio has played a central role in promoting a puritanical interpretation
of Islam that challenges prevailing modern values and societal norms.4
Salafi groups, in their outreach strategy, have embraced media platforms
to extend their influence.5 Through radio, they advocate an Arab-like
appearance --men grow beards, wear turbans, and keep their trousers
above the ankles; women wear the full-body veil (niqāb).6 This media
engagement has enabled Salafi Islam to transcend geographic boundaries
and reach diverse audiences, facilitating the widespread dissemination of
its doctrinal messages.
The use of media has also allowed Salafi preachers to organize
and mobilize followers, delivering sermons, offering religious guidance,
and maintaining consistent communication with audiences. This strategy
strengthens a sense of community and solidifies followers’ commitment
to the movement. Additionally, the radio medium enables Salafi Islam
to counter competing religious narratives, particularly the discourse of
moderate Islam that has long dominated Indonesia’s Islamic landscape.7
This alternative perspective appeals to individuals who feel disenchanted
with mainstream interpretations and seek a more conservative, scripturalist
approach to Islam.
Amid this landscape, Hang Radio --based in Batam-- emerges as a
key Salafi-affiliated broadcaster. As a platform that promotes a return to
what it considers the most authentic form of Islam, Hang Radio plays
a significant role in shaping listeners’ religious perspectives. However,
being an active Muslim listener of Hang Radio entails navigating and
negotiating Salafi tenets within the complexities of contemporary media
consumption. This process demands critical thinking and an effort to
Sunarwoto, “Radio Fatwa: Tanya-Jawab Programmes on Radio Dakwah”,
Al-Jāmi’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 50, no.2 (2012), pp. 239-78.
4
Ayang Utriza Yakin, “Salafi Dakwah and the Dissemination of Islamic
Puritanism in Indonesia: A Case Study of the Radio of Rodja”, Ulumuna, vol. 22, no.
2 (2018), pp. 205-36.
5
Sunaryanto, Sofyan Rizal, and Edi Mulyono, “Reading the Ideology of Salafi
Da’wah: Media Technology Perspective”, Analisis: Jurnal Studi Keislaman, vol. 23, no. 1
(2023), pp. 21-46.
6
Ahmad Bunyan Wahib, “Being Pious Among Indonesian Salafists”, Al-Jāmi’ah:
Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 55, no.1 (2017), pp. 1-26.
7
Toto Suharto, “Indonesianisasi Islam: Penguatan Islam Moderat dalam
Lembaga Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia”, Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam, vol. 17, no.
1 (2017), pp. 155-78.
3

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reconcile these teachings with one’s own religious background and
traditions. There is no linear, cause-and-effect relationship between
Salafi radio broadcasts and listener acceptance. Rather, listeners actively
interpret these messages. Drawing on cultural studies, scholars such as
Barker,8 Ang,9 and Storey10 argue that media audiences are not passive
consumers but active agents of meaning-making. This study adopts that
perspective, contending that Muslim listeners of Hang Radio engage
critically and selectively with the messages they encounter.
The reception of Salafi teachings is therefore multifaceted.11 Not
all listeners readily embrace the Salafi values broadcast via radio, despite
the movement’s emphasis on restoring the Prophet’s traditions. These
dynamics raise critical questions about how listeners negotiate the content
they receive. Accordingly, this study asks: How do Muslim listeners
respond to and interpret the messages of Hang Radio, and to what extent
does their Islamic background inform these responses? While daʻwah
media have become more prominent, scholarly research on audience
reception, particularly that of Muslim listeners to Salafi radio, remains
limited.12 Existing studies tend to focus on daʻwah content rather than
how it is received and negotiated.
This article addresses that gap by exploring how Hang Radio
listeners filter Salafi messages and how their interpretations reflect broader
trends in Indonesia’s shifting Islamic landscape, especially in light of the
growing popularity of platforms such as Radio Rodja and Rodja TV.13
8

2000).

Chriss Barker, Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice (London: SAGE Publications,

Ien Ang, Desperately Seeking the Audience (London: Routledge, 1991).
John Storey, Cultural Studies and the Study of Popular Culture (Edinburg: Edinburgh
University Press, 2003).
11
Imron Rosidi, “Being Active Muslim Audiences: Reception of Thai Films in
Indonesia”, Media Asia, vol. 48, no. 4 (2021), pp.1-13.
12
See Sunarwoto, “Salafi Dakwah Radio: A Contest for Religious Authority”,
Archipel, vol. 91 (2016), p. 203; Din Wahid and Jamhari Makruf, Suara Salafisme Radio
Dakwah di Indonesia (Jakarta: Kencana, 2017); Chris Chaplin, “Salafi Activism and the
Promotion of a Modern Muslim Identity: Evolving Mediums of Da’wa amongst
Yogyakartan University Students”, South East Asia Research, vol. 26, no. 1 (2018), pp.
3–20; Tasman, “Radio Rodja: Kontestasi Ideologi Salafi di Ranah Siaran”, Dakwah:
Jurnal Kajian Dakwah dan Kemasyarakatan, vol. 22, no. 2 (2018), pp. 151-77; Zaki Islami,
“Fenomena Dakwah di Kalangan Salafi: Studi Fenomenologi Dakwah Salaf Ustadz
Abu Haidar As-Sundawy di Radio Tarbiyah Sunnah 1476 AM Kota Bandung”, PhD.
Thesis (Bandung: UIN Sunan Gunung Djati, 2019).
13
Canra Krisna Jaya, “Komunitarianisasi Dakwah Melalui Radio Salafi: Studi
Kasus Radio Rodja 756 AM”, PhD. Thesis (Jakarta: Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif
9

10

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The research is based on three months of qualitative fieldwork conducted
from July to October 2020 in Batam, Indonesia. Sixteen informants were
selected using purposive sampling. One is the owner of Hang Radio,
while the remaining fifteen are the regular listeners. Participants were
chosen based on three main criteria: (1) regular engagement with Hang
Radio programming, verified through self-reported listening habits; (2) a
strong foundation in Islamic education, primarily through attendance at
madrasa or pesantren; and (3) gender balance seven women and nine men
were interviewed. The higher number of male participants is attributable
to their greater access to radio during commutes.14
Interviews, which typically lasted two to three hours, were
conducted in informal settings --often inside participants’ cars while
listening to Hang Radio-- creating an environment conducive to candid
reflections. Follow-up conversations were conducted where clarification
was needed. This study adopts a reception analysis approach, examining
listeners’ lived experiences and how they shape the construction of
meaning.15 Two key insights emerge: first, radio audiences are far from
homogeneous. Their diverse educational and cultural backgrounds
lead to variation in how Salafi messages are understood. Second, these
listeners are not passive. Equipped with sufficient religious knowledge,
they critically engage with the content, filtering it through their own
interpretive frameworks.
B. Batam, the Rise of Salafi Islam, and Hang Radio
Batam is an industrial city strategically located approximately 21
kilometers south of Singapore, and roughly two-thirds its size. This
proximity has shaped Batam’s urban development, with infrastructure
designed to attract Singaporean visitors. With a ferry journey of less than
an hour, many Singaporeans travel to Batam for leisure and various other
activities.16 Batam’s transformation into an industrial hub accelerated
during Indonesia’s New Order era, when it was designated as a special
Hidayatullah, 2019), p. 2.
14
Meilani Dhamayanti, “Pemanfaatan Media Radio di Era Digital”, Jurnal Ranah
Komunikasi, vol. 3, no. 2 (2019), pp. 82-9.
15
Tri Hastuti Nur R., “Reception Analysis: Menjadi ‘Islam’ di Televisi Karena
Tuntutan Profesi”, in Religi Siap Saji: Pentas Agama di Layar Kaca, ed. by Ratna Noviani
(Yogyakarta: Bursa Ilmu, 2012).
16
Stephen A. Royle, “Industrialisation in Indonesia: The Example of Batam
Island”, Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, vol. 18, no. 1 (1997), pp. 89-98.

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administrative region (Daerah Otorita Batam) under the leadership of then
Minister of Research and Technology, B.J. Habibie. The promise of
employment opportunities has drawn large numbers of migrants from
Java, Sumatra, and other regions, resulting in a highly heterogeneous
population with diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds.
Among these migrants are devout Muslims striving to preserve
their piety amid the commercial and industrial pressures of the city. In
such an environment, Salafi teachings have gained a foothold, gradually
reshaping Batam’s public identity.17 Islam in Batam is represented by
multiple organizations, most notably Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), along with
Muhammadiyah, Persis, Tablighi Jamaat, Misykatul Anwar, Majlis Tafsir
Al-Qur’an, and groups affiliated with Shia and Salafi Islam.18 In recent
years, Salafi groups have attracted growing attention, particularly from
urban Muslims seeking moral clarity and solutions to social problems.
Salafi daʻwah frames these challenges as rooted in a failure to adhere fully
to the Qur’an and Sunnah,19 and promotes a return to “pure” Islam as
practiced during the Prophet Muhammad’s time.
Salafi teachings appeal to many urban Muslims due to their rigidity,
clarity, and distinct rituals, which clearly differentiate Islam from nonIslamic elements. In fast-paced urban life, where religious identity often
risks dilution, Salafi daʻwah offers a firm and unambiguous framework.
Moreover, Batam’s exposure to global cultural flows especially from
neighboring Singapore, often viewed as a symbol of Western modernity
has prompted some Muslims to embrace Salafi Islam as a countercultural
stance. For adherents, the purification of tawḥīd (the oneness of God) is
essential, seen as the key to restoring Islamic authority and dignity once
held during the caliphates.20 This resistance to Western influence extends
to the rejection of concepts such as democracy, which Salafi doctrine
considers incompatible with Islamic principles.21
Another hallmark of Salafi propagation is its rejection of local
Media Zainul Bahri, “‘Islamisme Terselubung’ versus Moderat Islam:
Mencermati Geliat Radio-Radio Dakwah di Batam”, in Suara Salafisme: Radio Dakwah di
Indonesia, ed. by Din Wahid and Jamhari Makruf (Jakarta: Prenada Media Group, 2017).
18
Ibid.
19
Ahmad Bunyan Wahib, “Dakwah Salafi: Dari Teologi Puritan sampai Anti
Politik”, Media Syari’ah: Wahana Kajian Hukum Islam dan Pranata Sosial, vol. 13, no. 2
(2011), pp. 147-61.
20
Natana J. Delong-Bas, Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 9.
21
Bahri, “Islamisme Terselubung”.
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religious traditions perceived as innovations (bidʻah), such as the selametan,
a communal feast closely associated with NU-affiliated communities.
Interestingly, Salafi criticisms of such rituals have resonated with
segments of Batam’s Muslim population. Two key factors contribute to
this receptivity. First, many urban Muslims view rituals like selametan as
economically burdensome; while Salafi critiques focus on religious purity,
the community often aligns with them for pragmatic reasons. Second,
Batam’s urban social orientation tends to favor individualism and privacy
over communal religious practices, making Salafi daʻwah more congruent
with the evolving spiritual preferences of the urban middle class.
Taken together, these dynamics have fostered a growing receptivity
to Salafi Islam in Batam, driven by resistance to non-Islamic influences,
critical reassessment of local traditions, and evolving urban religiosities.
Within this shifting landscape, Hang Radio has emerged as a key public
platform for articulating and disseminating Salafi Islam in the city.
Established in 2002, Hang Radio is located at the First City Complex in
Batam Center Mall. In its early years, the station operated with only four
employees and was not initially founded as a daʻwah station. Like many
urban radio outlets at the time, its programming centered around pop
music and youth-oriented entertainment. However, financial struggles
in the early 2000s marked a critical turning point. Prompted by a donor
who encouraged a religious reorientation, the owner interpreting the
financial crisis as divine admonition decided to redirect the station’s
mission toward Islamic daʻwah.
This transformation reflects a broader trend in which Islamic
charitable organizations play an active role in promoting Salafi influence
by supporting media infrastructure.22 Although the station retained the
name “Hang Radio,” referencing Malay cultural icons such as Hang
Tuah and Hang Jebat, its content underwent a complete ideological
overhaul to reflect Islamic principles. Since its conversion into a daʻwah
station, it has expanded to a nine-member staff and achieved greater
financial stability, not through commercial revenue but through voluntary
contributions from individuals committed to Islamic preaching. The
station’s sustainability is thus not attributed to profit-oriented motives,
but to collective religious dedication. Within this ethos, success in daʻwah
is perceived as a spiritual, not material, accomplishment --its endurance
Jajang Jahroni, “Saudi Arabia Charity and the Institutionalization of Indonesian
Salafism”, Al-Jāmi’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 58, no.1 (2020), pp. 35-62.
22

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regarded as a sign of divine favor.23
Hang Radio is situated in the heart of Batam’s commercial center,
symbolizing a distinctive convergence between Islamic mission and
capitalist space. Surrounded by shops and commercial bustle, the station
functions as both a critique of secular consumerism and a pragmatic
participant in it. From this juxtaposition emerges a unique daʻwah strategy
using the urban marketplace as a launchpad for religious outreach. Guided
by its vision of “Becoming a Professional and Leading Islamic Daʻwah
Radio,” the station commits to “development, education, and community
service” through religious programming aimed at cultivating a virtuous
Muslim society capable of engaging the modern world. Positioning
itself as an alternative to mainstream secular media, Hang Radio offers
programming rooted in Salafi Islam. Its structured religious messages are
intended to foster moral transformation and reinforce Islamic orthodoxy
in an increasingly modern and secular urban environment. Like other
Salafi media platforms, it reflects a strategic use of mass communication
to expand doctrinal influence.24
The content of Hang Radio’s daʻwah programs is shaped by Salafi
theological perspectives. In its early phase, religious lectures focused
heavily on core doctrines such as tawḥīd (monotheism), bidʻah (innovation),
kufr (disbelief), and heresy. However, over time, partly in response to
criticism from other Islamic groups objecting to exclusionary rhetoric, the
station gradually adopted a more moderated and conciliatory tone. This
shift indicates an effort to engage a broader and more diverse Muslim
audience while retaining its Salafi orientation.25 Amid the broader urban
and religious landscape of Batam, Hang Radio emerges not merely as
a broadcaster of Salafi teachings, but as a dynamic site where religious
messages are contested, negotiated, and rearticulated by its listeners.
C. Negotiating Salafi Islam of Hang Radio
Salafi Islam is not a foreign phenomenon for many Muslims in
Batam. Its practices have become an established part of the city’s religious
landscape. One of the most recognizable markers of Salafi identity is
distinctive dress that resembles traditional Arab attire --white robes, short
Interview with Zen Alatas, Hang Radio, on 8 July 2020.
Nurhaya Muchtar and Jeffrey A. Ritchey, “Preaching, Community and
Convergence: Use of Old and New Media by Progressive Indonesian Islamic Leaders”,
International Communication Gazette, vol. 76, no. 4-5 (2014), pp. 360-76.
25
Bahri, “Islamisme Terselubung”.
23

24

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trousers (celana cingkrang), and beards-- serving as visible expressions
of doctrinal adherence. However, for many Batam residents, outward
appearance alone is not a cause for concern. Salafi followers are often
respected and granted freedom to practice their beliefs, provided they
do not disrupt or interfere with the practices of others.
While belief in Salafi ideology is not inherently perceived as
threatening, the movement’s daʻwah practices have often been contentious,
especially when preachers denounce other Muslim traditions as bidʻah
(heretical innovations). A notable example is the recitation of Surah Yasin,
a widely observed ritual among Muslims in Batam, which has frequently
been condemned as bidʻah on Hang Radio. These denunciations sparked
public backlash, culminating in two major protests. On 17 January 2014,
demonstrators gathered in front of Hang Radio demanding its closure.
A second, larger protest followed on 22 January 2014, reiterating calls to
shut down the station over its divisive rhetoric.26 In response to public
outcry, Hang Radio has since moderated its tone, and explicit references
to heresy have been significantly reduced.
This tonal shift reflects a strategic attempt to avoid further
unrest, signaling greater caution in how religious content is articulated.
Nevertheless, as a platform aligned with Salafi ideology, not all preachers
on Hang Radio conform to the station owner’s call for restraint. In 2015,
one preacher ridiculed Muslims who revered the Barzanji, a devotional
text honoring the Prophet Muhammad often recited at postnatal
celebrations and other communal events. Although the Barzanji holds
spiritual value for many, it is not regarded as doctrinally equivalent to the
Qur’an. The preacher’s assertion that the text was “impure” provoked
public indignation, given the deep-rooted nature of the tradition across
generations.
This incident revealed an important dynamic: listeners are generally
tolerant of Salafi preaching, so long as it refrains from directly criticizing
established traditions. As long as Salafi preachers do not condemn
practices that listeners consider meaningful, coexistence remains possible.
Moreover, Hang Radio maintains a following through religious programs
that resonate more broadly, such as its murattal (Qur’anic recitation)
broadcasts. This program elicits appreciation from a wide spectrum of
Muslim listeners and serves as a common ground that transcends sectarian
boundaries. The practice of Qur’anic recitation is universally honored
across Islamic traditions, offering tranquility and spiritual elevation
26

Ibid.

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irrespective of ideological orientation.
While Hang Radio promotes a vision of Islam grounded in
Salafi orthodoxy, its messages do not circulate in a vacuum; rather, they
are actively received, interpreted, and at times resisted by a religiously
diverse urban audience. Listeners do not accept all preaching uncritically.
For many, the content of some sermons diverges from their lived
religious experiences. Demonstrations against Hang Radio underscore
how listeners actively negotiate religious meanings rather than absorb
them wholesale. As Askew observes, media audiences retain agency
in interpretation; meaning is not dictated unilaterally by broadcasters.27
Listeners of Hang Radio come from a range of educational backgrounds,
including graduates of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren), which equip
them with the theological literacy necessary to evaluate religious content
critically. These individuals exemplify an engaged audience, one that
filters, contests, and interprets daʻwah messages within their own spiritual
frameworks.
One segment of Hang Radio’s audience comprises individuals
affiliated with traditionalist Islamic organizations whose religious practices
are deeply interwoven with local cultural traditions.28 For these listeners,
Hang Radio is not regarded as a primary source of religious authority,
but rather as a comparative reference point. They critically engage with
its content, juxtaposing Salafi interpretations with Islamic teachings
inherited through family lineages, local institutions, and communal norms.
Rather than adopting Salafi views wholesale, these listeners filter the
broadcasts selectively, embracing only those ideas that align with their
longstanding religious understandings. This critical stance emerges from
the doctrinal contrast between Salafism’s purist, scripturalist approach and
the syncretic, community-based Islam that characterizes many Indonesian
contexts. In this regard, such audiences exemplify a negotiated reception
of media-based daʻwah, wherein Salafi messaging is refracted through
local interpretive logics.
Nevertheless, not all Hang Radio content is rejected. Programs such
as the murattal segments are widely appreciated, even by those outside the
Kelly Askew, “Introduction”, in Anthropology of Media: A Reader, ed. by Kelly
Askew and Richard R. Wilk (Massachusets and Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2002).
28
Martin van Bruinessen, “Pesantren and Kitab Kuning: Maintenance and
Continuation of a Tradition of Religious Learning” in Texts from the Islands: Oral and
Written Traditions of Indonesia and the Malay World, ed. by Wolfgang Marschal (Berne:
University of Berne, 1994).
27

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Salafi orientation. These broadcasts are perceived as spiritually uplifting
and more desirable than secular or high-tempo music. For listeners
burdened by economic pressures and daily routines, the tranquil rhythms
of Qur’anic recitation offer both emotional relief and spiritual reward.
Indeed, the murattal program serves as a rare point of convergence across
diverse religious identities. Listeners often engage with it while driving or
attending to everyday activities, underscoring the notion that Hang Radio’s
broadcasts are not entirely dismissed by non-Salafi groups. While Salafi
audiences may view the murattal merely as an interlude between doctrinal
teachings, others experience it as the station’s most valuable offering.
From a managerial perspective, Hang Radio prohibits musical or
entertainment programming, defining religious recitation as its primary
mode of spiritual engagement. Entertainment, in this context, is narrowly
conceived as that which draws one closer to God. Music and popular
culture are perceived as distractions and as by-products of a capitalist
culture motivated by profit and devoid of spiritual nourishment.29
Instead, Hang Radio positions the Qur’an itself as the highest form of
entertainment, capable of fulfilling both religious and emotional needs.
This redefinition challenges dominant models of cultural production and
consumption, offering an alternative rooted in Islamic piety.
This spiritual logic also permeates Hang Radio’s religious questionand-answer programs, where listeners seek guidance on navigating
modern life within an Islamic framework. The authority of responses
is largely contingent on their grounding in scriptural sources, namely,
the Qur’an and Hadith. Given the complexity of contemporary social
issues, audiences tend to favor guidance that is both theologically rigorous
and pragmatically applicable. One such issue is the permissibility of
bank interest (ribā), which sits at the intersection of Islamic legal ethics
and modern financial systems. While Hang Radio’s preachers generally
prohibit ribā, some listeners challenge this stance, arguing that interestbased transactions can be acceptable if they do not exploit either party.
This highlights the plurality of interpretations even among those who
regularly engage with Salafi programming.
Recognizing these dynamics, Hang Radio’s management exercises
editorial oversight to avoid inflammatory rhetoric. Sermons that include
absolute truth claims --particularly those branding alternative Islamic
views as bidʻah or even kufr-- are closely monitored to prevent alienating
audiences or sparking unrest. The station’s cautious moderation reflects a
29

Interview with Zen Alatas on 10 September 2020.

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broader awareness of the sociopolitical risks posed by takfīrī discourses,
which has historical association with figures like Sayyid Qutb and the
ideological trajectory of political Salafism.30
Despite these tensions, many listeners maintain a continued
relationship with Hang Radio. Disagreements with certain teachings
do not necessarily lead to disengagement. Instead, listeners often
adopt a selective approach: agreeing, for instance, with the practice of
individual duʻā’ as recommended by Salafi preachers, while rejecting more
controversial rulings such as the prohibition of bank interest.31 This
pragmatism reflects a broader shift in urban religious engagement, where
doctrinal fidelity is mediated by personal conviction and social context.
Several informants in this study identified with Nahdlatul Ulama
(NU), a traditionalist Islamic organization. Their affiliation, often rooted
in family heritage and pesantren education, did not always translate into
full observance of NU rituals. Many expressed a desire to find religious
practices that felt more authentic or relevant to their lived experiences.
For example, Hang Radio’s critiques of tahlilan (ritual prayer ceremonies
for the deceased) and Surah Yāsīn recitations resonated with some
informants who viewed these traditions as financially burdensome.32 In
this way, Salafi daʻwah provides alternative interpretations that are not
necessarily accepted in totality but are appropriated based on relevance
and practicality.
Critical listeners of Hang Radio contend that its preaching
broadcasts often diverge from their own religious knowledge and lived
practices. A recurring critique is the perceived conflation between
Islamic teachings and Arab cultural expressions. The frequent use of
Arabic personal pronouns such as antum and ana in broadcasts is viewed
as a reflection of this confusion. Similarly, the rejection of religious
commemorations, such as the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, is seen not
as grounded in Islamic orthodoxy but as stemming from cultural norms
particular to Arab societies. For many Indonesian Muslims, the absence
of such practices in the Arab world does not constitute valid grounds
for dismissing them within the Indonesian context.33
Noorhaidi Hasan, “Ideologi, Identitas, dan Ekonomi Politik Kekerasan:
Mencari Model Solusi Mengatasi Ancaman Radikalisme dan Terorisme di Indonesia”
Prisma: Majalah Pemikiran Sosial Ekonomi, vol. 29, 2010, p.10.
31
Interview with Agus Fahmi on 8 September 2020.
32
Interview with Irsyadi on 9 September 2020.
33
Interview with Pandu on 9 September 2020.
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Nevertheless, listeners’ engagement with Salafi daʻwah via Hang
Radio contributes significantly to the deepening of personal piety.
Drawing on Fealy’s analysis, this phenomenon reflects a broader shift
in Muslim societies from Islamisation, the institutional imposition of
Islamic law, toward Muslimisation, where emphasis is placed on individual
observance and spirituality.34 Yet, this pursuit of piety does not occur
uncritically. Listeners remain selective in their engagement, filtering
content that resonates with their prior religious understanding while
disregarding discordant elements.
Hang Radio’s audiences are exposed to an ecosystem of religious
knowledge beyond the station itself. They regularly attend sermons at
local mosques, engage with televised daʻwah programs, and consume
Islamic content circulated via digital platforms such as WhatsApp and
Facebook. These multiple and often competing sources of religious
discourse serve as a comparative framework through which listeners
evaluate and reconstruct their understanding of Islam. Far from being
passive recipients, they emerge as discerning agents who navigate a
pluralistic media environment.
These everyday interactions with Salafi media content --be it
acceptance, rejection, or reinterpretation-- reflect not only theological
considerations but also deeper patterns of religious habitus shaped by
social environment and prior knowledge. The dynamic interplay between
media content and individual interpretation resonates strongly with Pierre
Bourdieu’s theory of habitus. Listeners demonstrate religious habitus
not merely through ritual practice but through their selective, reflexive
consumption of religious media. Their engagement with Hang Radio is
shaped by broader social structures --networks of family, education, and
community-- that shape both the availability and legitimacy of religious
knowledge. Daily interactions with mosque-based preachers, televised
sermons, and peer-shared digital content collectively construct a religious
field in which listeners position themselves.
Ultimately, this reveals the complex and negotiated nature of
religious reception in urban Islamic contexts. The influence of Salafi
preaching, as disseminated through Hang Radio, is real but never
monolithic or uncontested. Audiences navigate these messages in light
Greg Fealy, “Consuming Islam: Commodified Religion and Aspirational
Pietism in Contemporary Indonesia”, in Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in
Indonesia, ed. by Greg Fealy and Sally White (Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2008), pp.
15-39.
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of their own theological understandings and socio-economic conditions,
illustrating the limits of ideological transmission in religious media.
D. Listening as Religious Quest
Salafi listeners engage with Hang Radio broadcasts not merely for
information, but as a means of deepening their understanding of what
they consider the true teachings of Islam. For them, listening to Hang
Radio constitutes a spiritual activity, an act of worship in itself, where the
pursuit of religious knowledge is intertwined with devotional practice.35
This redefines the traditional role of radio. While mainstream audiences
may regard radio primarily as a source of entertainment or news, Hang
Radio’s loyal listeners ascribe a sacred function to the medium. They view
it not simply as a communication tool, but as a platform for religious
learning and spiritual refinement, a conduit through which they access
authoritative Islamic teachings36 and feel a heightened sense of closeness
to God. In this context, the preacher’s voice is more than mere audio
content; it is a trusted guide that shapes listeners’ convictions and
religious practices. Thus, Hang Radio operates not only as a medium of
transmission but as a religious lifeline, playing a central role in sustaining
faith and mediating a personal relationship with the divine.
The authority of radio as a religious medium lies in its capacity to
serve as a consistent point of reference for shaping listeners’ religious
behavior. It functions not merely as a technological instrument for
disseminating information, but as a vital channel for acquiring religious
knowledge and reinforcing spiritual discipline. For Salafi listeners in
particular, engaging with religious broadcasts represents a form of
intentional learning, an ongoing process of seeking clarity, correction, and
reaffirmation in their understanding of Islam. The teachings disseminated
through radio are regarded as reliable instructions for how to live in
accordance with Salafi principles. These messages are not received as
abstract theological insights, but as actionable guidance that listeners
endeavor to apply in daily life. Practicing Salafi Islam is viewed as an
ongoing commitment requiring correction, repetition, and affirmation

Masduki, Akh. Muzakki, Imron Rosidi and Toni Hartono, “Islam on the Air:
The Struggle for Salafism through Radio in Indonesia”, Indonesian Journal of Islam and
Muslim Societies, vol. 12, no. 1 (2021), pp. 59-84.
36
Sunarwoto, “Salafi Dakwah Radio”.
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--needs for which radio becomes an indispensable companion.37 While
religious books and mosque-based teachings offer foundational
knowledge, listeners often turn to radio broadcasts to supplement and
validate these sources. As individuals grow older and memory becomes
more fragile, the repetitive nature of radio preaching becomes even more
valuable, offering rhythmic reinforcement that maintains doctrinal clarity.
In this way, radio serves both as a teacher and as a spiritual companion
in the lifelong journey of religious devotion.
Listening to Hang Radio, then, constitutes an active and
participatory form of religious engagement. Listeners consciously direct
their spiritual attention to deepen their understanding of Islam. Beyond
offering static content, Hang Radio facilitates active learning through
interactive segments, particularly question-and-answer sessions, that
address challenges encountered by its audience in applying Salafi teachings.
These interactions not only provide doctrinal clarity but reinforce the
station’s status as a legitimate source of religious authority. Responses
anchored in the Qur’an and hadith allow listeners to translate knowledge
into practice, thereby strengthening their Salafi identity. The specificity
and relevance of the answers, tailored to real-life concerns and delivered
by preachers well-versed in scriptural sources, enhance the program’s
credibility and educational impact. Ultimately, the question-and-answer
platform functions as both an instructive and identity-affirming space,
anchoring listeners to a text-centered Islamic worldview.
In a parallel dynamic, active listeners sustain the continuity of Hang
Radio not only as consumers of religious content but also as financial
supporters. Several devoted listeners, particularly those with sufficient
means, contribute substantial donations --ranging from hundreds of
thousands to millions of rupiah-- to support the station’s broadcasting
operations. This pattern of giving exceeds mere charitable generosity;
it reflects a profound sense of ownership and commitment to the
Salafi mission championed by Hang Radio. Such financial contributions
underscore a reciprocal relationship, wherein religious alignment inspires
material investment. As a result, the ongoing existence and influence of
Salafi broadcasting platforms like Hang Radio are not solely sustained
through institutional resources but are also empowered by grassroots
participation. Listener contributions thus serve as an implicit endorsement
Sunarwoto, “Dakwah Radio in Surakarta: A Contest for Islamic Identity”, in
Islam in Indonesia: Contrasting Images and Interpretations, ed. by Jajat Burhanudin and Kees
van Dijk (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2013), pp. 195–214.
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of the station’s legitimacy and the resonance of its message within the
Salafi community.
The sacralization of radio as a spiritual medium is also rooted in
the religious vision of Hang Radio’s founder, who interprets the station’s
management as an act of worship. This theological framing extends to its
listeners, many of whom regard tuning in to Hang Radio not as passive
reception but as a deliberate form of piety. Within this framework,
listening transcends the binary of entertainment and education; it
becomes a spiritually significant activity oriented toward divine devotion.
For these listeners, worship is not limited to canonical rituals such as
prayer, fasting, or almsgiving,38 but encompasses a wide array of everyday
acts performed with intention. Thus, the act of listening to religious
broadcasts becomes a purposeful engagement with sacred knowledge,
reinforcing the integration of religious practice into daily life. In doing
so, broadcasters and audiences co-construct a religious experience that
bridges the sacred and the mundane, positioning Hang Radio as a central
instrument in the continuous cultivation of Islamic piety.
Moreover, Salafi listeners play a critical role in maintaining the
continuity of Hang Radio’s daʻwah broadcasts. Their engagement
surpasses mere listenership and includes direct material support during
periods of financial difficulty. When the station issues a call for donations,
loyal audiences respond with concrete contributions manifesting not
only loyalty, but a sense of religious responsibility. Their financial and
emotional investment signifies a form of faith-based activism grounded
in shared ideological conviction. These active listeners do not treat
broadcasts as abstract teachings but interpret them as personal calls
to ethical and spiritual action. Listening becomes a moral discipline, a
vehicle for self-transformation anchored in Islamic ideals. In essence,
their participation is both devotional and instrumental; it affirms religious
identity while sustaining the very platform that nourishes it.
Active listening, moreover, entails the dissemination of Hang
Radio’s teachings beyond the confines of the broadcast. Listeners often
act as transmitters of religious knowledge within their social circles,
forwarding sermons and key messages to friends and relatives via
platforms like WhatsApp and Facebook. This participatory behavior
aligns with scholarship on religious media consumption, which
underscores the role of audiences as co-producers of religious authority.
Muhsin Mahfuz, “Social Dimensions of Ibadah in the Qur’an”, Jurnal Diskursus
Islam, vol. 10, no. 1 (2022), pp. 57–67.
38

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The continuous circulation of Salafi messages across digital networks
fosters a vibrant religious culture in which listeners not only consume
but also amplify and contextualize religious teachings. Through such
practices, they reinforce communal identity and extend Hang Radio’s
reach beyond its scheduled programming and geographic boundaries.
In addition, Hang Radio broadcasts serve as a framework for
confirming and legitimizing listeners’ existing religious worldviews. For
many, “true Islam” is understood as the tradition they have adhered to
for years, now affirmed and revalidated through Salafi daʻwah. The radio
does not merely offer new knowledge it provides theological justification
for practices already embedded in the personal histories of its audience. In
this regard, Hang Radio functions as both a pedagogical and legitimizing
force. The Salafi Islam it promotes strengthens pre-existing commitments
while enhancing the internal consistency of individual religiosity. This
illustrates how media-based religious authority can revitalize faith, solidify
identity, and sustain long-term commitment within Salafi-oriented
communities.
E. Concluding Remarks
The mode of daʻwah advanced by Salafi groups corresponds
closely with the communicative preferences of urban societies, which
emphasize immediacy, clarity, and unambiguous messaging. Nevertheless,
in the context of Batam, such alignment does not necessarily translate
into widespread acceptance of the messages conveyed. Hang Radio, a
prominent platform for disseminating Islamic teachings affiliated with
the Salafi movement, has elicited a mixed reception from its audience. A
significant portion of listeners demonstrate a critical engagement with
the content, selectively embracing messages that align with their personal
understanding of Islam while approaching others with skepticism or
outright rejection. This pattern of selective engagement is influenced in
part by the educational foundations of the audience, particularly those
shaped by experiences in madrasah and pesantren settings. These listeners
actively interpret and negotiate religious messages, exercising agency in
the evaluation of broadcasted content.
The presence of alternative sources of Islamic knowledge --such as
pesantren affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Muhammadiyah-owned
radio stations, and other digital and institutional platforms-- plays a crucial
role in counterbalancing the influence of Salafi ideology in Batam. These
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competing narratives contribute to the dynamic formation of religious
identity by offering listeners diverse reference points through which
to assess the content aired by Hang Radio. Although Salafi teachings
disseminated through the station aim to expand their ideological reach,
listeners possess the capacity to scrutinize, negotiate, and, when necessary,
resist those teachings. This evaluative process is deeply embedded in a
religious habitus cultivated over years of exposure to various Islamic
traditions. Through this lens, listeners juxtapose Salafi discourses with
their pre-existing epistemological frameworks and beliefs.
Conversely, for devout adherents of Salafi Islam, Hang Radio is
regarded not merely as a channel of communication but as a legitimate
source of religious authority. For this audience segment, the station serves
as a primary reference point in addressing day-to-day religious concerns.
The guidance offered is not only accepted but often implemented
directly, underscoring the station’s role in reinforcing the religious identity
and practical comportment of its loyal listeners. The authority of the
preachers featured on Hang Radio is further legitimized by the listeners’
perception of their voices as both authoritative and authentic.
This authority is additionally sustained through active listener
participation. Far from being passive recipients, loyal followers contribute
significantly to the station’s continuity, particularly in periods of financial
strain, by offering monetary donations. Such acts reflect a profound sense
of ownership and responsibility toward the station’s mission. Beyond
financial support, these listeners also engage in the reproduction of Hang
Radio’s daʻwah by disseminating its content within their social networks,
often via digital platforms. This participatory dissemination illustrates
their self-identification as agents of the station’s broader religious mission.
Consequently, the long-term viability of Hang Radio’s daʻwah efforts is
inextricably linked to the enthusiasm and dedication of its support base. A
decline in such support would pose a significant challenge to the station’s
continued function as a medium for the propagation of Salafi Islam.

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